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Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, March 10, 1864, Image 2

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NATION A I, INTELLIGENCER.
'1HE KLOlilUA UISlSl'l.K
We have not thought it necessary to ?dd our
voice to swell the universal expression of the pub
lic press against the policy which dictated the late
inNignificant campaign iu Florida, which has just
come to such a disastrous end. We have so re
peatedly deplored the segregation of our foroesand
their employment in expeditions that, even if suc
cessful, oan oonduct to no permanent or decisive
results, that we feel it would be a waste of words
to re-enforce our views under this hiad. And the
calamity which has just befallen our arms in the
pursuit of this policy by the present military ad
ministration of the country may ptrhaj-.s he said
to dispense with the neoessity of pointing aDy
moral at the present time against this huckstering
species of war Nee caupunantes helium, sed l>el-t
ligerante?, is a maxim which may be justly said to J
have a wider '.xtension and a deeper meaning than
in the classical pages where it is familiar to every
reader of the Human literaturo. The Senate, it
will be obseivcd, has ordertd the Committee on
the Conduct, of the War to inquire officially into
the origin, objects, and true history of this unfor
tunate expedition.
EDITOItS' CORRESPONDENCE.
Ntw York, March 4, lo64.
Tu tfu Editors of tkr National Intelligcncer.
As an <ild triend and subscriber of your paper, of course
I have read with great interest your two articles in tb*?
Presidential Question; and especially that of yesterday,
in which you undertook to assign the grounds on which
men of conservative opinions may reconcile themt-elvea to
the candidacy of Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Chan*, at least so far
as to practice moderation in discussing the points on which
we differ from tbern. Hut I confess to a feeling of disap
pointment when I came to that part of your article in
which you hold out Ibe hope of a more conservative Ad
ministration, under either Mr. Line dn or Mr. Chase, for the
next term, than we have had during tbe term that is now
drawing to a cl? sa.4 Let ns look a I ttle at your argument.
AJI tL.it you can say in support of this hope, in reference
to Mr. Lincolo, is that as he has quarrelled with those
who put upon him the " pressure" tt at baa made his Ad
miniHtration such a failure, butb in military and civil af
fairs, or as thrif have quarrelled with him, he will be likely
in bis second term to be exempt from such " pressure,"
and from the men who pcit it upon him. This, I think
you must admit is but poor comfort for the couutry. It
Mr. L ioc"ln's first term has proved, as you have shown it
has, that he is a man capable of yielding his own judgment,
his instincts, and his conscientious convictions to the
" pressure" of a faction, what reasonable assurance have
we, the conservative*, that some other faction may not be
equally able to coutrol I is aeuae of what ia right and ex
pedient in his second term, as the " Greeley" faction have
done in the firit? Surely you would not recommend to
us to support Mr L incoln upon such a trust. If you menu
to ask us only "to practice m >deratim in dixcussion," 1
accept the advice the more readily thaLI believe I-wevet
offend in that particular. But if you a*k me to be recon
ciled to the de.a >f Mr Lincoln's re-election in the belief
that be is capable of affiliating with the wise, tbe able, and
tbe distinguished of the land, or that there is any prospect
of seeing him resort to conservative and healing counsels,
I must tor one reply that this is simply impwssible.
Your ground for predicting a conservative Administr*.
tion under Mr. Cha?e as a less radical one than would
appear to be indicated by the known opinions and aim-1 of
hia supporters, seems to me to be hardly more reliable
than that winch you suggest for Mr. Lincoln. To express
it in yonr -wn words, it i? to be found in "tbe hopes that
^nay be a ways founded on that modification of tbeoretica
opini- '0* wtich is sure to ensue iu the practical adminis
tration of 'be Government in the bands of a statesman." i
Is such modification "sure," do y<?u think, "to ensue t"
Is it in such a bub ofgrttt pmbibl* that meu t.ugbt to
regulate tbeir votes or political action by such an expec
tation, when they differ l*" (<rlo f"m the theoretical
opinions of a cand date T How ouny thousand of con
?ervative men, all over the North, ga?a their votes to Mr
Lincoln, and by those votes put the Ke^ubliean party into
power, upon this theory? And what is Our situation
now ? What have become of the hopes that a radical
party or a radical candidate will b* sure to becomfe con
aervative in the practical administration of the Govern
ment T You did not use to counsel us in this wiy in times
that are paat
It se^ms to ine that the conservatives, so far as they
look to 0m. McClellan as a candidate, have a ground on
which tbey can stand with far higher hope* than those to
which you have alluded as attending the possible election
of either nf the other persons named In tbe first place,
as you have very rtefinite'y shown, Gen McCleHan's opin
ioua on tbe military and civil p< licy of the war are not
only d' finite and preci?e, but they are the opinions of all
thoae classes whe are now genera ly denominated as the
conservatives In the second place, he is a man of great
firmness, quite incapable of being led, or swerved, or
driven by any " pressure" from bis own convictions
This I think, will be conceded by all who have read about
and considered bis course from the time he came upou the
theatre of the war, and who will remember the nature
and amount of the " pressure'* to which he wa-? subjected
perhaps it would not be quite legitimate to add to this the
opinions formed in personal intercourse with the man
But your senior editor is well aware that the wiiter of
then? lines has had means of forming opinions of public
men of nr. at maik in this country; and he has do hesita
t?on in saying that he has se* n no man lens likely than
Gw>. McCb llan to be in danger of going wrong through
any external " pressure" of any kind.
While, therefore, the conservatives inay well accept
your advice to pra<?ise moderation in discussing Ibe points
onwheh tbey diHer from Mr. Lincoln ani Mr Chase,
respectively, they will still, I think, find iu the opinions
snd character of Gen. McClellan, if he should be selected
as their Candida'*, lar higher "hope*" for the country
than can be predicated of tbe election of Mr. Lincoln or
* Mr Chaae. I remain yours,
- AN OLD WHIG.
NOT* BY THJ? EDITORS.
We very cheerfully give a place to the forego
ing communication, which, so far as it is contro
versial, relates, our readers will perceive, not to
?nj thing cfotaioed in the article our correspon
dent indioates, hut to something entirely extrinsic
to its scope and purpose. Oar correspondent says
that if we*meant; in that article only to ask that
" Conservative's" should practise moderation in
discussion, he accepts the advice, an being con^e
nial to his own tastes and consonant with his own
habits; but, hn adds, if we meant to ask that he
"should be reconciled to the idea of Mr Lincoln's
election," or that he "should regalato hi* vote or
political aetioh" by the hope of Mr. Chase's prac
tical wisdom in the Kxecutivc chair, he entirely
dissents from any such propositions.
