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JT ? - ^. .a.j : z THE POINT OF 1NQU1HY. Our readers are aware that in the animadver sions which we have reoently felt it our imperative duty to offer on what we conceived to be the negli genco of the military administration, in being lound unprepared for the late invasion of Maryland, by the way, for the third time, of the Shenandoah valley, it was no part of our purpose to singlo out particular persons connected with tbat administra tion for spbcial censure. It is a great part of the infelicity under which the whole country labors With regard to the general conduct of the war, (so f*r?as that conduct is regulated in this city,) that nobody knows whom to hold responsible for any given act, though every body knows that, within its appropriate sphere, tomtlody connected with that administration is responsible for every thing that is done or that is not done. And hence, in the obscurity resting over the military direction of affairs in Washington, the popular dissatisfaction, which never fails to deelarc itself on every recur rence of calamity or of conccivcd disgrace, wreaks itself upon the head now of the President, now of the Seoretary of War, and now of Gen. lialleck, acoording to the drift and pressure of the convic tions or prejudices which CDntrol the judgments of men, in arriving at their conclusions, where they have no means of infallible knowledge. As we have said before, so we say again, that in the absence of definite information as to the per son or persons who are responsible for the recent national humiliation, we have felt it proper to do no mC'r$ tban ^express the conviction, not now entertained for the first time, but more than ever foroed upon us by iate events, that it is the duty of the President of the United States to difcover the source of this weakness or negligence in our military counsels and to apply the remedy. If this is not done, it will be left for the people of the United States to understand that he takes upon him self the responsibility of all the miltiary misfortunes under which they groan, and thus the President wPl pluck down on his single head all the re proaches which now swell ^the volume of public dissatisfaction distrust. Our readers do not need to be informed as to the generality of these reproaches, which are the most vehementin the case of those most devoted to the political interests of the President. For, with the ready instinct taught by immediate con tact with the masses of the people, it is seen end felt by the President's best friends that his politi cal fortunes are in imminent jeopardy of being irretrievably stamped by the rising tides of popu lar impatience and indignation at a state of things which, if not speedily amended, threatens to spread despondency through all ranks of the people in the Loyal States, because the thing that has been under the present conduot of the war is, they will lear, the thing that shall be, so long as the conditions of the military problem remain unchanged. In order to show the universality of this impres ?ion V? have made numerous selections from our contemporary of the public press in all parts of the land, ranging from Boston to Chicago, confin ing our selections exclusively to Republican pa pew, and among these making choioe of the most intelligent and influential. They all speak a com mon language and point to " the military adminis tration" as the presumed seat of the evil. The most radical and extreme prints of the RcpubJjcan party are among the most outspoken in their terms of condemnation, far transcending in some any language which wo Lave felt it proper to use. Will any body pretend, in the presence of such a volume of testimony pointing in a single direction, -that this outcry is factitious, or that it is the off spring of political prejudice? We hope tho President, in respect for the deep ly roused feeling of the country, will seek to dis cern and to comprehend the true relations and pur port of this deep popular movement, which unites political journals of all parties and religious jour nals of all creeds?as wide apart as the New York Independent anc? the New York Observer?in one common sentiment of impatience at the military conduct. And in so saying wo- do not un, dertake to measure the justico of this sentiment. We simply recite the fact of iU existence as one not to be ignored. We venture to express this hope becauae, if there be any truth in certain out givings of the correspondents in this city who write for.thc New York press, it would seem that the ^ranii proportions of this national inquest are in danger of heing reduccd to tho lame and impo tent conclusion of ? mere Cabinet squabble, which may turn for w*? >M?e on matters wholly imperti nent to the grsnJ 10 ^ llclJ for the purpose of disco?cr'n8 bow it came to pass that the State of Maryland W.M recently allowed to be invaded and the capital of the oountry put in siege?as the War Department would have us be lieve in perilous siege?during this fourth year of the war. (rCn. Buell was put on his defence before a court of inquiry in the year 1862 for alldwiftg Kentucky to be invaded by Gen. Bragg under circumstanocs which,.on *ny conceivable theory of his conduct, even the worst that was falsely imputed to him by his detractors, cCuld not be oonstrued to imply a delinquency at all approaching in magnitude that which has just for the third time led to an irrup tion of the enemy into Maryland. Shall nobody be put on his defence for this manifest dcrcliction? Or shall an attempt be made to divert popular at tention from the gravamen of the publio accusation in this matter by preoccupying tho minds of the people with * mere Cabinet etclandrtf What we mean by this latter inquiry our readers may /earn from the following intimations of the Wash ington correspondent of the New York World. Under date of the 19th instant he writes: " It i* reported in (fficial circle, and very generally be *ed, that Mr StaDton ba* reined hi* position m Secre tly *>! War It H known that for *nme time pact be baa not been on ?pea>ing Po*tnia*ter General Blair, and tbe la "or of tbaJ eentleman it eaaential to retaining the ?onfideuce o.f Prudent J-incoto. The immediate cauae of the resignation grew out 0. the quarrel* which followed tbe attack of tbe reb? la upon tbe city, Blair charging in competence and cowardice upon b.fa?ton and Halleck for tbeix want of management during tbe pTOfrea* of the raid, h Among the oandidate* mentioned to ?uooe.