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rpHE WORLD/- AN Independent Daily, Semi-Weekly, and Weekly Newspaper, for National Circulation and Family Beading. THE WORLD is an imperial quarto journal, published in the city of New York, aiming to be, in respect to all objects which truly belong to the province of a secular journal, the First Newspaper in America. Not assuming or seeking to he a preachor ef religious doctrine, hut recognizing in all its judg ments on the practical affairs of life, the authority and efficacy of Christian Principle and Christian Truths. " All tne news will be found in its columns, in every department of human activity, Political, Ag ricultural, Scientific, Commercial as well as in Lit erature, Science, and Art. IB all that concerns mental and moral progress and culture it will be first and foremost. Reli gious and Educational Topics and News, there fore, will receive special attention, and al6o all New Publications, Inventions, Discoveries, and Works of Art. The Foreign and Domestic Cor respondence af THE WORLD is unequalled ; not from the North alone, but from the South, East, and West, In every state it has a regular paid correspondent, always a resident of character and fosition. In Great Britain. France, Germany, taly, Turkey, Syria, China, Japan, South Amer ca, and Africa, we have paid resident correspon dents. In politics THE WORLD will he independent, but never neutral ; never lendiDg itself to party service, huthelpin. the good and exposing the had in all parties. National, on the side of the Union, the Constitution, aud the Lws, and up holding also the " Doctrine of the Fathers." To the Capitalist, the Merchant, the Mechanic, the Farmer, no paper offers sucli inducements and in terest. For each department it has a special ed itor —Agricultural, Horticultural, Scientific. Lit eary, Political, etc., etc., etc.—and so reflects in its columns the last and best results of the lif and work of the worlp. To the Farmer, its Proe vision and Market Reports alone aro wcrth the price of the paper. WEEKLY EDITION—This, as well as the Sem-Weekly, will contain all the daily matter of the most importance to the country at large.— Special attention is paid to the Agricultural, Hor ticultural, and Mechanical departments. Its Pro vision, Cattle, and other uiarkot reports are pre pared with the greatest care, Price $2 a year. GREAT INDUCEMENTS TO CLUBS —Four copies to one address, So; ten copies do., $10; twenty-five copies do., S2O. An extra copy will be sent to every person forming a. cluh of twenty, five ; and for a club of fifty Weekly subscribers, a copy of the daily will be sent for one year. Cler gymen can receive the Weekly, single copy, at $1 a year. Single copies five cents. The Semi-Weekly World will he published eve ry Tuesday and Friday, and will embrace all the more important matter of tho daily editions, with the Latest Markets. No semi weekly in this couu try will c mpare with it in range of topic and va riety of information. It is pre eminently valua ble as a Family Newspaper. Terms —s3 a vear ; two copies to one address. *5; five copies do., sll ; ten copies do , S2O. — Clergymen, $2. THE DAILY WORLD.—A New Ten-cylinder Tress, printing 20,000 an hour, has just been built to accommodate its greatcirculation. Is is a larger sheet than any of the other Two Cent Dailies. In papor, type, size, appearance, and range of information, i. surpasses and journal ever issued from the American press. Prite two cents. TERMS PER ANNUM —S6. Clergymen. St. Address, "THE WORLD," 35 PARK ROW, June 13, IS6I ] New York Sometliing KTew! TO THE CITIZENS OF BELLEFONTE, AND of Centre and Clinton counties As " hard times" and great " scarcity of mon ey" have led maDy country merchants to curtail their business very much, or even to su.-pend making any fresh purchases at all, so that those who wish " things to eat and'wear" to take old goods at old prices, <sr do without them at all, we deem it of great interest TO EVERY PERSON, RICH OR POOR, to know that tee have made large purchases,'avail ing ourselves of the immense and unprecented ad vantages in this time of general Panic and Wreck of Prices, in the markets, where with the cash we have oh tained many goods at ONE HALF THEIR VALUE: Confident that we can save every one twenty jive per cent., we would most cordially invite all FROM'EVERY SECTION, to call at the "K.EYSTO3STE," which is now crowded with new and desirable foods consisting of Dress Goods, sueb as Mohairs, oplins, Silks, Ura.y Goods, Lawns," Ac. 5.000 Yards Beautiful Prints, i 2500 Yds. Brown and Bleached Muslins, Silk Mantillas, Lace Mantillas, Lace Points, DUSTERS of Cloth and GRAY GOODS, • Stella, Thibet, Broche, and French Lace, at UNHEARD-OF PRICES, VWe desire to call particular attention to our Groceries, consisting of " Sugar Loaf" and " Beehive" Syrups, White Clarified Sugar, Coffees, Spices, Ac. Ac, We have a rare quality of Brown SUGAR AT SEVEN CENTS, OUR STOCK OF CARPETS is excellent, and the prices are very low, as will satisfactorily appear on examination. As our business is EXCLUSIVELY FOR CASH OR FARMERS PRODUCE, we have unusual facilities for doing a large busi ness at a small profit, and we ask all to avail themselves of the great inducements we offer. Respectfully, MERCEREAU A CO. THE KEYSTONE STORE between the Fallon House and White's Hotel, Water Street, Lock Haven, Penn'a. -June 27, 1861, st. 18.. C. HUMES, JAS, T. HALE JLJFI. M'ALLISTER, A. <J. CCRTIN BANKING HOUSE. Interest paid on Special Deposit. 