If onr correspondent will do as the favor to reaii
with care the article in question he will pcrceivt
that he ha? expressed his concurrence with all that
we have written in it, while his dissent applies tc
something which we iiot (tily have not written,
but which we expressly put in abeyance as not be
ing pertinent to the issue in hand I0 making s
pka for eand ?r and moderation, we said r,o Mop
for the purpose of " regulating votes or political
aotion" iu the interest of one oaudidate or moot her;
for whih;, aa we stated, " we have very definite
views of public policy and constitutional duty
which luast ultimately determine oar course in tho
support of auy candidate for the Presidency," wo
were careful to add that " it has never been our
p actioe to take pari; in the discussions of the me
rits of prominent jersous, qr of their claims to of
fice, which are apt to prccede the meeting of Na
tional and State Nominating Conventions."
in the mean time we hope wc may be permitted
to inculcato the duty of " moderation in discus
sion" without incurring the suspicion of meaning
something else. We may not be skilled in the use
of language, like our correspondent, but we generally
intend what we say, and we hope we generally suc
ceed in saying what wo intend. When Gen. MeClel
lan, or President Lincoln, or Mr. Chase, or any body
else shall be placed io nomination for the Presi
dency by noy respectable portion of their fellow
citizens, it will be time enough for us, we think, to
discuss principles in their relations to particular
men as their embodiment. As ytt, we are con
tent to discuss principles apart from all personal
ambitions or political rivalries exoited in the inte
rest of any man or of any party; and if, in the
mean time, while seeking to represent in all fair
ness the shades of difference represented by differ
ent * Presidential aspirants, wo shall find in the
statement of their differences a sufficient explana
tion " why men of different convictions should es
pouse the pretensions of one or another a^dinling
to the ttnurof those convictions," we must protest
that we cannot see in such statement any attempt
to " reconcilc" conservatives to the elcotion of Mr.
Lincoln or of Mr. Chase any morj than itis?n
attempt to reconcile radicals to theelection of Gen
McClellaD. If we have been, as our correspon
dent thinks, too charitable in our judgments of
either President Lincoln or Secretary Chase, con
sidered as possible incumbents of the Presidential
chair, the most that can be said in condemnation
of, our error is, that, in seeking for reasons why
their oppoueuts might practise towards them the
moderation which our correspondent observes from
habit, we were more fortunate in the selection of
the virtue we sought to inculcate than in the ar
guments by which it was supported.
THE POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION.
The regular readers of this journal l ave ob
served, of course, that, in tho conscientious dis
charge of a public duty, we have on several occa
sions filt constrained to dissent from the wisdom
and expediency of certain parts of the Executive
policy in currying the country through the tre
mendous and critical struggle brought on it by the
cau-tclcss rebellion of the Southern States. This
imperative but unpleasant duty, while performed
with frankness, we have endeavored to discharge
with the respect sincerely felt for the Chief Ma
gistrate and his subordinates, and the deferenoe
due to the honest conviotions of others. This
much was dictated as well by our own self-respect
as by our habit; bat this mnch we do not deem
enough for an impartial aa well as an independent
press, whose only aim is to enlighten the publio
judgment and awaiH due justice to public ser
vants ; and therefore, in transactions so deeply in
volving the public weal, nay, the very life of the
nation, we consider it our duty to go further, and
place before our intelligent readers the views of
enlightened men, who, equally disinterested with
ourselves, hold opposite views and advocate mea
sures which we have felt obliged to condemn.
Under this sense of duty we have given as fully
as our limits would admit the current debates in
Congress on tho important questions of the day,
intending to follow these with such leadiog speeches
in euicMO, oc both sidis, as opportunity may per
mit. We ?coordingiy giro to-day the speech of
Mr. Demino, of Connecticut, one of the ablest
delivered in support of the Administration.
KECONxTIUJCTION IN TENNESSEE
The Nashville (Tenn.) Union, a paper which
advocates tho most "radical" doctrines in the
matter of slavery, and zealously oo-operatrs with
the President's plan of " re-oonstruction " in Ten
nessee, expresses the opinion that there is nothing
to discourage the friends of the Government in the
spirit manifested by the people of that Mate. On
the contrary, there is much that is encouraging.
In taking the oath of amnesty required by the
President as a condition of their pardon for parti
cipation in the rebellion, they manifest both sin
cerity and alao.rify. They arc endeavoring, io good
iaith, our contemporary says, to accomplish their
part of a proffered contract; and, if the President
makes gr?od hi* promise of restoration to rights of
propeity, the best results may be anticipated. It
is sincerely trusted by the friends of the Govern
ment in Tennessee that there will be no disappoint
ment in the matter, and they will deeply deplore
any thing which may be construed into a want of
good faith in the premisrs.
Among the causes of soltcitudc the "Union"
signalizes the presence in Tennessee of an intru
sive and meddlesome population who have reoently
entered the State in the train of our armies, and
who, while doing a thriving bueiness as sutlers,
commercial agents, army contractors, are also
prompt to clain a monopoly of all the "loyalty"
that ia found or to he found in Tennossee. As
the?e disinterested and self-sacri6cing patriots have
their congeners in other parts of the country, we
give this description of that class whioh has its
habitat in T? unessce, as described by our Nash
ville contemporary. It says :
I here ii h riaing party?or a party which la endeavor
ing to n?e, and which will ri?e, if noiae and impertinence
run work elevation?to which we would fain believe the
Government intend* to give no encouragement. It is
eoiupoaed of ineddleaome adventurun, who have no conn
I try n( their own, except Milium arid are forever canting
about the extermination of our people, and tho colonics
lion.. the country with persona like themselves. They are
. \i"" ,h*y ?",<l w"uid
entl Tk i "S ""eh a policy a* they may indt
c .te J h. y would like fo do all the voting, a. thev now
^ """
>" NnMWiJI th.
rn e* bey pretend to Mizrth f..r the Preaident vet
th#*y nr** unwilling thf* wotiU* nt Hi* vi? ? & ?, * *.