*d Mr. btanton ?re Seuator John bhermau and UfD Kchenck It la doubt ?d whether Mr Bbernaa will accept tbe position. ? " The burning of Poatmaater Gei,*ral Blair'* hou*e l?y tbe rebels be* led to other betide Cabinet complication* In bia auger tbe Po*tma*ter General ww loud id hi* de pttactsUcB* of tbe want of oapautj and vigor abown in the dafanoe of Maryland He vu so abusive la M| reaarks, which pointed ?o directly to Gen. Halleok, that that umwr drew up a remonatranoe to the President, and demanded an investigation of hia oouduot He alao maiat^d that Blair should uot be retained among the oouuaellora of the Preai deut in oaae the cbargea proved to be unfounded. How tfce matter will end ia uot known, but it ia far utore likely that Geu. Halleck will go belore Mr. Blair, aa the latter hat become Mr. Linooln'a aeoood aelf. There ia uo doubt at all that these rumor* of disgracelul quarrel* in the Cabi net and among the immediate adviaera of the Preaident have but teo much foundation in truth." We shall not undertake to sift theae rumors for the purpose of proving their authenticity, even if we had the means of doing so. Wc advert to them simply for the purpose of saying th%t it is a matter of great inconsequence, in our judgment, what Mr. Blair may have said or not said under the irrita tions natural to one who had just been oalled to suffer individual loss, as well aa to feel, in oommon with the great dims of his oountrymen, a deep sense' of mortifioation at the events whioh, what ever may be said in extenuation of them, refleoted db little credit on the alertness and energy of the military administration. The fact that he is a member of the Administration under which such events have taken place might perhaps justly serve to make him only the more sensitive to a feeling of shame and indignation at their occurrence. The sentiment attributed to him, whatever may be the justice of its application to Gen. Halleck, (about which we know nothing and affirm nothing,) is one which he shares in oommon with the groat mass of the American people, without regard to politioal divisions or official stations, and it would be great ly to misconceive the height of the argument ap propriate to such a transaction if the President should suffer the petty personal aspects of this question to hide from his view the grave poncern ment of the nation in this matter The nation does not particularly care to know how Mr. Blair appreciates the military administration, but it does want to know how it came to pass that Mr. Blair's house oould be burned almost under the walls of one of the forts of this city by an invading force which entered Maryland through the valley of th.' Shenandoah. If this force was small, aa some per sons contend, why was it not sooner repelled ? If it was large, as the War Department prefers us to believe, why was not its approach sooner discover ed and its magnitude ascertained in time to pro vide for the adequate defence of the city? These are the questions which concern the nation. What Mr. Blair may have said?wc know not the pre cise terms ascribed to him?is important only as serving to indicate whether he felt as others felt and spoke as others spoke under the deep impres sion produced by events which were supposed to have shed a disastrous lustre on our military ad ministration. We may gather the evidenoes of this feeling, as is well said by the oandid New York Observer, (a religious journal which carries the obligations of truth and piety into the conduct of its columns,) " from our own consciousness, from ' the speech of the people with whom we come in 1 oontact, and from the sentiment of the newspaper ' press, particularly of the papers that are the most 4 hearty and outspoken in support of the Govern ' ment, the Administration, and the War. The ' feeling is natural, teasonable, and inevitable." And where there is suoh a community of deep feel ing wc must expect to find its expression infinitely diversified with more or less of emphasis, accord ing to the different tem pet amenta of individuals. FALL OF RAIN. In compliance with a request recently addressed to him, the learned Secretary of the Smithionian Institution haa sent u* in the following table* the facta iu regard to the fall of rain during the laat three months : lull of ham as measured at the Smithsonian Institution m May, June, and July since 1859. May. June. July. Inches. Inches. Inche* IK?9 | 3020 5 016 1.636 l8i>0 ' ?660 827p 2 840 1H61 3 4H2 3U14 5 213 1W62 2226 4 913 5 378 1663 1 3.18W t?4? 6 679 1p64 1 5.133 0 805 0.6U0* Mean 4.102 3.214 4 041 * This quantity is what has fallen up date. From thia table it appears that the quantity of rain which fell in May last was greater than the meau amount for the last six years ; and that the quantity which haa fallen since the beginning of June is much leas than the average for the same time in six years, and also than for any one year aince 1359. bale and yuantiy of fall of rain unci the beginning of May of the present year. May. Jun<?. July. Date. Inrhes 2d 680 11th .257 12th 2 170 15th 16th 18th 10th 1 22d i 24 th 26th, 27tb.j The Secretary adds : "The idta has frequently been ad raoced that a drought may be interrupted by the firing of cmidoo, but a little reflection will convince us that neither the combustion of gunpowder nor the agitation of the air by rf discharge of cannot ran furnish the moisture neces sary to the production of rain. If, however, the air is surcharged with moisture, and the atmosphere in the un stable condition which immediately precedes rain, then a violent commotion or an upward current of air produced by a large fire may bring on a rain whieh might, in some rare instances, not otherwiae have fallen. In the oese of the drought which we have had for the laat six weeks there was not sufficient moisture in the atmoaphere to pro duce