'HUMES, M'ALLISTER HALE & CO., BELLEFONTE, PA. DEPOSITS received, Bills of exchange and Notes Discounted, Collections made and remitted promptly. Interest paid on special deposits for Ninety days, and under six , months at the rate of four per cent, per annum. , For six months and upwards, at the rate of five percent, per annum. Exchange on the East con stantly en hand. January, 3rd. 1861. amLaJSUfc J. J. LINGLE. Operative MfIHK and Mechanical Dentist; will prao tice all the various branohes of his profession in the most approved manner. Office and residence pn Spring St.Bellefonte' Pa. [Mar. S. '6O. tf. W W. WHITE, DENTIST, has per • manently located in Boalsburg, Centre , County Pa. Office on main St., next door to the Store of Johnston A Keller, where he purposes practising his profession in the most soientifio planner and at moderate charges. Jfffltulg to politics, totpcntittt, Ifittralnrt, Sritittc, fflccjjatttcs, gp|t jfflaritrfs, <Kbntatioit, 6traal jjntdligcitct, fe, ffijje Centre §tmocrat. IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY BY J. J, BRISBIN. Office in Reynolds' Iron Front, Second Floor. TERMS. —SI,SO if paid in advance or within six months after subscribing,otherwise $2 will invari ably be charged. No subscriptions received for i shorter period than ox i ionths and none dis sontinued, unless at the option of the editor, until all arrearages are naid. From the Now York In dependent. Compromise. Compromise ? who dares to speak it On the Nation's hallowed day. When the air With thunder echoes, Ami the rocket-lightnings play ? Compromise ? while on the dial Liberty goes ages back Scourged and bound, for our denial, Firmer to the despot's rack ? Compromise ? while angels tremble As we falter in the race ? Cringe, and flatter, and dissemble— We ! who inild such royal place ? Compromise ? It suits the craven ! Has our valor stooped so iow '! Have we lost our ancient ardor Face to face to meet the foe ? Compromise is treason's ally. Traitor's refuge, c •ward's raid ; All the wrongs that Justice suffers Flourish in its.deadly shade. Compromise is base unduing Of the deeds our Fathers wrought— They for Right and Freedom suing— We disclaiming what they bought. • No ! by all the Mayflower's peril Ou the wild and wintery sea: By the Pilgrim's prayer ascending As he knelt with reverent knee ; By the fairest day of summer When the tried, the true, the brave, Nance and life and sacred honor To the Roll ot Freedom gave ; By the tears, the inarch, the battle, Where the noble, fearliss died— Wild around the canuon's rattle. Waiting angles at their side By our children's golden future, By our fatners' stainless shield. That which God and heroes left us We will never, never yield Hear it! ye who sit in council, Wo, the People, tell you so ! Will you venture " Yes" to whisper When the millions thunder " No"? Will you sell the nation's birthright. Heritage of toil and pain, While a cry of shame and vengeance Rings from Oregon to Maine? Compromise—then Scperation— Such the order of the two ; Who admits the first temptation, Has the second's work to dc. Compromise—the sultry silence Seperation—the whirlwind power ! For a momon 's baleful quiet. Will you risk that rending hour ? Who would sail the Mississippi ? Who the mountain rages hold? Win Ohio's fertile borders ? Sacramento's sands of gold ? Whose would be our b;.Boer's glory? Who the eagle's flight would claim? Whose our old, illustrious s ory. Patriot graves, and fields ot fame? Compromise—we scorn the offer ! Separation —we defy ; " Firm, and free, and one forever !" Thus the People m ike reply. " Dealh to every form of treason, In tbc Senate, on the field " While the chorus swells and echoes, '■ WE WILL NI.VER. NEVER YIELD " A Voice from the Administration, FL'EECH OF HON CALEB B. SMITH. At the mass meeting held in Providence. It. 1., on Friday evening, the Hon. Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, addressed several thousand people. The substance of his speech was as follows ; "It is idle, my friends, to indu'ge in the hope that, if we cannot sustain this Union we must sustain republican ins'ttutions. — Fur, let me assure ynt : ■ tgbt. that if we cannot preserve our pre ... . government in its present form, we cannot sustain a free government in any form. There is great truth —there is great force in the sentiment so eloquently pronounced by the immortal 6tatesmau of Massachusetts, " Liberty and Union, now and forevet, one and insepara ble." Why is it, my friends that this dis cord prevails among us? Why is it that a portion of our own citizens are ton thun dering at the very door of the Capitol with hostile artillery ? I know there is one ele ment of discord in our system ; and I iutend to speak plainly in all that I have to say.— It is the question of domestic servitude that has rent assunder the temple of liberty.— What is there in this question of slavery that should divide this people ? Why, my friends, when this government was formed, when we marched from the battle-fields of tho Rev olution, every State of the Union_with a sin gle exception acknowledged the institution of slavery. It has been abolished in New England, in New York and Pennsylvania ; and our States of the West have grown to their present stature of population and mag nificence as free Spates. But for the last ten years aD angry controversy has existed upon this question of slavery. The minds of the people of the South have been deceived by the artful representions of dema gogues, who have assured them that the people of the North were determined to bring the power of this government to bea" upon them for the purpose of crushing out this in stitution of slavery. I ask you, is tfcer i any truth in this charge? Has the govei ment of the United States, in any single inst mce, by any one solitaly act, interfered with tne in stitutions of the South ? No not one. The theory of this government is that the States are sovereign within their proper > w. " ;•' " i,.i "WE STAND UPON THE IMMUTABLE PRINCIPLES OF JUSTICE—NO EARTHLY TOWER SHALL DRIVE US FROM OUR POSITION." Bellefonte, Centre County, * Penna., Thursday Morning, Aug. 29 1861. sphere. The government of the United States has no more right to interfere with the institu tion of slavery in South Carolina than it has to interfere with the peculiar institution of Rhode Island, whose benefits I have enjoyed to day But, my friends, during the last sum •mer, when the great political contest was raging throughout the land—then it was that designing and dishonest men, for the purpose of accomplishing their own se'fish schemes, appealed to the prejudices of the Southern people, denouncing those who supported Mr. Lincoln as abolitionists—as men who would disregard the constitutional rights of t h e South, and transcend the powers of the gov ernment. Excited by these iniquitius ap peals, they were ready to take arms to pre vent the inauguration of that President whom a majority of the people had declared to be the man of their choice. My friends, I have known the President long .and well. It has been my fortune to bv selected as one of his constitutional auvisers. I have bad the honor of being connected with this administration since its commencement, and I tell you to-night that you cannot find iu S. Carolina a man more anxious religiously and scrupulously to observe all the features of the Constitution relating to slavery, than Abraham Lincoln. Had the people of the South ben willing to wait and see whether he would regard ihat oath which in the pres ence of the assembled nation he bad taken, they would have found that no administra tiun ever organized in this country would have more conscientiously regarded and pro tected the rights of the South, than this ad ministration would have done. I know that I speak the sentiments of the President and his advisers—of those who havo controlled his administration. But these peon'e, however, were not will ing to wait until this lest could be applied, and no sooner was this President inaugura ted than the tocsin of war was sounded thro' every Southern State, and the armed strength ol the people was summoned to drag down the administra'ion—to undermiue the foun datior ol the government, and to crush in ruin ibis fair tabric ol republican institu tion-. What, 1 ask you. could the adminis tration have done? One niter another of the forts of the United S'ates had been taken ; one after another had the possessions of the government been seized ; State after State had renounced its allegiance to the federal Union ; in S ! ate after State the glorious flag of the nation had been trampled iu the dust, and to its place had been lifted the emblem of the pirate and the traitor. What was the duty of the administration in this emergen cy ? Should we stand by and see one at'ter another the pillars of our great fabric disrup ted and broken, or should wo appeal to the patriotism of the American people to sustain the institutions of their fathers? If .Mr. Lincoln had not pursued