tfood ftUi'li fc, ihJfr Mil ! 1 Ht#lt* "hf,fl,d r#*t,lrn ?n
ii,.'.; k *: zx <*
iv?"v
, the Ooverntn. ..t, miKht not be so lucrative Tnlhe
minds of thee i. aloua persons, the Ooverr.ment hJL
exceedingly retuisa in ihe matter of eoiifi.cation Til.
would like, no doubt, to aee the absolute alienation of rent
estate, and that conducted in a manner ao rapid that each
of them could buy a farm for bttln more than a lair Der
diem to the auctioneer who sella it When the militar*
| authorities have diapenaed with the uae o! auoh bouao* as
?re not* found needful iu the city of Nashville, nothing
would better please th? pluperfect zealots Ujiu to have
theiu put up at auction to be void only to aueh bidder* ai
would lake all oalh of ihnr prescription. 'I'kdy would aee
t<? it that tbe oath bad something in it which uo bourat
aau could (wallow, and thus etclude all bidden h but theiu
selves. Our Government has righteously invade I tbe
State* under insurrectionary rule witb a conquering army
rhe couquests of that arujy have glorified our tKg, and
K'veu the nat'00 increaaed reputation with the civilised
world. Let us not encourage a disgraceful social iuva
*'"n of Jacobin* acid Bedlamites to follow iu the rear of
our soldiers, and blot the page of their well-earned fume."
COMPULSORY ENLISTMENT OF NE0R0E8.
A correspondent of the Boston Commonwealth,
Writing from Port Royal, in South Carolina, under
a recent date, exposes and denounces the cruelty
which has been practised towards the blacks in
that State by the recruiting officers of the United
States, lie states that the negro soldiers of Qen.
Hunter s first draft, in the year 1852, remain to
this hour without a cent of pay?having served
for some three months, while their families were
left to maintain themselves. To this the writer
adds that in the case of subsequent drafts made by
Gen. Hunter, witfi authority from the Govern
ment, there has been no recognition of the personal
rights of the negro as a man, endowed with th?
faculty of reason and will. On the contrary, he
has been every where impressed into tho ranks
without inquiry, warning, or consultation, as if the
negro had no rights which a white reoruitiog offi
cer is bound to icppect. The correspondent of our
Boston contemporary says 3
" Since Gen. Gillmore Ins been in command of the de
par tin* tit the di aft, an such, bad Duspeudod, and iho
soldiers have had order* ouly to arrest deserters. But the
remembrance of the former year'* unpaid service, the bar
barous manner in whict. the ijraft waa enforced, and the
stupidity and carelessness (aud worse) of the ( /finer* en
gaged in catching deserters, have made the draft a con
stant nightmare and terror to tho people. For nearly two
mouths the young men 011 the place white I live huve
?lept in the w<>ods?tbe rumor o( a soldier being seeu in
the roads will nend them trembling into their hiding
places?and ev?ry week or two a fresh story from Beau
fort will make the plantation sink witb fear. It is an uu
rens.iiiable terror, I admit, and lh<? people ceitainly show
lehg energy and patriotism than 111 most places. Still the
experience of what they have undergone will excuse them
somewhat The stories of the draft and of the search f< r
deserters will compare with the stones of the English
press-gang. Here it one instance, and I have beard of
mniiy ?uch. About Christmas time a company of soldiers,
under a drunken officer, went in the night lime to Coffin's
I oint, at the northern end of St. Helena Island, broke
into tbe houses, drhgged people from their beds, fired ht
random among them, and carried ofl several men, only one
of whom was a deserter. They were discharged the next
day, but it will be seen that when such outrages as this
he?1' "U for Dearly a year it will be hard 10 re
store confidence to the people."
We have not heard that any member of Con
gress has yet moved for an inquiry into the truth
of these outrages upon the blacks of the South
where they have conio within our power, though
We do not see much use for a u Cornraitteo on
treed men if such things are allowed to pass with
out sciutiny or correction.
REVIVAL OF FREE DISCUSSION.
1 lie discussion which has recently arisen i
ranks of the Republican party with regard to the
pretensions of rival candidates for tho Presidency 1
appears to have wrought a sudden changc in the
minds of certain among our contemporaries as to
the rightfulness and limits of free inquiry " in a
time of war." Indeed it is quite impossible for the
most practised adepts in political servility to give,
at the present juncture, a full development to the
dogma which teaches the duty of yielding " an un
questioning support to tho Administration in all
its measures and in all its Departmnilsy for, so
far as concerns tho Presidency, it is found quite
impracticable to serve ec|ually the pretensions of
both President Lincoln and Secretary Chase. But
the few patrons of this anti-republican dogma have
been men who inspired such a moral and intellec
tual nausea that there was never any danger of
the wide-spread or permanent duration of such a
rot in the body politic. Free Government lives
ar.d moves and has its being in free discussion.
In Abyssinia, for instance, the people have no
rights, and accordingly free discussion is at soro.
Capt. Speke, the adventurous English traveller, in
his recent interesting narrative of explorations in
Africa, thus describes the monarchical institutes
of Abyssinia, whioh somer ourtiers of our American
democracy have sought to domesticate in this
country, but without success. He says :
" *1 aota ?f tbe Kin* are c Minted benefits, for which
he muit be thanked; and so every deed done to hi* sub
jects ia a gift received by them, though it shot^d assumfc
the shape of fl ggiug or fine ; f? r are not these as tieo.-|.
sary aa sny thing T The thank' are rendered by grovel
ling on tbe ground, floundering about and whining after
the manner of happy dogs, jabbering as faat as tongue*
can rattle, and ao they swe^r fidelity for all their live*."
OFPU'C SrPKRISTF.NDRNT Pi;itt,IC pKINTIMi.
Wahhiwutow, March 7,
lolkt LdUor of tkf. Armj and Navy Journal ;
HiR: In your article in relation to the charge, made by
the publishers of the private edition of Qen MeClellnn's
report, that important matter had been omitted in the
Government edition, you sty the only oonsiioq is the
following:
It will be seen, from what has preceded, that I lost
no tim? that could be avoided in iri >ving the Army of
the Potomac from the P. mnsula to th?.snpport of the
Army of Virginia; that I spared no effort t ? hasten the
?embarkation of the ^-oops at Fort Monroe, Ne^p.rt
' New*, and Yorktown, remaining ?t Fort Monroe myself
until (he mas. ?f the army hvl sailed ; and that after my
arrival at Aleiandria I left nothing in my power undone
forward supplies and reinforcements to (Jen Pope. 1
? tent with the troops that, moved all the cavalry I could
get hold or; even my personal escort was sent out upon
the line of the railway as a guard, with the provo.t and
camp guard at headquarters, retaining !e?. than one hon
dred m u, many of whom were orderlies, invalids, roem
hers of bands, et<; ; all the be id quarters' t-ams that ar
rived were sent out with supplies and ammunition, none
being retained even to m.,?e the headquarters' ramp.