a rain. Kvn on Saturday and Sunday morning the air was remsrkably dry, nnd therefore the moisture from which the rain of Sunday night was precipated must have been wafted from a distance by the northeast wind which commenced blowing from that direction at about nine o'clock on Sunday morning." FROM GEN. SHERMAN'S ARMY LoI'Ihville, JL'LY 27.?Information has been received from an < fflcer at the front, who says: "In two battles in front of Atlsnta we have destroyed the better portion of the enemy's two best corps. All the prisoners oaptured on th* 22d and 231 unit* in saying the rebel Gen. Hood waa killed on the 221" Major Gen. Routseau and start arrived last night from Marietta. The raid was the most*successful during ttoe war The total loss was five killi*d and thirteen wounded, who were captured and paroled. Two thousand rebels were killed and wounded, and two hundred were alao cap tured, together with eight hundred horses and mules and I about th? aame number of contrabands The expedition I destroyed thirty-one miles of railroad, great quantities of j storea, cotton, etc , and thirteen railroad depots at various J poinU on the AtUgf* Montgomery railroad THE PEAOB NEGOTIATIONS. In his first message to Congress, called to meet in extraordinary session on the 4th of July, 1861, President Lincoln held the following language : " Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of meu a. to what i. to be the c^ur^ of tbe aoven^eut to^ ward* the Southern States, after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper t > say > will be bin purpose then, u ever, to bt *? ' * stxtution and the laws; and that te probably Will have no different understanding of the powers and duties of we Federbl Qoveruuient relatively to the rights of the and the people, under the Constitution, thau that e*Pre"ed in the inaugural address. He d? aire* to preset the Uov ernment, that it may be ad in buttered for all, as U teat ?rt minutertd by the men who made it. Loyal cUttent ttery where have the right to claim thitof thtir Government and the Government hat no right to withhold or is not perceived that, in giving it, there M any o ' any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just aeuae o terma." On the 28d of August, 1862, in his well-known letter to Mr. Greeley, as originally published in our oolumns, the President wrote as follows. >? Ut paramount object ia to aave the Union, and not either save or deatroy slavery. If I could without freeing any slave, I would do it , if I c'|uld ,a*J it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by treeing some and leaviug others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to aave the Union , and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not behave t would help to save the Union. I thall do leas whenever shall believe what I am do.ng hurts the eause; and I'haU do more whenever I baliove doing more will help the cause. In the opening words of the preliminary " Pro i clamation of Freedom," issued on the 22d ot Sep | tember, 1862, the President, as if anxious to pre olude the inference that he meant thereby to I change the object of the war, was careful to declare " that hereafter as here'ojore the war will be prose | outed for the object of practically restoring the con stitutional relation between the United Slates and each of THE Stateh and the peoph thereoj in whioh -States that relation is or may be sus pended or disturbed." This is "the object" of the war as the President understands it. to restore the constitutional relation between the United States and each oj the States in whioh that' rela tion is now suspended or disturbed. In reply to a communication from the Hon. Fernando Wood, of New York, who, in December, 1862, had imparted to the President ?ome infor mation to the effect "that the Southern States would send representatives to the nexc Congress provided that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so," Mr. Lincoln, under date of December 12th of that year, held the following explicit language : " I strongly suspeot your information will prove to be gs: utidless, nevertheless, I thank you for communicating it to me Understanding the phrase in the paragraph above quoted?' the Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress'?to be substantially the same as that the ' people of the Southern St?tes would cease re sistance, and would reiuaugurat*, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the limits of such States, under the Constitution of the United Stat-s,' / any that zn such case the war should cease on the part oj the Lnitid Statu; and that, if within a reatonable time, ' a full and general amnesty ' were necessary to sueh end, it would not bt withheld." Early in the autumn of 1863, in hia celebrated Letter addressed to the Springfield Republican Convention, the President wrote as follows, as if to exclude the cavil or objection on the part of po litical opponents that he had any design to con tinue the war for the purpose of emancipation after the declared object of the war should have been reached in a restoration of the Union. To this effect the President said : " You say you will not fight to free uegroes. Some of them ietm willing to fight lor you. But no matter; fight you then exclusively to save the Union. I issued the pro clamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resi^tinoe to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for yuu to declare you will not fight to free negroes." ? i We have arranged these declarations of the Pre sident in the order of their chronology, for the. pur pose of showing that his daolaied policy under this head has been uniform, deliberate, definite, and determinate. In the month of July. 1861, he declared'it his purpose to preserve the Government that it might be administered as it was adminit-tercd by the men who made it, and he added that "loyal citizens every where have tin right to claim this of their Government, and the Government has no right to withhold it." In December, 1862, he said that if "the people of the Southern States would cease resistance and would reinaugufate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the limits