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BELLEPONTE, PA. The Largest, Cheapest and Beat Papc - I'UHI.ISIIKI) IN CKNTKK COUNTY. (i()V. SEYMOUR'S SI'EECII. He Warns a Democratio Mass Meeting in Utica Against What the Repub licans Call Nationalism, A Diftneotion of Gn. Garfield's Theo ries n% to thin Election end of Hie Plena if He Should Win. When Governor Seymour eauie for ward on the stage of the Utica Opera House last Wednesday evening to ad dress the largest Democratic meeting ever held in that city, he was received with the most affectionate greetings, lie was in excellent voice, and spoke substantially as follows: FELLOW CITIZENS : "It must not bo forgotten that this government is 110 longer the simple machinery it was in the early days of the Republic. The bucolic age of America is over. The interests the Government has to deal with are no longer those of a small number of agricultural commu nities wih here and there a commercial town. They are the interests of near ly fifty millions of people spread over an immense surface, with occupations, pursuits and industries of endless va riety and great magnitude ; large cit ies with elements of population scarce ly known here iu the early days, and all these producing aspirations and interests so pushing, powerful and complicated in their nature and so constantly appealing to the Govern ment, rightfully or wrongfully, that the requirements of statesmanship de manded in this age are far different from those which sufficed a centurv ago." These are not my words. If I had uttered them it wonld be felt that I was making a harsh charge against the Administration. They are state ments put forth by one of its officials, who speaks from his experience as a member of the Cabinet, and as one who formerly had a seat in the Senate. This declaration made by Mr. Schurz is official iu character. It will be so viewed in other countries and will rejoice the enemies of our Govern ment while it mortifies the American people. Lntil within the past twenty years the Executive, the Legislative, the Judicial departments gave honest construction to the Constitution. They did not seek to usurp power by strain ed definition. They sought to carry out its spirit. They did not summon crowds of men with schemes, who were pushing, rightfully or wrongfully, to get at the public Treasury, by calling this a nation and teaching the false doctrine that we should follow the usages of other and not the constitu tional law of our own Government. The leaders in the canvass on that side are those that hold places as Sen ators or as Cabinet Ministers or im portant positions under the present Administration. All of them, in fact, and in some form ask that their pow ers should be increased by taking from the people some of their home rights. They say in effect, give to us your rights of tnakiug laws for your selves, we can take care of your inter ests better than you can. Every de mand for jurisdiction for the general Government is a demand for the surrender of rights by the people in their towns, their counties or their States. Mr. Garfield openly expresses his satisfaction and his desire if he is elected President that the Govern ment should have more power than it had when Washington und Adarus and Jefferson and Jackson filled the Kxcutive chair. He says there has been a gain, and that there will be more by force of gravitation ; not by the popular will, not by chnnges in the Constitution in a regular way. hut that authority, patronage and power will add to themselves, will by their own weight increase and grow until they are up to the full measure of his desires. He rejoices to see this done in away against which George Wash ington warned you in his Farewell Address, which was submitted to Alexander Hamilton and other states men liefore he gave it to the American ]>eople. Another member of the Cabinet, Mr. Hherman, Secretary of the Treas ury, takes a different view of the state of affairs from that given by his colleague. He dwells upon the busi ness pros|>erity of our country. Over looking the industry of our peo ple, the favorable seosous that hnve rewarded their labors with ample harvests, the demands for our products from other countries, he claims for the Administration the gratitude of our people for all our blessings. I have no unkindly feelings for Mr. Sherman. I regret that he does himself a wrong when he is ungrateful to God and un just to the laborer of the land. It was not the statesmanship of the Cabinet, but the statesmanship of the plough, blessed by a fruitful season, that gives us our growing wealth. Not the skill of the rreasurv Department, hut of mechanics and manufacturers, that make the springs of our prosperity; not the talk in Congress, but tne toil of labor in all its varied fields. In another respect he does himself a wrong. He does not warn our people of the danger which the change of seasons may make. He does not, as he should, admonish them that tit this time, when money is abundant, men should throw off' the burden of debt and cxtricnte themselves froin positions of perils if times should change, lie teaches the false and mischievous doc trine that government policies and not