? byquaJron that habitually served ,'?y prr,onh| ?
i ort was left Ht Falmouth with Gen Rurna.de as h- wa?
deficient in cavalry."
Now, had you read page IHf, of the report, a. printed
at this office, you would have found this very paragraph,
put in at the right place, as eh wu hy thecontejt; so that
no omission, were made either by the War Department
in furnishing copy or by tbia office printing it
Yours, Ac. joyi| n DPFRKKfl,
Superintendent of Public Printing..
NOTr. BV THE EDITORH.
< >n comparing the Government edition of Oen. Mc
Clellan'a Report with that published in New York under
hi. supervision we find that there has been, in one or he
ether of them, a transposition of the above-cited para
graph. In the publisher'* edition this paragraph is found
at tbe cloae of the " third period" of Oen. McCMIan'l
narrative, to which it obviously belongs in point of Irigietl
conneaion and chronology, being, as it is. (he recapitulation
of events he has fust recited among the clos.ng Incident*
of that period. In the Government edition the passage is
found interpolated, by some acc dent, in the midst of the
narrati ve of the even ta that initiated the Maryland campaign.
We make tbia statement in Justice to the editor of the
Army and Navy Journal, who, not finding this passage in
the place where it belongs, and where it actually oemir*
?n the edition published by authority of Oen MeClellan,
inadvertently assumed that the passage had been acci
dentally omiM^ by th# Ooveri|loeot ^ m
CONGRESSIONAL. .
FUOOiiKUlNGU IN THE HOUSE
Ex'ructt from Our Daily Htporlt
1 UK UKIMt'lKNCY BILL
On motion of Mr. STEVENS, tbe House went into
Comuutt>o of tbe Wh 'la on the state of the Union, (Mr.
Ashi.EY in the chair,) and took up tLe amendments of
th ? Senate to (he Houae bill to supply deficiencies in the
aiipropriatismt for the service of the fiscal year ending the
30th of Juno. 1^(54
The auicudinunts of the Senate are quite uuiuerou*, and
prior to going 'ftto C'oiniuitlM of the Whole the House
had reaolved to limit the debate upon this bill to one
hour.
Mr BROOKS obtained the floor. He said tbat when
the deficiency bill, then under aeven miliums, was before
the House some tiuie ago, ho expressed bis surprise at its
magnitude, and referred to the estimates to ahow that the
appropriation* were far beyond what the Secretaries aaked.
He bad none ol those remarks to retract. He roae now to
retinal the House that the objection* he then made to this
bill have greater foree to the extraordinary addition* made
to it by th* Senate.
The original eatiniatea submitted to the Houae for defi
ciencies for the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1864
were only $!4,1H0,5?1. Theae were made up of estimatea
For civ J Hat, foreign intercourse, and miscel
laneous...: . - 11,311,371
Kor Interior Department, (Indian) 4 *'JJ
For Navy Department 2,865,000
And hero ho wished to call the attention of the House to
the fact that though it muat have been as well known then
a? now that the lime of enlistment of a large body of our
troops was abo'Jt expiring, yet there was not a call for a
dollar of " deficiency" from the War Department The
Secretary of War admitted, by his Bilenoe, that he had all
the money he wanted. The Committee of Way* and
Means, however, paid but little attention to the deficiency
estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, ($4,180,581,)
and the House of Representatives paid less, for both com
mittee and House *hot far beyond the original.
This bill, as it went to the Seuate, appropriated
$7,4(39,109. The Senate sent it back to us with additional
appropriations for deficiencies of $98,953 (308. So the
deficiency bill, as added to by the Senate, stands forward
with the gigantio appropriation of $10(3 4*21,718. The
Committee of Wavs and Means have amended the bill by
! striking out $151,000, and the deficiency bill, as amended
by the Committee of Ways and Means, aska us to appro
priate $ 105 888 38(3 40. The table may bo stated thus :
Auiount contained in original (House)
bill $7,469,109
Senate amendments thereto 98,'J.'#,608 75
? T, tal "... 106,422,718 40
Amount etrickeu out of oriyiual bill by
Kena'e ninen(*menti>, in which the
Committee of Ways and Meaus re
commend concurrence 382,83-i 00
106,(139,886 40
Amonut inserted by Senate, in which
the Committee of Ways and Means
recommend non concurrence 151,5*0 00
Total amount in bill aa now reported... $105,888,386 40
Mr. STEVENS. The gentleman from New York will
not fail to say that the Committee of Ways and Means do
not aek that sum. That is the amount of the bill as re
turned from the Senate. The Committee of Ways and
Means Hsk only about eight millions. All the remainder
has been sent from the Senate. I will say to the gentle
man that the committee have concluded to ask the House
to non-concur in all the amendments of the Senate.
Mr. BROOKS. I take tho report of the action of the
Committee of Ways and Means as annexed to the bill
itself, in which they recommend concurrence in the first,
second, fourth, fifth, sixth, six and a half, eighth, ninth,
tenth, thirteenth, fourteenth, arid sixteenth amendments
of the Senate.
Mr HTEVENS. That is so, but at a subsequent meet
ing of the committee they thought it best to non concur,
if the House would agree to it.
Mr. BROOKS. I am correct, then.
Mr. STEVENS. Correct in reference to the first action
of the committee.
Mr. BROOKS. I am both pleaded and amazed at the
chauge of action now first announced upon the part of tho
Committee of Ways and Means. I am pleased because
the idea of non-concurrence shows they are appalled with
the magnitude of the Hen at* appropriations as well aa so
humble a member of the House as myself. But I am
more thin amazed that they propose to take from this
House, by the simple proposition to non-ooncur, the de
liberate and detailed action of the House upon those enor
mous expenditures, and abandon the constitutional powers
and functiixm of tbia House to examine in detail all these
amendments of the Senate, and to throw that whole power
from us into the hands of a mere committee of oonferenoe
to be appointed by the Chair. To non concur with the
Senate upon this bill in its present stage is to abandon all
our right, all our authority, all oar duty to examine tbe
details of expenditure proposed by tbe action of the
Senate, and to throw the whole discussion and delibera
tion, which justly belong to this H<<use, exclusively into
the band* of a committee of oonforence.