of said States, under the Constitution of the U tited State, in such case the icar tould cease on the part of the United States." Tn September, 1863, directing his remarks to supposed dissentients from his negro policy, he said: "Fight you then exclusively for the Union." " Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if 1 shall urje yuu to continue fa hi iny, itieill be an apt time for you to d(clare. you will not fiyht to Jres neyroet." It is in the light of these Presidential declara tions that the reader is prepared properly to appre ciate thelatcat terms on which the war will cease, as far as the President is concerned, and without which ho purposes to " oontinue lighting." We allude of course to the stipulations announced by him a few days ago as the neoessary conditions prelimi nary to negotiations with the Confederate autbori. tics, as follows: Exrcutivk Mansion, Washington, July 18, 18G4. To whom it may concern : Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peaoe, the integrity of the whob Union and the abandon ment if slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will le received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be m?t by liberal terms oo other substantial and collateral poiuts, and the btarer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both wayg, Abraham Lincoln. This declaration is important in many aspects. It shows, in the first place, that, according to tho principles propounded by the President in tho year 1861, the time has passed when he proposes " to preserve the Government that it may be ad ministered aa it was administered by the men who made it;" for nobody pretends that the " men who made the Government" supposed that the President had any power to dictate emancipation as the condition of maintaining or restoring peaceful relations between the States and the Gov ernment. As compared with the terms ot peace propounded to Mr. Wood in the year 1862, it shows that the time has passed when " the war will cease on the part of the United States if the people of the Southern States would cease resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority j" for the President now in cflfect an nounces that no proposition "will bo reoeived and oonsidered by the Kxaoutivt Government of the United States" whioh does not embrace, in addi-1 tion to " the restoration of peace and the in tegrity of the whole Union," the " abandonment of slavery." As compared with the declaration of 18(33, it shows that the time has now oome whan, accord ing to the President's own admission and oonsent, such of his countrymen as are " fighting exclu sively for the Union," and who conscientiously deny the right of the Government to fight for any thing else, may aptly say that the new terms on which the President insists are such that if the negotiations were broken down by his persistence on this point, they might fairly claim, according to his own theory of their duty, an exemption from "fighting to free negroes." It will thus be seen that, by applying to the late declaration of the President the principles an nounced by him in the years 1861, 1862, and 1863, we are able to measure the effeot and pur port of that declaration by his own standards. And when the President thus becomes his own oritio and confuter, it would be idle in us to add any words on the subject. But this latest declaration is important in other aspects. It serves to show, that the President has overoome any scruples he may have previously had on.the subject of recognising the Confederate military authorities. He now makes it a condition of receiving and considering any proposition that it shall oome " by and with an authority that can oontrol the armies now at war against the United States." On this point he has paid little heed to the resolution of the Baltimore Convention, when, in renominatng him, it declared : " Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Government of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer any terms of peace except such as may be based upon an unconditional surrenderor their hostility, and a return to their first allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States} and that we call upon the Government to maintain their position, aud to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the oomplete suppression of the rebellion, in full reliauce upon the self sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor, aud the uudyipg devotion of the American people to their country and its tree institutions." * The President, it seems, is now willing to " compromise with rebels," for he says that if they will accept the terms prescribed they will be met by "liberal terms on other substantial and col lateral points." But Mr. Lincoln must have been aware that the President of the so-called Confederate States (who is the "authority" that controls " the armies now at war against the United States") is not empowered by any of his prerogatives to stipulate for " the abandonment of slavery," and, therefore, in spe cifying this as one of the terms of a proposition to oomo "by and with" such an "authority," he asked what Gen. Jefferson Davis, even with the fullest disposition to do so, had no right or power to grant?slavery being, under the Constitution of the Confederate States, as of the United States, exclusively an institution of the separate States, over which the oentral power has no rightful ju risdiction or control. The views of our " Executive Government" on this point were officially expounded by the present Secretary of State at the opening of this Adminis tration in a despatch which is known to have re ceived the President's sanction. We allude to the letter of instructions to Mr. Dayton, our Minister to Paris, in whioh occur these passages: ?' The framers of our Government placed the entire control of slavery, as it was then existing, beyond the control of the Federal authorities, by leaving it to re main subject to the exclusive management and disposition of the several States themselves, and fortified it there with a provision for the return of fugitives from labor and ser vice, and another securing an allowance of three