the course which he has, would he not have been unworthy of the confideocb that has been so generous'y piac ed in him ? He has adopted this course, and he has appealed to you, the people of the States, to rally around the standard of our country and teach the world that republican ism still lives upon this continent. My friends, we make no war upon Southern institutions. We recognize the right of South Carolina and Georgia to hold slaves if they desire them. Bur, my friends, we appeal to you to uphold the gieat banner of our glori ous country, ar.d to leave the people of that country to settle these domestic matters ac cording to their own choice and the exigen o cies which the times may present. * # # # # * * But, my friends, with all these sacrifices you have not done enough. Your country demands from ysu more sacrifices. With overwhelming force the enemy is upon us.— Perhaps while I am speakiDg, he is thunder ing at the gates of your capital. If they gain possession of that,'hey think they will destroy your nationality. I trust the patriotic men of Rhode Island are not satisfied with the effrnts they have made. Requisitions have been received fruin the War Department for more troops. Let them be ready. If they could start this very hour they would not be one hour too soon. For I teli you your country requires them at this very moment. * * * * * * * Let New England rally promptly and ear nestly, and I tell you rebellion will be crush ed to the earth, and the stars and stripes will be raised over a united country. Then we shall have peace. Peace will spread her benign influence over this land, and happi ness restored, business revived, and the bless ings of a free government enjoyed. I da not invoke to you to engage in this war as a war against slavery. We are war ring for a different principle. But there is an old adage brought down to us from the ancients : " That whom the Gods would de stroy, they must first madden." They are afflicted by that madness which for their wickedness God's providence has brought upon them. And what will do more to crush out the institution of slavery than would been done by the peaceful administration of the Government in ten centuries. If that should be the consequence, I have no tears to shed. To the future and to Providence I leave the issues of this great question. It is not the province of the government of the United States to enter into a crusade against the institution of slavery. I would proclaim to the people of all the States of this Union the right to manage their institu tions in their own way, 1 know that my fellow citizens will recog nize that as one fundamental principle upon which we commenced this contest. Let us not give our opporente any reason to com plain of us in this respeet. Let us not bring to bear upon them the power of despotism, but the power of the people of a republican government where they rule. Let us bring it to bear upon them so that the traitors shall receive such a condign punishment as welt as the world may see the fate which a free 1 people visits upon traitors. No spectacle would afford us so much satisfaction as to see dangling from the gallows the bodies of Jefferson Davis and John 15. Floyd, Henry A. Wise and all those men who have involv ed this country in the greatest affliction which can oveitake any people. Why, is it that we have been compelled to send to Europe for arms, while the rebels meet us with arms, the best the country can supply ? The traitor John B. Floyd, during all the time he was in the cabinet, while you were reposing in con fidence that the government would be fair'y administered, was robbing you of your por tion of the public arras, and sending thsta to the trailers. Jeff Divis. while a member of the Senate of the United Slates, making the laws for the people of Rhode Island, and c n vassing the rolls of the army, designated the men who were to head the armies of tho re bellion. Men of Rhode Island put cn your armor, nod rush to the capital to defend it. It is this hour in danger, menaced by an overpow ering force. Prompt as you may be, you may be too late; you have not a moment to lose If you love ycur country and the institutions under which you have prospered and the liberty which has made you the admiration of the world, come forward at this moment and show your devotion to it by making sac iiices necessary to maintain it. The War and Slavery, The war hasdisorganized not only business hut. politics, A revolution has taken plaee, not in the administration or Constitution of the country, but in the sentiments of the people on public affairs, and in the relative strength of patties. The masses are united in unrelenting hostility to the introduction of violence as a means of obtaining power and position, and they have reconsidered their opinions as to the merits of that interest which was