The result of this action has reeently been seen on the
whi-key b.11. That bill was lost in tbis House by a large
majority, defeated over and over again, tbe Houae having
affirmed its intention to pass a retroactive law upon tbe
stock of whiskey on band; yet the Houae waa, by mere
parliamentary action, by th-* aetion of a committee of con
ference, deprived of its legitimate power to impoae a re
trosctive duty, as it is intended, upon the stock on hand,
and the Senate, by concurrence with the adhering action
of the House, was enabled to pass the bill aliuoat as origi
ral'y intended by the Senate, despite all th ^ resolve* and
re resolves of the Hou?e
I warn tbe House, therefore, in a bill of this enormous
magnitude, disposing of over a hundred and five million
d<>l:ars, not to abandon at this stage of the bill its legilmate
function of examination in detail by bestowiug it up u a
mere committee of conference.
Mr. COLFAX, (tbe Speaker.) 1 he gentleman will
allow me to correct him as to a matter of fact. Tbe reason
why the bill did not have iji" retroactive feature in it wh-M)
it fina ly passed, is because the House did not appoint a
committee of conference at the laat, but, upon th? motion
of the gentl*man from Prunsylvania, (Mr. SrKVKNH,) ad
hered to it? disagreement to tue auiendroenta*of the Senate,
and allowed th* Senate to recede from its amendments,
thus leaving th ? bill without fl^e retroactive feature. Of
ci urse the gentleman will be just to the Chair by saying
that in each instance a majority of the mombers of the
C'liimiltee on the part of the House agreed in their votes
wifb tbe majority of the' II<>uae.
Mr. BROOKS. I was far from casting any imputation
wh{jt? yer upon the action of the Speaker He fairly re
presented on tt)* c' u4mitton? <ff conference the majority
of the House. I was but showing that though the House
had determined hy forly majority to have its own way, and
repeated that determination ever and over again by ten
and fifteen ma|orlty, yet b)k parliamentary action Ibat de
termination of the House was reversed and Ihe bill passed
without this retroactive feature.
Mr COI-FaX It was because the House refused to
rajse another committee of conferenoe, but under the ope
ration of the rules voted an adhereuoe. The Annate then
receded, and the bill passed
Mr. HTEVENS The b;ll as it passed is precisely as
tbe lioQse agreed to it.
Mr BRO< >KS. I understand all that I comprehend
th ? parliamentary tactics, comprehend* d them at the time,
an ) if 1 had not intended to vote with the gentleman from
Pennsylvania ( shotjld have resisted bis proposition. Hi*
because lie Is the old parliamentarian that he Is now, that
he Mould sti'.l wish, if he could, to take from tbe discus
sion and examination of this House the details of tbis bill
hy the action of a conference committee, by transferring
the forum of discussion?
J Mr DAWES. Th" gentleman makes mistake. TS>f
reason why we have not a ta? upon whiskey on hand now
is not because ? f parliamentary tactics There is no trace
of parliamentary tactic* about it, and a reference to the
fact- will show it. The House put a tax on whiskey on
land. The H. nate struck that out as an amendment; it
came bank to the House, and the House eoncurred in tbat
amendment; and the reason wby there i* no tax upon
whiskey on hand to day is because the majotity of the
House, in its legitimate functions and in discharging its
duty, without tbe aid or skill of my friend from Pennsyl
vania (Mr. STKyK.N#} at all. concurred in tbe aption of
the Senate. It was done by the concurrent aption of the
t?o Houses, and not by any coiumjttee of conference; and
that ia the reason why there is no tax ou whiskey on hand
Mr BROOKS. I comprehend all tbat thoroughly, and
do not misstate it. I will not take time to discuss this
matt< r I simply state the fsct that tbis Hoi|?e, at one
t me hy forty-four majority, and at other times by majori
ties of ten or twelve, reaolvd and re resolved to tax the
whiskey on hand, and the wh skey on hand ia not taxed
despite tbe resolution of tbe House. 'The country under
stands that, and we wII not dispute about the ways and
means hy whiah it was done. I say it was parliamentary
tactics hnd conference committees, Other gentlemen
think differently. The great facts arc berore us j the mc
dut operandi we will not dispute about
Mr Chairman, whiskey is an exciting and entrancing
question, and 1 have Keen led altogether from tbe figura
Iff speech I have on hand to the discussion of a far more
exciting and thrilling topic than tbat of a mere bill of de
ficiencies But, t mpting as is the theme, I must recall
the attention of Ibe House to the dryer topie wbieh we
have on band, namely, this $ I05.MH8 3H8 appropriation.
We have here left a few deficiencies for the fiscal year be
ginning July 1, 1*6.1, and ending Jnne 30, IH64.
I call Ihe attention of the Houae first to tbe fact that in
this deficiency bill there are for lh* War Department
al ne appropriations amounting to ahont ninety nine mil*
bona, wh< n at the beginning of tbe teeainn, in the eati*
mates submitted by the War Department through the
Seoretary of tbe Treaaury, not <me single cent waa asked
for by the Saoretary of War fbi a deficiency in hit ?PP'f0
pria ii'Ui. And vet now, when all lb" f^ots lelatmg t? > <te
lic.tfiicie? must h??? b.-n/.Juiii h? well ki.oyo to th> Secre
tary of W?r in beginning of th? se|ai n, that S eretary
comes brlorq tl'<> 8i?'tjtf and l?>ivjwrf. IHe Senate .iielon)
thia House, wi'tjouA"bjr estimate "*Wevef being s-iW
untied to Una limrK a '1 ?*H ??' ...n? .<i propri ?f1"i
of over n'ueiy-eig'il "" l " I' " *' '1l' ['
appropriation* fur th* fiscal year ending Juua :$0, 1804
Why, sir, the whole expenses of thia (Jovernuieut in
the year 1815, during the last war with Great Britain?
that content which thix theu comparatively feeble nation
carried on wi'li the gieatest Power upon earth?were
but 448 244 4%. The expenses of the ariuv t"T that war
wi-re, in HI3. $19,602 013; in 1H14, $20 350 800 ; in
1815, A 14,704,294; anil yet the deficiency a?kod for by
the Secretary of War for one single jear amounts to four
and five tiuiea the coat of any one year of the war
of 1812 ? . . (H..