fifths of such persous in fixing the basis of direct taxation and re presentation. * "The condition of slavery In toe ^several States will re main just the same whether it [the rebellkn] succeed or fail. There is not even a pretext for the complaint that the disaffected States are to be conquered by the United Stites if the revolution fai,; for the rights of the States, and the tondi'.ion of every human bring in them, will remain subject to ezaetly the same lairs apd forms of administration, k hither the tcvolulton shtill succeed or whether it shall f*il I n the one cas < tbe States would be federally connected with the new Confederacy; in the other, they would, as now, b.i members of tbe United States; but th?ir constitut ons and laws, cuctoms, habits, and institutions in either case will remain the same. ' It is hardly necessary to add to this incontestable state ment the further fact that the new President, as well as the oitiz?ns through whose suffrages he has come into the ad minntration, has always repudiated all designs whatever and wherever imputed to him aud them of disturbing the system of slavery as it is existing under the Constitution and laws The case, uowftr, u>out4 not be fuUy presented if I were to omit to say that any such effort on his part would kt unconstitutional, and all his actions in that direction would be prevented by thi juaicial authority, even though thy wc.rt assented to by Congress and the people." We do not doubt that the people of the United States will see in the impossible requisition of the President as a condition preliminary to peaoe only a new illustration of the inextricable entanglements iuto which the President has suffered himself to be drawn by departing from the original theory of tho war. And if ho desires to know the universal impression that is likely to be produced by the at titude in which he has placed himself, he may, we think, read it in suoh oomments as tho following, from the only one of the New \ork journals whioh was originally in favor of his renomination. We allude to tho New York Times, which says : ?' The President made but two conditions to the reception and consideration of any proposition for the restoration of P"*ce, which should come to him from competent author ity first, that it should embrace the integrity of the whole I'nion; second, that it should embrace the abandonment of slavery We believe he might have gone still further tban this; he might have omitted the second of these con dition* altogether, and required tbe first alone, as ess< ntiai to the reception and consideration of proposals for peace. We do not mean to say that it will be eventually found possible to ei.d tho war and restore the Union without the " abandonment of slavery;" but we do say that this aban donment n*< d not be exacted by tbe President as a condi tion without which he will not receive or consider propo sal fur peace. The people do not require him to insist upon any such condition. Neither his oath of office, nor his constitutional duty, nor his personal or official consis tency requires him to insist upon it That is oue of the questions to be considered and arranged when the terms of peace c<>me to be discussed. It i| not a subject on which term* can be imposed by the Government, without consultation, without agreement, or without equivalents." Equally explicit and pertinent are the following words of that able and influential Republican jour nal, the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. It aays j ?' Next to the issue of the armed struggle in which this people are engaged, the most difficult problem which has arisen is the method by which peace is ultimately to be restored. The question is involved in mary grave difficul ties, and has been the subject of much anxious reflection among our thinking men. Of course, jeace is the end for which we are all struggling, and lor waioh all are ear nestly hoping. We are aware that it haa become the fashion with a class of silly, unrefleoting men to scout the idea of any peace, and to refuse to listen to deliberate re flection or discu>sion upon the subject as an abandonment of principle. Buoh men seem to oonsider the present ?truggle as a aort of Kilkenny fight, involving tbe total annihilation of one or the other of the parties to it, and re gard the mention of peace as very nearly allied to treason " This visionary ar.d Quixotic idea is entertained largely at tbe Mouth as well as at the North. The absolute and QnoomproiuisiDg secessionists of the South have their coun- j tarpart* In the lmpraotloal extremists of the North, and it 1* dally becoming more and mure apparent that the two to gether oomplete an antagonism which never can be brought together. We have loug ago abandoned all hope of finding the solution of our national troubles in either of theae quar ters. Nevertheless, we do look for the end froui some source. " We are uow upon the fourth year of a war which has no parallel in the world's history, and aa yet the end oannot be discovered. * * ? ? " The North eutered upon the preseut struggle with the declared purpose of maintaining the Union. President Lincoln, iu his inaugural, uttered sentiments whioh would to day be entirely satisfactory to the South ns a basis for peaoe. Congress at its first session after the commence ment of hostilities resolved, with all the solemni'y of legis lation, that the war should be prosecuted with no purpose of aggression upon the Federal rights of the South The ink of the engrossing clerk was scarcely dry before the na tional faith thus pledged waa violated Three blood - years have sealed the stultification which was then enactea. "The key of the great problem now before this people may be found in this question: What are we fighting for T Is it the maintenance of the Union, or is it the reoonstruo tion of the Union upon a basis of emancipation 7 Are we fighting to assert and vindicate the power of the Federal Government, or to regulate and reform the domestio abuses of the South? Iu the answer to these questions lies the solution of all the issues of war. " We venture the opinion that if a reliable assurance could be given to the people of the