the first to resort to violence— Anti-slavery counts its converts by thous ands, and not the least zealous of these are the many Democrats who have for years un der-estimated the evils of slavery and over estimated their constitutional obligations to it. It betr.De to he seen that in its effect on individuals it is pernicious ; that if, in a state of bondage, slaves are civil zed it is at the expense of their masters, who are bar barized by the process ; that as a system of labor it is, in many of the states where it prevails, wasteful, de-t-ucriye, unprofitable); ani that as an element of political power, it is restive, overbearing, and unjust. Irs his tory is fuli of horrors. It kept South Caro lina and other states in a state of craven sub mission to.Brita'n during the li-voiiiriou ; ii interposed, after the Revolution, tho most serious of tho difficulties which arose in per fecting cur Union ; it h is claimed for itself recognilon and privileges which no other in t < rest in the country has dared to aspire to, and it has finally assaulted, with deadly in tent, the government and the Constitution itself. The chief weapon of slavery, for many year , has been terror. It has threatened war, bloodshed, violence, devastation, a dis olution of the Union, if its claims were not conceded. But the sting has been, or will he taken from its menaces when their weakness is proved. If the Union cannot be disolved, if war will not extort from us what we refuse to persuasion, and the claims of slavery, on its own merits, cannot enlist our sympathies nor command our votes, what is its condi tion ? It is the jackass stripped of its lion's skin ; it is the whipped bully cf the ring, wliute defeat is more humiliating in propor tion as his brag was noisy and ferocious.— The Constiution re-established over the re volted states, in its own name and not under ct lor of war against slavery, is nevertheless fata! to slavery as a political power, because the only strength ol that institution as a po litical power, apart from the right of repre sentation as a political power, apart from the right of representation yielded to it in the Constitution, was in its 6UDposed capacity to .break up our Union and forever destroy our peace, if its clamors, freshly renewed every day for further favors, were not acceded to. Traitors in Office. With Buch an exhibition as the following o'f persons holding office at Washington, there can be no wonder that the southern traitors were advised of every important movement going on : .Known Secessionists. Suspected. Treasury Department 4.5 29 Department of the Interior 20 15 Post Office Department 11 12 War Department 35 5 Navy Department 5 3 Attorney General's Office 15 5 Department of State 2 1 Employed about the Capital 7 4 Miscellaneous 8 1 Total 143 75 This is a beautiful exhibit for union men to louk at, and if removed will no doubt raise a howl of distress from the Day Book democracy; but off with their heads Bay we. From the Albany Evening Journal. Is it a Real or Mimic War ? Senator Breckinridge, who as is alleged and believid, was concerned in a conspiracy to seize tho capital, in February, and become the head of a provisional government, after doing what mischief he could at Washington attempted to execute the people of Baltimore to a renewal of violence. And this was per• inted! The presence of five or six regi ments is required to preserve the peace of Baltimore. And yet a known and avowed enemy, in time of war, is allowed to go there and in a public harangue endeavor to stir up rebellion! Popular sentiments, fortunately, was di vided, and a few Union mon were enabled to drown the voice of the traitor. But why was he not arrested ? Where and wheD, in the history of rebellions, where arch-traitors thus tolerated ? llcw many noblemen have been hurried " to the tower" for offenses venal compared with those of Breckinridge ? How long would Louis Napoleon have reigned if he bad dealt thus tenderly with his enemies ? What would be the fate of Senator Wilson if he should attempt to address a secession audience, or even venture into secession territory? '' A halter, and the first tree I" Indeed Uniuu citizens of secession Hates are hung, or hunted away from their burning mansions and confiscated estates. But here the order of things is reversed.