honest toil and frugal care, that the schemes of the brain, not the sweat of the brow, give competence to men. Much has been said about the absurdity of fiat money. How much more absurd are Mr. Sherman's teach ings of fiat prosperity. In this direc tion Mr. Sherman outstrips Denis Kearney. The points most conspicuous in the speeches and journals of the Republi can party are, first that this is a nation, and next, this election is a contest between the Northern and Southern States, iu which a victory will be great gain to the former party. We charge that the denunciations of the South are used to mask their designs to get jurisdiction over all the Union and mainly over the interests and people of the North, as they are the most important and varied; that the term "nation" is selected because it is a word of obscure and indefinite meaning, and if it is substituted for the legal and proper title of Government it will en able them to make changes in its character hurtful to the rights of the people and disastrous to the prosperity of their business and industrial pur suits; that the mischief it will create will not ho for the remote future, but they are pressiug upon us now and will he felt in their full force from this time on, unless they are averted by the results of the pending electious. It is a marked and conspicuous fact in the political discussions of the past four years that the Republican leaders have sought to briug into use the words Nation and Nationalism when speak ing of our country. These have been heretofore used without any special significance as terms generally applied to different divisions of the human race into communities governed by some forms of law. We always find that the men who use the word —and many like Senator Blaine love to call it a sovereign Nation —are in favor of a different construction of the Consti tution than has heretofore prevailed. Mr. Garfield openly states this when he says that the views held by Mr. Hamilton are growing in strength, and he rejoices that our < rovernment is gravitating to more power. We find, too, that they favor the plans of the same distinguished statesmen of gaining jurisdiction by constructions put upon the words of the Constitu tion. As they do not like, at this moment, to develop ail their plans which would excite alarm particularly at the North, to mask their purposes and to divert attention by exciting passions and prejudices, they use the word as far its they can in connection with sectional controversies, so that it may he felt they only have in view the strength of the Union. It is this idea which gives their phrases a measure of favor with the Republican party. They also take great pains in their discussions to carry the idea that nationality means something farvora ble to the interests of the North. We charge that the purposes of the Re publican leaders are in conflict with the Constitution; that they endanger the peace, the order and the safety of the Union. They draw to the Na tional Capitol hordes of men who have selfish and corrupt objects, who tempt officials to violate duty from motives of ambition and greed for gold. They impair the interests and prosperity of different sections of our I'nion by laws framed by men ignor ant of the subject upon which they act and by legislation not only in con flict with the letter of the Constitution but with its spirit and the genius of all our political institutions, both local and general. It must not he thought that the changes which men seek to make in the character of our Government by the use of the words nation nnd na tionalism, and by the constructions which they mean to put upon them, relate only to the theory of politics ; that their influences are too uncertain and remote to be of immediate con cern. They a fleet us now. They not only threaten hut work disastrous re sults to the commerce of our country, to the interests of the farmers of the Western .States, and to the business prosperity of the whole country. We know that cheap transportation has led to the sale of our farm products in Europe and has lifted all kinds of business from the depression which a short time since was felt by all pur suits. The ability to send what we make and raise to the markets of the world at cheap rate is of more im portance to the North than to the South. The products of the latter are of a kind that do not suffer from the competition of other countries. Eu rope must have the cotton of the Houth. Increased cost of transporta tion docs not prevent their sale; it adds to cost to the consumer. The farmers and manufacturers of the North have to compete with those who make or raise the same products in the markets which we seek to gain. A small difference in the cost of carrying will prevent our grain and provisions from going abroad. We find that many fair-minded men receive the terras nation and national with favor because they have vague ideas that they will give more strength to the General Government and secur ity to our Union. We all seek to % make our Government strong. We ull pray that our Union may stand forever. But it is a fatal error to suppose that the, strength of a Gov ernment grows out of the amount and not