South that the Federal Constitution and its striot maintenance were the sole ulti matum of peace that the rebellion would cense within three months. The^fire-eaters of Seoessia have lost the prestige of their power, and the people are beginning to yearn after the blessings of the old order of things. They have learned a wholesome respect for the North and have been taught to correct the old contempt for us into which they have been educated." And we Buppose that it was in presage of the obstacles likely to be laid in the way of peace by the theoretical position whioh the President had assumed on these and other subjects, that the New York Tribune was induced to oppose his reno luination, and in reiteration of which, even after hia re-nomination, it held the following language: "We cannot but feel that it would have been wiser and safer to spike the most serviceable guns of our adversaries by nominating another for President, and thus dispelling all motive, Bave that of naked disloyalty, for further warfare upon this Administration. We believe the rebellion would have lost something of its cohesion and venom from the hour in which it was known that a new President would surely be inaugurated ou the 4th of March next; and that hostility in the Loyal States to the National cause must have sensibly abated or been deprived of its readiest, most dangerous weapons from the moment that all were brought to realize that the President, having no more to expect or hope, could henceforth be impelled by no conceivable mo tive but a desire to serve and save his country, and thus win lor himself an enviable and enduring fame." It was a singular coincidence that tho friendly editor, who held this frank language after the Pre sident's rotiomination, should have been called to aot so prominent a part in tho negotiations which have just given the wholo country abundant reason to ooncur with him in his opinion. The President solemnly declared in the year 1861, in his message to the Congress of the United States, that " loyal citizens everywhere had the right to claim" that the Government should be preserved "that it might be administered Jor all as it was administered by tho men who made it." As loyal citizens we enter our "claim" in these words. And the President said at tho same time that " the Government had no right to withhold or negleot" this claim, 'ihen we ask that he shall not "withhold or negleot" what he has authorized the nation to demand. THE FIGHT AT SNICKER'S GAP. Snicker's Ferry, (Va.) July 20,1864 The forces under Major Gen. Wright have pursued Early and Breckinridge from Washington to thia place, sometimes skirmishing with their rear guard, which proved to have been kept twenty-four hours in the rear of the main body for purposes of observation. It invariably fled when attacked. When near Puroells ville, some miles south of Snicker** Gap, Duffle's cavalry, of Gen. Crook's oomiuaud, came upon their trains aud captured eighty two of their wagons,-with bat slight loss. Up at the mouth of the Gap be had a more serious time, aud lost a few men. Crook then brought up his cavalry, and, passing through the Gap, reached the ferry, which was strongly proteoted, so that he could not cross. The uext day Gen. Wright came up with some of bis troops, and aoon determined to attempt a crossirg, suffi ciently at least to develop their strength. He did so. and under ooverof artillery fire grossed overseveral regiments, which maintained their ground manfully for some time; but, jast as reinforoemeuts were about to join them, they came back, the right of the line being in some confusion. It was now near night, and a renewal of the attempt could not be made until morning. Gen. WrigUt then be gan to manoeuvre to divide his enemy's foroe and his atten tion, when he could easily have destroyed him. Instead of succeeding in this, he found that Early had received news from Lee which, together with the chances of being thrash ed by Wright, made him pack up and leave at double quick in the direction of Strasburg. G*a. Wright crossed the river and proceeded a few miles towards Winchi ster, but, learning nothing to ohange his mind as to the direction the enemy had taken, he oountermarobed his forced, in obe dience to orderr. Among the casualties on the lath, at Island ford, were Col. Washburne, 116th Ohio, wounded; Col. Frost, 11th Virginia, wounded in the bowela, and Lieut Col. Murray, 5th New York heavy artillery, aerving as infantry, mus ing, and known to be severely wound> d The whole loss was three hundred men. The enemy's loss was fivo htiudred by their own atatements. The annexed letter, whioh we find in the Wheeling In telligencer of Monday lait, gives fuller particulars of the fight at Snicker's Gap on Monday, the 18th instant, than were embodied in the above letter: Hcadquartert 12/A Ht.g't IK Va. Volunteer Infantry, Ntar Smtker't Gap, July 21, 1864 On Monday, July 18th, the regiment moved from Pur cellville. Loudoun county, to Snicker's Gap, some seven miles. Along the route we found the remains of several burned wagons, some dea* mules, and the other debris of the rebel army which had passed on Saturday. About four o'dock P. M. we filed tight and went some distance down the Shenandoah river to endeavor to effect a crossing. The usual ford, the stream running along thn immediate foot of the mountain, was occupied by the re bels, advantageously posted. At the pointy where the General decided to wade over onr skirmishers advanced and drove the enemy's sharpshooters, on the opposite bunk, away. The water was waist deep. Across this our bare legged division, about four thousand strong, waded, form ing a double line on the other aide, with skirmishers well advanced. The first line was in a wheat field proteetrd by a rise in the ground, The second line wan on the edge of a river bank, behind a atone fenoe. In thia line our re giment was placed. Soon the enemy advanced in foroe. Our first line, being out flanked and slightly eufiladed by the rebel skirmishers, broke and ran through the second. It is not to be wonder ed at that the first line br ke under a cross-fire. But after breaking they fled shamefully through the