The whole appropriations of this Government in 1H47
48, the years of the Mexican war, weie but little over
sixty iinH'lona per annum. The actual eipensea or the
War Department were, in 1847, ??!&,770,4Jo; iu lf*4 ,
$27,838,374 And that war, which waa not upon our owu
aoil, but waa cosily in the trausfer of troops from our own
oouutry to a foreign country; that war in which our
tioopn, landing at V-ra Cruf, passed on through the ttcrra
cal tntt, the hot region of Mexico, to its mountains, to
Churubusco and Cbapultepec, ou to the Gareta of Mexi
co ; that glorious war in which we humbled Mexico and
brought the Mexieans to our own terms, cost this Go
vernuieut but $:J5,770,495. the highest sum in the year
1847 ; and yet her/i is a war deficiency bill of over ninety
eight millions for the War Department alone for one year,
or over sixty-three millions beyond what the war with
Mexico cost a year. '
Th*re is ?oiuetbiog wrong in all thi?; there niu*l Do
?ometbing wroog; and h? uce the House should not aban
don its functions, but should look into these expenditures,
and see when, how, and where this money has beeu ap
propriated, and where these enormous sums of money have
gone, who have had them, in what quarters they have been
paid, why they are called for, and what they are to etleet
Sir, if these disbursements for the War Department are to
go on for three, four, or five years longer it will be beyond
the power of this country or of any other country ou the
face of the earth to endure them.
The Secretary of War in hi*estimates for the fiscal y?*r
eudit g June 30, 1804, (see Treasury tteport, pag? :W.)
asked for and had appropriated $-485,470,511. The Sec
retary of the .Treasury, when he nubmitted that report to
Congress, felt sure in his own mind that $885,470,511 was
ample and enough for all the exp-Miditureaol the War
Department for the fiscal year ending June 30 1804, and
hence not a single cent additional was then called for either
by the Secretary of the Treasury or by the Secretary ol
War himself. And yet here in February and March we
propose to add to this already appropriated sum of
$885 479,511, a deficiency in this hill of $08,500 003. \* hat
calculations are all these? Can man thus carry on war, or
provide the meu and meaua for carrying on war?
More than that. Keoall a little of the past history of
our legislation durirg this session. At an early period of
the session, before the Christmas bolydaya, there went
through this House, in twenty minutes by the clock, a de
ficiency of $20,000,000 for bounties?a million a minute?
uncalled for by the Secretary of War, or by the Secretary
ot the Treasury in his estimate. 1 made aome quiet re
marks on that occasion. I called the attention of the
other aide >f the House to the subject, but 1 found that
my remarks were not pleasant to the other aide, and 1
refrained from discussing the subject at length, leaving the
responsibility with those to whom it belonged.
In a few day* after the Christmas bol>days the Secre
tary of War railed upon ua to change that bounty appro
piitstiou of $20,000,000, aud in a very few miuutes, op
posed only by an honorable gentleman from Ohio on the
other side, there went quietly through a bill for bounties
which I said then had in it $100,000,000. Now, under
the continuance of the bounty system to April I, that bill
has in it at least $124 000,000 to be added to the estimate
of the Secretary of War. Take not uiy word for it. I
quote from the chairman of the Military Committee in the
benate :
" I suppose that we have, since tlis 17ih of October, paid
aad at'reed to pay for these bounties from ninety to one hun
dred million dollars. It must be over uiuety millions, for we
have paid bounties, 1 think, for very near three hundred
thousand men. . . ^ . ,
" 1 suppose if the paymeut of tl ese bounties is extended
and we go on raising ni>-u at the rate we are now raising
ttiem, that we shall r*ise duriug the coming ro^nth some
where from sixty to eighty thousand m?u, paying a portion
of them $400 and another portion $:tlK>."
Which, counting seventy thousand men at the average
of $250 per man, will make $24,500,000; so that if you
take the actual expenditure* and appropriations of the
Department, aa now put upon paper as recorded in the
Treasury report, at $''85,479,511, add to 'hat $98 500,000
deficiency and $ 120.000,000 for bounty, there will have
been appropriated for the War Department of this Gov
ernment alone, for the ftseal year ending 30th June, 1804,
the gigantic sum of $1.103,979 511.
Mr. KELLOGG, of Michigan, suggested that only about
one-fourth of the unneya expended in bounties will be
expended this year.
Mr. BROOKS. More than that But, nevertheless,
it is the sum of uiouey appropriated that I am speaking
of?the appropriations of Coiigre<s for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1864 The more money that is saved the
better ; but all these bountiea are to be paid in some time
or other.
1 hold in my hand a record of the expenses of the Bn
tiah army from 1810 to 18li, in each year?those terrible
yeara of struggle in which the little i?land of Great Britain
and the leaaer isle of Ireland were coping against the
gigantic power of Napoleon, ^fho had taken the Erwnoto
armies iu triumph from the panda of Egypt to the soows
of Uimiiw-that littl* island which was subsidising all
the other Powers of Kurope to fight her battles sgaintt
that mighty Nspoh*on. The expenditures of the British
ariny in the year 1810 were $84,415,000; and in 1810, on
the closing scenea of the battle of Waterloo, they were
$171,035 000 The aggregale expenditure* for the sevwi
years from 1810 to 1816 inclusive were $W>,7M 000
Here are the details:
Expenditures of the British army in the years?
1*4,415 ?*
IHil . 9 i,tW?,Ui U
JUS*. 1I9,:M5 0( I)
HI3.. ......lJ4,'?3i 0U0
1SH 147,345,0 0
1815'" I*K?7.\?00
181 ,v'7l,jB5.WO
T0tH| W,<KKI
But, sir, for tfce single fiscal year of l-6;?-M we, who
are coping with IM> Napoleon, with uo combination of
powers for our overthrow?but when a few rebellious
States, started without resources aud lull of the elements
of weakness, are lightly operaiod upon?-wo bave appro
priated more money in a single year to subdu* this rebel
lion than appropriated fur the whole British empire
in the "i* years from 1810 to InlU to subdue the august
Napoleon, at one time combining all the continental na
tions of Europe for British overthrow.
1 do not allude to these thing* for the purpose of creat
ing alarm or exciting the fears nf the conntry ooly to
arouse the Country to compreh*ud the magnitude of thia
war, and to begin now to lt^ the necessary taxation to
support it, so that we may not in >be futile find oorselves
unable to sustain the credit of tl<e country. That is my
object in calling the attention of thu House to tb^ en >r
mou? expenditures of the War Department.