the beneficence of its power. There is truth in the maxim that the government is best which governs least. That which gives the largest measure of freedom, rights of con science, of persons and of property. That government is the most endur ing which lifts up its citizens into a sense of the right and duties of their positions, which trains them to watch and guard the public welfare, which makes them bold, free and enterpris ing and imbues them with the proud feeling that government belongs to them and not they to government. Ijot us turn our eyes from this system which thus gives strength and dura tion to the despotisms of the world when all jurisdictions are in the hands of monarehs, upheld by all the powers of the state, its treasures and its armies. The thrones which topjde in civil ized Europe are those which are over loaded by jurisdiction. The monarch who holds unlimited sway over the greatest empire, who commands vast armies, who claims control over the lives, liberties and conscience of men is the one who dares not walk the streets of his capital, lie trembles for his life in the recesses of his palace. This dread of assassination or revolu tion does not grow out of personal de fects of character, but from the princi ples of government which constantly bring him in collision with the con science, the aspirations and the inter ests of his subjects. In marked con trast with this we find another great empire that is governed by a woman, whose appearance in the streets of her capital is hailed with acclamations of loyalty and affection. Hut her juris diction is divided with l'urliament, and shielded from prejudice and pas sion by distribution of jniwera. It is not true that any power given to a government which brings it in conflict with any class of the citizen or any section of its domain gives it strength. It was on account of this truth that our enemies in Europe predicted at the outset that our I nion could not stand because it had to deal with ter ritories so broad and interests so varied. It has been the marvellous wisdom which distributed fair diction between different local departments that has carried it safely und triumphantly through the first century of its exist ence. Our great political duty is to keep it strong by saving it from the exercise of jurisdiction which shall excite hostility towards it. Its strength must ever lie in the affections of our |>eople. Its duration will dei>end uj>on the fact that its actions will be bene ficent to all nnd hurtful to none. I beg our Republican friends to look at the attitude of Mr. Garfield with regard to the Constitution and sec if it is one that shows loyalty to its provisions. It is the bond of our Union. It is the charter of our rights and liberties. He has on many occasions to uphold it. On the 4th of March next he will as a Senator from < >hio take a solemn oath to support its provisions. The Senate was orga nized to assert and defend the letter nnd its spirit. Docs the conduct of Mr. Garfield accord with these oaths? He avoids the use of the titles it gives the (iovernment. These were selected to show its character and object. He uses in n marked way words the fram ers of the Constitution rejected and shuns those they selected. What could bo 'bought of a clergyman who should aihstitute for the grand, clear toues of the Bible vague and unmeaning words which obscure the law of Christian life? Yet in this way Mr. Garfield treats the law which makes the life of our Union. In view of his efforts to change the Constitution by substitut ing construction for its language, you doubt if, in his oath of office, he swears for or at the Constitution. You wonder what he seeks, which is rebuked by the title of 'United States,' the 'Union,' the "General Government." What leads him to dwell upon tho words "Nation" or "Nationalism," which are weak, obscure and trivial? us sec how Mr. Garfield looks at his in terest and position. We can give his ideas almost in his own words when he communes with himself. He says: "I am to he a Senator from Ohio for six years. Hamilton was right when he said that Senators should hold for life. lam glad that his opinions grow in favor. He did not like our Consti tution, hut said everything depended upon the way it was construed. This heavy volume upon my table called the civil list shows the names of more than seventy thousand men paid from the Treasury. This docs not include the soldiers or sailors. 