second line, and rushed madly down into the river, where'tnany, never look ing for the fard at which they crossed, plunged in to drown Of course many brave men fV II into the second line and re mained, but as an organization the rest fled and came not back. Under this the seoond line wavered. The Johnnies shouted and advanced. Some fifteen hundred of our dis mounted cavalry of all regiments, armed m infantry, were ?osted in our line, and immediately on onr regimental right, 'hese flew pell-mell over the river with our first line, never firing a shot. It is a Bull Knn panio, and if our line does not check tbe rebels it will be a Ball's BlufT re enacted, our men being shot or drowned in the fiver. They pour over the stone -fences and our heads like an inundation. Except the dastardly cavalry tbe line atands firm aa a rock. The rebels shout, charge, re-sboMt, and re charge, but only oome np to the edge of the rise fifty yards in front of us to get sweetened, (sugar of lead,) to drop on their faces and not dariog to rise again, to cmwl bark in the high grass. Thus we fight till dark, out flunked by superior numbers right and left. Finally, &ft?v ?*ne of their repulses the rebels retire to tb9 woods in their rear. For s reason our commanders deem it advisable to retire iasU?sd of re infOroing us. Our whole lost, including those drowned in the panio missing the ford, will be about four hundred men. Tbe lota ol tbe enemy was greater, from the fact that tbey were the assailants and exposed. Owing to the excellent cover behind which our regiment fought it loses slightly. Tbe 12th was the last regiment to reoross, and the bigheat praise is paid them by the broad oullars for ooolness and steadiness Col. Tboburn commanded during tho fight He exposed himself wherevertheflre was heaviest, and there directed matters in person. Being all the time mounted, and therefore a mark, it is strange he was not struck. His Adjutant, Lieut. Rider, of the 14th Virginia, and an orderly, SVock, Cormak, of tka 1st Virginia, were both wounded. OOMMENra or THE PRESS ON THE FEA.CE NEGOTIATIONS AT NIAGARA. From the Nfto York Timet, (Rcftub lean ) '1 be President made but two oouditi'jus to the reception aud oousideration of auy proposition for the reatoratiou of pea'!tf, which should come to hiui from competent author ity : tint, that it should embrace the integrity of the whole Union; Mooud, that it should embrace the ubandonwunt of slavery We believe be might have gone st 11 further than thin; be might Lave omitted the secoud of these oou ditious altogether, and required the first alone, as essential to the reception and couai4e;alioU of proposals for peace. We do not mean to say that it will be eveutually fouud possible to eud the war aud restore the Uuiuu without the "abandonment of slavery;" but we do any that this aban donment need uot be exacted by the President as a condi tion without which he will not receive or consider propo sals for peaoe. The people do not require him to insist upou any such condition. Neither bia o&th of offioe, nor hi* constitutional duty, uor bia personal or ut&oiaJ conaia tenoy requirea him to inaiat upon it. That ia one of tL? questions to be considered aud arranged wbeu the term* of peaoe come to be diaouased. It it not a aubjeot on which terma c*n be imposed by the Government, without consultation, without agreement, or Without equivalents. The President has a right, and it ia his duty to luast upou the iutegrity of the Uuiou as a oondition sina qua non. His oath of office binds bim by the most aolemn sanctions to execute the laws over all the territory com mitted to his executive jurisdiction by the Constitution; and if he were to enter upou any negotiation* with any Power, fortign or domestic, uuder any pleasure from within or without, for the disruption of that Territory and the overthrow of the Government committed to hia handa, , h* would reuder himself liable to impeachment, trial, and punishment as a traitor, lie caunot concede tliat point, uor waive it at any time or under any oircum*tanoea. He' can make no treaty ; be can listen to no propositiona for m treaty; be cau receive no otherwise than aa a crime any suggestion from auy quarter for any peaoe which involves the destruction or separation of the Union. Upou this point, moreover, the people of the country, outside of the rebellion, are thoroughly and heartily agreed No party in the loyal Statca dare favor separation for a moment, aud terrible as are the burdeua aud calamities of the war, they will be borne a/id welcomed, with alacrity even, aud carried through to the bitter end, by the great mass of the prople of alt parties and of all opimona, if this Union can bo preaerved in no other way. Upon thia point we have no doubt, and the President need have no mis givings. He cannot err in standing by it, and in making it th?> abaolutd and immovable guide for bia aotion now aud forever. But it is not *o with slavery, with confiscation, with the dooiriue of State rights, with the assumption of the rebel debt, or with any other question growing out of the war, or connected with if, in its origin or ita progress, in auy way, or however clonely These questions were open to discussion before the war ommeno^d, hnd they are open jet It is the right of both aides to be heard upon them, for both aides are to be afiected by them, ft needs but little reflection to eonviure any candid man that their dis cussion and settlement by concurrence must enter iuto any peaoe which will be either potable or worth preserving. From the Ar?v> \ork News, (Democrat.) Now that all know what has been said and done and writtcn.it is no 1 eger premature to oonaider the facts aud search for the moral of the whole transaction. Two prominent aud influential citizena of the 8outh the IIou. Clement C Clay arid Profesaor J. P. Holcomb the one a member of the Confederate House of Represen tatives from Virginia, the other representing the State of Alabama in the Confederate Senate? requeated a tfafe con duct to Washington to confer with the Federal Adminis tration in regard to the political differeocea between the aectiona, expressing their conviction that an interview ot