— We have been forced into an unnatural war, all the horrors of which fall upon loyal citi zens, without provoking retaliatign. Rapa city and ferocity—fire and rapine—the jail and the gibbet, distinguishing one side, while magnanimity and forbearance characterize the other ! The skulking miscreants around Arlington, Alexandria, Fairfax, &e., &c,, who shoot our sentinels, when brought in as prisoners are released on taking the oath of allegiance! Hissing traitors who keep the enemy informed of all our movements, reside uumo'ested, in Washington; and until very recently, if not now, occupy desks, in some of tho departments, receiving pay from the government for betraying its secrets! It is neediess to say that this ill judged and ill deserved forbearance emboldens trai tors and disheartens loyal eitizens. But it may not ho unprofitable to say—and we say it with emphasis— that this condition of things is unendurable, and will not be endured. This turning of ihe other cheek to the smiter must cease, Mote then enough for these humil iations were endu-ed before tho war existed. We must now have " an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth" —blow for blow, and blood for blood. Actual war, ail the severities of which have been visited upon Union men, has extsted for a third of a year, costing us more than three thousand lives and more than an hundred million d 'liars. The prosecution of the war calls for still greater sacrifices. Meanwhile business is paralized, rroperry depreciated, and labor unrequited. The sufferings and penalties of war must not, therefore, bo all on our side. When such men as Breckin ridge come among u, 6tirring up rebellion, if tho government does not deal with them the people will. The enemy strikes wherever he finds a weak or defenseless point. If a Union visor is up, javelin is thrust by it ; if a seam is found iu our armor, its wearer is pierced.— Privateers, to our great shame and great an noyance, cruise with safety, capturing our commercial cities, We held Fort Sumpter, bat allowed rebels, in reach of its guns, to construct the fortifications aud batteries to which it was surrendered. We hold Fort Pickens, hut in reach of its guns permit the enemy to intrench and fortily. We have a NAVY— a navy which in other wars was not only our mcaDS of defense, our pride and glory, but the tenor of our ene mies. What has that navy done, or what is it doing, with effect, in this war? Has it rendered the blockade efficient? lias it achieved glory or won laurels ? Where, along the extended and exposed coast of re bellion, has the navy made its mark ? Where and in what way has it annoyed and harass ed an enemy who is constantly annoying and harrassing us ? Is it not time, we ask earnestly, that this war should assume all the features and in flict all the penalties of war? Can the gov ernment afford, any longer, to invent mitiga tions or indu'ge sympathies? Lite and spirit must be imparted to the war, and zeal and confidence restored, by a radical reform in this respect. The enemy must be struck at wherever he can be hurt. Exposed places invite attack all along the coast. The Caro linas, Georgia, Florida, &c., either or all of which states have harbors, villages and cot ton fields at our mercy, are not even mena ced ; and, instead of bei'-g required to de fend themselves, they send their regiments to beard us almost in sight ot the capital! We cannot close this desultory but earnest article better tbaD by subjoining the follow ing extract from a letter from an eminent American, just received, and dated— LONDON, July 21- I hope soon to hear of vigorous action in the field, and vigorous action out of it, upon all trai lers. People with whom I converse on these top ios, on both sides of the channel, don't know what to make of us in these respects, and inquire if this business is serious or only boys' play. If the Savannah pirates are not hanged I hope the judge will be. Tbero is mischief brewing here in the way of privateering, and I am anxious that those projecting such enterprises should realize that a fatal result awaits then. God Save our Nation. BY WILLIE HAMMOND. O ! God, save our nation, Keep strong its sacred ties ; Preserve our sacred banner Now floating to the skies, O ! God, stand with our freemen, Who for our country fight ; Give them all strength to oonqucr, Who battle for the right. Stand by our nation's noble flag, Let not its folds be torn ; Stand by our trusty soldiers, Who by it, have been sworn. Let not our country's emblem Be trampled iu the dust; No, let its folds be lifted— That freemen's saered trust ! Smite all traitors from the land Who 'gainst our proud flag fire, Help our hearts to fe 1 it now, Aud love fox right iuspire. O ! Sod, preserve our country, T.et not our fair land sink, Snatch us from oblivion— We're standing on the brink. God, we ask it, in thy strength, And.in thy holy will, Rebuke the horrid ills of war ; Command it—"peace be still." But if there must be fighting, O i God, be with the right; Give them all strength to conquer Who for our country fight. ■illllll MiWIII ■ <ll II I I No Commerce with Rebels. WASHINGTON D. C. AUG. IG. The President to day issued tho following proclamation, under the recent act of Con gress for the suppression of the insurec_ tion : By the President of the United Slates of America A PROCLAMATION. Whereas, On the 15th day of