'I am glad to see we are gravitating towards more power.' The Senate, of which lam a member, gives most of these men their places directly or indirectly. They depend upon confirmation by us of the Resident's nominations. In view of this fact, he usually sends in the names of those we want. If he does not, we throw them out. While large uumbers of those in the civil list are not acted uiwn by our body, yet as a rule they hold under those we confirm so they all look to us for support. If we can make the civil list up to a hun dred and fifty thousand we shall be able to hold our places for life" These plain words give you the theo ries of Mr. Gnrfield and his friends about this election and their plans for the future. What they say and do shows you what they aim at. Will it not he wise on the part of the great Republican party to leurn und think who will ho the victors and who will he the victims if they have their own way in this election ? If they do not do this they may fall into the trap set for the people, und then we all shall feel that nationalism is a curse. Turn from Mr. Garfield's letter of acceptance to that of General Han cock. He hows to the decrees of the Constitution. He accepts its teach ings, ho is imbued with its faith ; its terms to hitn are sacred ; his earnest ness shines out in every line, and when he swears to sup|>ort the Consti tution in its letter and spirit we know he means to do so. Those who formed it not only chose fitting words to tell its meaning, but patriotism, like re ligion, has its symbols. No flag which floats in the winds of Heaven tells so much as ours of the history and char acter of the government it represents. Its stripes recall the names of the States which fought the battle which gave us liberty, and which crowned their glorious work by forming our Union. The States are numbered by the stars which glitter upon its blue field. He who would strike one star from its place, or who would blend or blur these symbols so that they would tell only of obscure nationalism, has latent treason in his heart. We are asked why we took a soldier for our standard-hearer? To whom can we intrust it with more safety than to one who has had its deep ami grand significance burnt into his very being by the fires of battle-fields ? There is not a color upon its folds, | there is not a stripe upon its emblazon ry, there is not a star upon its azure ground that has not been made sacred to him. The appeal which drew him and his fellow-soldiers from their homes to the battle field, was to rally round the stars and stripes and to uphold the Union. They will never make our j flag nu unmeaning thing ; they will | see to it that it remains a true emblem ; of the spirit of our Constitution. By • the people's vote General Hancock will bear this standard on to victory j in this contest as be has heretofore J done on the bloody fields of battle, j He has learned from it the grand pur- j poses of the Constitution by teachings amid all the solemn lessons of war, by the inspirations of the battle field, hy the sad and solemn aspects of the blood-stained earth and the dying groans of men when the struggle has ended. He has learned the great les sons of statesmanship, not uinid scenes j of party strife, not in an atmosphere tarnished by personal ambition or scheme of plunder, but where Wash ington and Jackson learned the lesson of duty to their country and of obedi eucc to its laws and Constitution. It is now charges! by our opponents that we are inconsistent when we place a soldier at the head of the (iovern ment. The propriety of doing this depends upon the character of the man and the nature of the service upon which he has been engaged. The general who has fought only for victory or a conquest, or has been en- j gaged only to promote schemes of am- j bition or uratifv feelings of hate, has | been taught upon the battle-field only j lessons of force and violence. But those who have dared the jK-rils of war to free their country of oppres- j sion, to gain for it nn independent 1 government, to resist hostile invasions j or to uphold it against resistance to j its rightful authority, have their mind j tilled with objects instructive, enno- I filing and patriotic. With intellects quickened by all the dangers and excitements of the strife they sec more clearly than other men the value of obedience to laws and the duty of sacrificing all things for their country's good. It was in this school that Washington learned the grand duty of laying dowu his sword and retiring to private life when the world thought he would claim a crown as his reward. This act, so constantly referred to in other lands as well as our own, gave him his immortality. It was in the same school, uuder like influences, that in the hour of victory Jackson curl>ed and restrained his fiery spirit and submitted to in justice and indignity because it was imposed upon him hy a legal tribunal. "If called to the I'residency I should deem it my duty to resist with all my power any attempt to impair or evade the full force and effect of the Consti tution, which, in every article, section and amendment, is the supreme law of the land."— WINFIELD SCOTT HAN COCK. He who has learned to obey right ful authority haa been taught the great lesson which fits him to exercise authority. He who reverences the laws of his country is the right man to administer them. He who has proved his devotion to its interests is the one to whom we can most safely trust the work of guarding and pro tecting them. Therefore we placed him in nomination, ami go into this contest with the firm faith that we shall elevate him to the position of President of these United States. IT is better to have an opinion of your own and to be half wrong than to allow your lips to be shaped by ' others. The Danes say: "He who builds according to every man's ad vice will live in a very crooked house." ♦ ~ • ■ THEY met, they smiled, they wept, they loved. Ho