A thousand million dollars p^r annum! T do not know
how it is with others, but I mu?t oonloss that to my hum
ble mind suoh sums are so appalliug that 1 can hardly
begin to comprehend their gigantic magnitude when we
are called upon to transmit ttiepi to our children as a
publie We iu the great cities who are somewhat
aceustouiod to figures, and who represent millionaires,
will soon be compelled, if these expenditures go on, to
bring to our aid something more than mere arnhm,etio, the
see nee of geometry or mensuration sny, and measure a
million by an inch, a billion Wy two Inches, a trillion by
three inpbe?, a quadrillion hy four inches, a quintillion by
live laches, and so on, or if that does not present Mimera
tiou or measurement sufficient to enable ua t?> understand
these sums we shall have t > resort to the science ?rf alge
bra, apply 4 as an unknown quantity of expenditure, and
work \yith that (Laughter I Sir, it is henoming beyond
the power of arithmetic or the power of simple mathe
matics to compute these appropriations, or to understand
th>? loans or systems of loans on which they are being
founded. The whole nonrvrn anon will be n?ose puxx'iug
than the consols or ? xchruuer of the debt of England.
The estimates of the War Department for 1803 are, in
round numbers, $636 000,000 Sir, it is evident from
these appropriations for lHrt:MH we are now making that
if this war is to continue these estimates for 1H#>5 are not
worth the paper they are written upon, for the artual ex
penditufe of th* present Gscal year for 186.4 of the VN ar
Department will amount to almost if not quite a thousand
Million dollars?oertainly, if we pay up the war warrant*
of the quartermasters, their certificates of obligation, and
the great debts now due to the States|lor money and
troops advaneed to the Federal Government lor military
services rendered
Now, Mr. Chairman, is it right, is it proper, m it a legi
timate mode of ooming before the country with an esti
mate in Deoeinber of only $1 180 581 deficiency and then
before the bill ia peifec ed require, as sanctioned by the
Senate, a deficiency of $ 105,000,000 * I repeat, sir, is it
right or Juat to the country thu* to throw dnst in their
eyes T Is it not wise, is it not now our duty at the start
to look this war with all its consequences fully in the fa*e,
and to provide for t^is enormous expenditure aud these
enormous appropriation* |he only means by which, if the
w?r is to be persisted in, the credit of the country can he
sustained, a system of taxation which shall be proportion
ate to our expenditure 1 (s it ju*t for ?*? N? l*ave ft"" pos
terity tjt? full payment of these loans 1
Mr.,Brook* proceeded until the expiration of the hour
allowed fop debate examine and continent upon some
of the items of the hjl|.
The House then proceeded to Consider the amendments
in consecutive order, the debate thereon being confined to
five-minute Speeches,
Mr. BTBVKNH. th' n st s>eaksr, alluded briefly.
iu gener-il term*, t<> l< re<oi ,g rp^-eh. 1 am glad (Mid
Mr. SThVKNs) ttut he g uitt?m?a from New York btw.
'tk< n this ' ccdsioii to got (>ut bis campaign ducuuieot. It
will ^1V| COiHileithl* till! ' OU 8'Hue other OCCaSlOU, Hud I
?In uot know wheu time nan bo better saved As to the
gelltl II) ill H|i|C rtllllH I I'll 111 the Committee HU(l frnUl tillS
HotlM or n majority of it to another tribunal, well and
tfuod, if but appenl cau be euteiturned there. 1 do uot
know w h-ther any of u? h?ve a standing in that court, but
the geutleuiau can try it. 1 did uot expect any help from
that ?ide of the H<>u*e?I moan from tome of those gen
tlemen. Let us cousider calmly these different amend
moots. They are veiy large. They auiouut to $b0,000 000
and upward When the first e<titnat<?? were before the
committee, and they limned tbii bill, there had been do
call for the addition*! Ave hundred thousand men. After
they wore called for, and this bill was sent to the Senate,
new estimates were made; they were aeut here, were
printed iu pamphlet form, aud the geutleuiau, I presume,
had thom upon his table II there are auy items thai are
improper let uh vote them down; but the idea that we are
to paralyze the arm of the Government aud strike down
the appropriation fur the half million of men now called
for to mrqt the rebels in the npriug msy become that aide
of the House, but it would dn?grate patriots. Mow, air,
excuse me for taking thus much notioe of a ij'eech which
was uot intended for this bill, but was intended for the
time when the gen1 Ionian will meet bia colleague on the
stump. Let us go on r.nd consider the amendments of
the Senate. I will not auk that they shall all be rejected,
as the gentleman seems to be afraid of that. I am will
ing that they mIi ill be considered in detail. It will only
take a few day*, and, as we shall certainly reject moat oi"
thorn, the matter will go to a committee of conference, aa
I pr<>pim?-d iu the first instance; but the difficulty which
the gentleman will encounter ia that if the Home ahould
adopt some of the amendments it will be againat hia
theory. I aui willing, however, that the House shall go
on and let each amendment be considered by itself. -
The House -continu d in session till nearly five o'clock,
discussing the amendments and other questions intro
duced in connexion with them. The principal speakera
(under the five-iniuutes' rule) were Messrs. HOLMAN,
MORRILL, MALLORY, NT EVENS, K ASSON, SMITH,
BLISS, FAUNS WOK III, J. C. ALLEN, BLOW,
BLAIR, and ROLLINS.
Without disposing of the amendments the Committee i>f
the Whole rose, and the House adjourned.
UNEMPLOYED OFFICERS.
Mr. SUlIENCK, from the Committee on Military Af
fairs, reported the following joint resolution:
Whereas it nppeara.tliat many tygular aud volunteer ofhoars
are either entirely uneuip ov?d, Jr uot upon daty o >rrerpo'd
iuif t?tne r ru ik, thas t ol lng commission and drawing pay
without equivalent service, aud at the same time standing iu
(lis wav ot promotion and increa e of compensation of tnose
performing* tlie duty of general officers ; therefore,
Retolved, That all major generals aud brigadier gens mis,
who, on the 15th of March, shall not be in service correspond
iuk to th- ir respective rank, aud not been eng:i/-e l three
months next prior to this dale, shall be dropped from the rolls
of the army. Ami all pay and emolmusuts shall cease from
that diy, aud the vacaucie? tilled by promotions and appoint
ment! as in other cases: ProviiUd, Thai thia act shall not
app'y to auy officer unemployed in consequence of wounds
received or d sen-e contracted in the service, or who is a
pruonur of war in ibe hands of the enemy, oron parole.
ft further provides for returning to the regular army
cffiicers who were appointed therefrom to the position of gene
ral officers. They ure to be leturued to the rink they ooou
pied before the passage of the act of July, 1861.