April, the President of the United States in view of an insurrection against the Laws, Constitution, and government of the United States, which had broken out within the states of South Carolina' Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mis sissippi, Louisiana, and Texas, ani in pur suance of the provisions of the act entitled "An Act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws ol th 9 Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions, and to repeal Ihe act now in force for that purpose," approved February 28:h 1795, did call forth the militia to suppress said insur rection aDd cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the tiipe directed by the President, and Whereas, Such insurrection has since bro ken out, and yet exists within the states of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennesee, ahd Ar kansas ; and whereas the insurgents in all the sa d states claim to act ui.der au'horiiy thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the person exercising the func tior.s of government in such state or states, or in the part or parts thereof, in which com binations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by said states. Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Pres ident of the United States, in pursuance of aa act of Congress approved July 13, 1861, do hereby declare that that the inhabitants of the said states of Georgia, South Caroli na, Virginia, North Carolina, TeDuesee, Al abama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Missis sippi, aud Florida, (except the inhabitanis of that part of Virginia lying west of Alle ghany mountains, and of such other parts of the state, and the other states herein before named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be from time to time occupied and controlled by the forces engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents,) are in a state of insurrection a gainst tho United States, and that all com mercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants ihereof, with the exceptions aforesaid, and rhß citizens of other states and other parts of the United States, is unlawful and will remain unlawful until such insur rection shall cease or has been suppressed, that all goods and chattels, wares and mer chandize coming from any of said states, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the spe cial license and permission of the President, through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said states, with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water to getter with the vessel or vehicle conveying persons to or from said states with said ex ceptions, will be forfeited to the United States, and that from and after fifteen days, from the issuing of this procl im aticn, all ships and vessels belonging to the whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any of said stages, with said exceptions, found at sea or iu any port of the United States, will be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all district attornies, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of the military and naval forces cf the United States to be vigilant in the execution of said act and in the enforcement of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or declared by it, leaving any party who may think himself aggrieved thereby to make application to the Secretary of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty of forfeiture which the said secretary is authorized by law to grant, if, in his judgement, the special circumstances of any case shall require such remission. Iu witness whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done in the city of Washington this lGtb day of Aagust, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. By the President, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. Bgy The Charleston Mercury calls the Yankee troops now threatening the .South " tin pedlars." It is true that the Yankees have generally in their visits South, peddled tin, but tve ! guess they mean to peddle lead this time. Prentice. Number 3 0 Senator Douglas's Last Letter, A friend of Senator Douglas has hands to the National Intelligencer , for publication, a copy of the following letter from him on the state of the country: CHICAGO, May 10. MY DEAR SIR: Being deprived of the use of my arms for the present by a severe attack of rheumatism, I am compelled to avail my self of the services of an amanuensis, in re ply to your two letters. It seems th.tt some of my friends are una ble to comprehend the difference between arguments used in favor of an equitable com promise, with the hope of averting the hor rors of war, and those urged in support of the government and the flag of our country, when war is being raged against the United States, with the avowed purpose of producing a