that nature would be improved by the Confederate Got ' ernmeot as the prelude to negotiation with a view to ter-. minatiog at the earlieat possible moment the calamities of war. Although those gentlemen were not offloially ac credited with power to treat, and were therefore power less to offer or accept torma in the name of the Confede racy, they were " in the confidential employment of their Government," and "entirely familiar with its wiahes and opinions on that subject." The circumstance of their unofficial character, so far as it referred to the position assumed by thia Adminiatretion of holding no diplomatic relationa with the rebel authori ties, was in itaelf an additional reason why the aafe eon duct bhoyld be grauted; for it gave Mr. Lincoln an op portunity to aicertiin the radioal points of antagooiam between the aectiona without danger of compromising the position tg v\l?ioh we have alluded. When the appli cation of Alexander 11. Stepb ns waa rejected, the Ad ministration organs justified the act upon the ground that Mr. Stephens came as an accredited envoy of the Rich mond authorities, and to receive him in that capacity would imply a virtual rec. grit on of the Confederacy. In the preaent case, Mr. Lincoln appeaia to have favored the proposition for aa interview under the impreasiou that Metara. Clay and Holcomb were duly accredited; but upon ascertains g the unofficial character of their miaaioa the aafe conduct waa withdrawn In one case the ab rence and in the other the possession of credentials for bids an interview. We leave it for the Administration organs to recoucile the conflicting phasea of Mr. Linoolu'a diplomacy. It muit bo borne in mind that the most intimate soeial relations exist between Jeff-raon Davi* and Meaara. Clay and Holcomb. Both of tbe latter are men of high charae t< r, who would under n? circumstances connect them reives with a trivial mission or lend their names to a mere electioneers trick They know what terms the Confede rate authorities will accent aud the Southern people sanc tion. Is it not right aud ettential that we ahould know too? Is it not madness to proceed with this work of car nuge when the objeet contended for, by on) at leeat of the partiea, ia a mystery 1 * It ia upon record, above the aignature oi Abraham Lin coln, that " the abandonment of slavery" must be aocepted by the Houtb, even aa a preliminary to negotiation. No proposition that does not embrace aubmiaaion to thlt con dition will be "received and considered bj the Ezecuttve Government of tbe United States" It is therefore aet tled that the " abandonment of alavery" ia tbe purpose of thia war. For that our aoil is drenched with blood ; for that our aoldiera fight aud periah ; lor that our hoapitals are crowded with the maimed ami suffering manhood of tbo.land; for that the widow a wail and the children hun ger ; for that we accumulate a cruahing debt; for that we yield tbia coutiueut to foreign despots ; for that our liber ties are trampled on ; for that republicanism la sacrificed and our country convulsed, impoverished, and threatened with overwhelming rum. The idea of restoring tbe Union no longor troubles tbe Executive brain. It will be remarked that throughout the Canada corre spondence Messrs. CUy and Holcomb make no allusion to terms. It is not, then, ou the ground of inadmissible cou-. ditiorm that Mr. Lincoln ha* cancelled that hope of peace. From the New York. Commercial Advertiser, (Republican.) Mr Sunders and Mr. Greeley, though wide aa tbe poles apart in political sentiment, are nevertbeleaa on fair terms of frieudahip. In the early spring of 1861, Mr. Sanders was the author of sundry brief, portentous, and oraoular telegrams which appeared in tbe Tribune, and which pur ported to nfleet the aeritim*nt thru getting into shape at Montgomery, (Ala.) Since the war Mr Sandera haa been in Europe, and on bis return his friends very naturally flrck to see him at bis retreat, just outside onr territorial limit*. Mr. Greeley may, of course, go to see him if he ebooses, but we ran fancy t he storm of indignation that would have been aroused had a Wood, or a Cox, or a Seymour ?ought the same scene of rebel activity. The moat ponder on a vocabularies and the richest Thesanrui. ol words would furnish poor and scanty atore of epithets for those who would have driven their subatantivea and six with thunder* ing apeed and endleas Jargon over and against the ainnera wlm dared to held communication with these ou traits Per haps Mr. Gre?ley may even yet teeeive some of thia bene diction. At all eventa, he may aa well eee to it that be does not make himaelf liable to the pain* and penaltiea of Mr. Sumner'a act of February 2S, I8G3, which forbids correapoudence with the rebels, with intent to defeat the meaaures of the Government or weaken their efficacy. Union Pkisunkhm in Andeknonvillk, (Ga.)?The number ia now over twenty seven thousand, and has been almost <laily increasing An Addition of five aerea has re cently been made to the enoloaursi but even with thia it is already too much crowded, ard the commandant ia en* - deavormg to receive no more. The foortality ia considera ble, being generally from fifty fo eixty a day. A atrange state of hffaira secma to prevail among them, wholly of a domeatrO character of their own. There has been thieving, fighting, and murders, and, to aecure aoma of them frem damage from the others, about ninety have to be kept oat aide tbe walla under guard It ia aaid that several will be hung by their comrade* for tbe murdera committed. | Man;* ((ia ) Journal THE LIGHT DRAFT MONITORS. Donald McKay, the ship builder, aaya the light draft monitors, whieh have been eonaidered fallurea, can be al tered at mueh leas eoat than reported, and that the De partment baa delegated Capt Kr lessen to make aoob Im provementa in them aa will render them available forecast and harbor defence. The Dictator and Puritan, in his opinion, in material, workmanship, and invulnerability, excel any thing be has aeen in England or France. Mr. McKay reeommenda the construction of a number of sea going wooden ahipa, heavily Iron olad, with high apeed, and from tweuty foot to thirty-si* guns.