Mr. SCHENCK said that the provisions of the biil were
distinct in their character, aud involved no point which
could uot be readily carried out; and he therefore aoked
thar it be put on its passage.
Mr. HOLM AN inquired how this bill would affect Geo.
Robert Allen, who is charged with tbe (juartermaster's
Department of the valley of the Mississippi. Would tLe
bill put him out of service?
Mr. SCHENCK replied that in framiBg this bill the
committee had no reference to any particular effioer.
They believed the public service would be benefited by its
pa-sage, without regard to those who mighti>e struck one
side or the other. If the gentleman would look at the bill
be would see that it is not directed at those general offi
cers who happen not to b? in command of divisions or bri
gades, but at thuse not employed in a capacity suitable to
their respective rank If the President should place at
the head of the quartermaster's department a gentleman
holding nich rank as Gen AH.<n, the employment should
be considered appropriate to tbe grade, and therefore Una
bill would not affect him. According to a communication
from tbe War Department, there are fourteen major gen
erals and eleven brigadier generals unemployed, and tbir
ty-nine msjor general* snd brigadier geuurals together who
are employed in various duties of more or leas import
ance?some on examining boards and others on courts
martial?uot having command ol corps or brigades. Hence
it was important this bill should be passed. The Presi
dent hns no power to dismiss any of these offioert.
Mr. COX understood this bill gave the President thia
arbitrary power.
Mr. HCHENCK replied that the bill iUelf dropa the of
ficers if they come within this description.
Mr. COX a?ked whether this bill bad been printed.
Mr. SCHENCK replied it had not been ordered to be
printed by tbe House, but it bad beau printed in tbe news
papers of tbe ennntry.
Mr COX said there wa? something of a peisonal aed
partisan character iu this bill. He hoped his colleague
was too gallaut to strike at a brother officer. The Home
should have an opportunity of seeing whether there wee
any backhand stroke at any general officer unemployed.
Mr SCHENCK desired bis colleague to deal in plain
latmuage, not in insinuation. There was nothing eon
c ?aled in this bill; be could not lie under suspicion when
he knew nothing wrong was intended, and would not re
ply to any such insinuation.
Mr. COX You need not reply to any insinuation until
one is made. 1 don't know whether the hill strikes at
Fremont or MoClellan, or any other officer.
Mr. SCHENCK. Neither, nor both.
Mr. COX said he should like to know what the bill
meant. He did not take things tor granted bee uise they
caiue fmm the Military Committee. He wanted to under
stsnd why thirty-four officers were struck at. He wanted
to see who was to be hurt by it. Was there te be any
?a\ mg to the Government, or ar.? others to be appointed
to the places of those who are struck dr>wn t He did Sot
deal in iuniuuationa. Au opportunity should be afforded
to discuss the bill. He knew that McClellan did not ask
favors ef gentlemen on the other aide of the
MoClellan had loar, in the public service, every dollar h?
bail earned as a civilian. It might be the pnrpoae to
strike at this nay,
Mr SCHENCK said when thia b II aeveral weeks ago
wa? proposed to be reported and .read to the House, hia
colleague objected, suppi sing it to "be a cat in the
meal tub.
Mr. COX replied he did not use expressions of that
kind.
Mr. SCHENCK said at all even's his colleague thro
th< Mkht somebody was struck s^.and that there waasoui*
covert design iu the bill. His colleague was shrewd and
critical, and he could not persuade himself that his eel
league had not looked into it. He appealed to him to say
whether the provisions were not ao olear as to be readily
Comprehended ,
Mr. CCX said that the same bid wss referred hack t >
the committee, and was now for tbe first time reported.
Mr SCHENCK said that something ought to be dom*
to correct the evil without reference to any officer to b?
affected by the bill. His eoll'-ague wan'ed to get in a
speech about MoClellan, who would be aff cted by tbe bill
uulesH he should he employed before the l!Uh of March
Ho o| Fremont, Knell, and others. The ennntry shoeld
not be fazed to auppoit officers who are rendering no ade
quate service.
Mr ELDRIDGK inquired whether offioers could not ke
drooped without the action of Congress.
Mr. SCHENCK replied they could be dismissed, but
that would imply something wrong; but the committee
thought It would bo better to provide for dropping theiu in
a bill, which would not touch the character* of the officers,
or aMege any impropriety of conduct.
Mr. UANW)N inquired whether the gentlerom had any
information to show why these officers are nut employed.
Mr. HCHENCK replied in the negative, and' aaid that
some of them ought to be employe |.
Mr. KKRNAN siid thtt the bill sffected Ihoae general
officers who had not been employed f*r three months
Did tbe committee doubt that some of them are merito
rious officers T If there were meritorious officers among
th 'in they should not be dropped ; but a different coarse
ought to be purnued with others The House should not
pa?s a general law destroying all, whether good or bad.
There shoeld be a distinction
Mr. SCHENCK, m reply, aaid that a discretion must
be left to the President.
Mr COX said gentlemen on his side desired to offer
amendments, and it was on<y fair that au opportunity
should be sffirded for discussion. His side of the H inse
was determined upon this.
Mr. HCHENCK said he eonld not consent to any ac
commodation ineluJing a threat.
Mr. COX said he cautiomly avoided a threat. His
gallant friend from Ohio ought not to be seared by a
threat
Mr. SCHENCK remarked that he would agree to make
the bill a special order. What day would gentlemen take
it up 1 '
Mr. COX. Say the 1st of April, f Laughter.")
Hy general c msent the bill wis mide the order for
Tuesday neit.
The House adjourned. '
Over tix hundred of the nend oil tbe Ckirkamauga bettir
fleld have been buried s nce the battle.
Over fifty thousand dollars have been paid to eolleetort
of internal revenue during the last sixty days in Memphis.
Cspt Ferguson, late United States Quartermaster at
Alexandiia, has been released from Iho Old Capitol prison,
and honorably acquitted,

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