permanent disruption of the .Union and a total destruction of its government. All hope of compromise with the cotton states was abandoned when they assumed the position that the seperasion of the Union was complete and final, and that they would never cmsent to a reconstruction in any con tingency—not even if we would furnish them with a blank sheet of paper and permit them to inscribe their own terms. Still the hope was cherished that reasona ble and satisfactory terms of adjustment could be agreed upon with Tennessee, North Carolina and the border states, and that whatever terms would prove satisfactory to these loyal states would oreate a Union party in the cotton states which would be powerful enough at the ballot box to destroy the rev olutionary go-vemment, and bring tl ose states back into the Union by the voice of their OWB people. This hope was cherished by the Union men North and South, and was never abandoned* until actual war was levied at Charleston and the authoritative announcement made by the revolutionary government at Montgomery that the secess ion flag should be planted upon the walls of the Capital at Washington and a proclama tion issued inyiting the pirates of the world to prey upon tho commerce of the United States. These startling facts, in connection with the boastful announcement th.it the ravages of war and carnage should be quickly trans ferred from the cotton fields of the North, furnish conclusive evidence that it was the fixed purpose of the seaesionists utterly to destroy the government of our fathers and obliterate the United States from the map of the world. In view of this state of facts there was but one path of duty left to patriotic men. It was not a party question, Dcr a question im< volving partisan policy ; it was a question of government or no government; perative of duty of every Union man, every friend of constitut : onal libertv, to rally to the support of our common country, its government and flag, as the only means of checking the pro gress of revolution and of preserving the Union of states. I am unable to answer your questions in respect to the policy of Mr. Lincoln and cab inet. lam not in their confidence, as you and the whole country ought to be aware.— I am neither the supporter of the partisan policy nor the apologist of the errors of the administration. My previous relations to them remained unchanged ; but J trust the time will never come when I shall not be willing to make any needful sacrifice of per sonal feeling and party policy for the honor and integrity of the country. I know of no mood in which a loyal citi zen may so well demonstrate his devotion to his country as by sustaining the flag, the consiitu'ion, and the Union, under alb cir cumstances, and under every administration, regardless of party politics, against all as sailants, at home and abroad. The course of Clay and Webster toward the administra tion of Jackson, in the dars of nulificatiop, presents a noble and wcrthy example for all true patriots. At the very moment when that fearful crisis was precipitattd upon the country, partisan strife between Whigs and Democrats was quite as bitter and relentless as now between Democrats and Republican. The gulf which seperated party leaders in these dajs was quite as broad and deep as that which now seperates the Democracy from the Republicans. But the moment an enemy rose in our midst, blotting the dis memberment of the Union and the destous tion of the government, the voice of partisan strife was hushed in patriotic silence. One of the brightest chapters in the history of our country will record the fact that during this eventful period the great leaders of the oppo sition, sinking the partisan in the patriot, rushed to the support of the government, and became its ab est and bravest defenders against all aesailants until the conspiracy was crushed and abandoned, when they resu med their former positions as party leaders upon political issues. These acts patriotic devotion have never been deemed evidences of infidelity or politi cal treachery, on the part of Clay and Web ster, to the principles and organization of the old whig party. Nor have I any appre hension that the firm and unanimous support which the Democratic leaders and masses are now giving to the Constitution and the .Union will ever be deemed evidence of infi delity to Democratic principles, or a want of. loyalty to the organization and creed of tho Democratic party. If we hope to gain and perpetuate the ascendency of our party, we should never forget that & man cannot be a trusJlemocrat unless he is a loyal patriot, With the sincere hope rhatithese, my com. scientiaus convictions, may coincide with those of my friends, I am, very truely, yours, STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. To Yirgil Ilickox, E-q., Chairman .Democratic Committqs.