called her Jaue, she called him Thomas; a richer man came down the lane, and Tom brought suit for breach of promise. COL IiOB'T I\ DECIIERT, Democratic Candidate for Auditor General. Colonel Robert Porter Dechert, who is the nominee of the Democratic party for the otlice of Auditor General of Pennsylvania, in a resident of Philadel phia und a member of the bar in that city. At the breuking out of the Re hellion ho was only eighteen year* of age, hut yielding to his patriotic irn pulses, be enlisted as a private soldier in the Twenty ninth Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers. Before the Regiment took the Held, Col. John K. Murphy, commanding, appointed young Dechert to the position of Sergeant- Major on his staff, This position he filled with great credit until February, 1862, when he was promoted to he First Lieutenant of Co. C of the same Regiment. His promotion was made over all of the Second-Lieutenants of j the Regiment hy the selection of the ; Colonel, and was considered to he mer- i ited hy his ability and attention to duty. In this rank he served with his Regiment in the catnpnign of Major General Ranks in the Valley of the Shenandoah in Virginia, and in the memorable retreat of that General. He also served with his company in the Army of Virginia under Major General Pope, including the buttles of Cedar Mountain, Second liull Run and Chan tiily, and subsequently at Antietam and Chancellorsville. Immediately after the battle of Antietam, he was selected hy Brigadier General George L. Andrews, now a professor at West Point, to serve as his Aid de-Camp and Assistant Adju tant-General, and on that oflice being transferred to the Department of the South, Lieutenant Dechert performed the same duty on the staff of Brevet j Major-General Thomas 11. Ruger, now a Colonel in the regular army, and prominently named for the position of Chief of the Signal (Jorps to succeed the late Brigadier General Myers—bet known as •' Old Probabilities." At the ! great Pennsylvania buttle of Gettysburg Lieutenant Dechert served as Assistant Adjutant--General of the First Division j of the Old Twelfth Corps at Culp'r Hill, j | and was honorably mentioned for gal- I lant service in the official report of that ' ! important engagement. Immediately after the battle the j Western troops of the Army of the I Potomac were sent to the '"ity of New j York under the command of General j Ruger to enforce the draft that had been temporarily suspended by reason of the removal of the troops from that j city for the defence of Pennsylvania ; in the Gettysburg campaign. The draft being successfully accoin j pli-bed, these troops were returned to ! the Army of the Potomac on the Rspa | dan, in Virginia, and a few days after- i wards, in consequence of our repulse at j j G'hicamauga, the 11th Bnd 12th Corps were transterred to the Western Army, j No time was lost in their transportation, and disembarking from the cars at Nashville, Tenn., they were marched to Chattanooga. In Decemlier of the year 1K63, The Twenty-ninth Regiment was the first in the artny to accept the offer of the government to re-enlist for another three years, and Lieutenant Dechert concluded to rejoin his regi ment for that purpose, and he was immediately promoted to the Captaincy of his company. The return of thi* Regiment to their homes, on availing themselves of the veteran furlough for thirty days, has not been forgotten hy by the survivors or their friends. They ! were received in public hv the official 1 authorities of the City of Philadelphia at t'ld Independence Hall and at the ' Cooper Relreshment Saloon, and after ] recuperation and additional enlist ments, the regiment was sent to the Hospital building at Chester, Penn'a, and then was removed to the scene of its former labor* at Chattanooga, Tenn. i For several months Captain Dechert i was stationed at Philadelphia for the i purpose of enlisting additional recruits, 1 : liut he rejoined his regiment in the > Atlanta campaign, having been relieved from recruiting duty at Philadelphia at I his own request. After the capture of Atlanta, he was again selected by his Commanding Gen- j eral for important service. Major i General 11. W. Slocum appointed him the Assisant Adjutant General of the Twentieth Army Corps— that thorps j being the result of the consolidation of the 11th and 12th Army Corps which had been shortly before commanded by Msjor General .ioe Hooker. When Major General A. S. Williams was advanced to the command of this ! Corps, hy reason of the promotion of General Slocum, he retained Captain Dechert in the same position on the Corps sUff. During the eventful march of Major General W. T. Sherman "to the sea,'' and at Savannah, Ga., General Slocum again recognized the efficient service of j Captain Dechert by appointing him Assistant Adjutant General of the Army of Georgia on his atsff, which position he retained until after the surrender of General Joe Johnson, at Raleigh, and after the Grand Review of Sherman's Army at Washington in May, 1865. He was meanwhile promoted to he Major of the Twenty-nintli Regiment, and at the close of the war he was brevited hy the President of the United States on the recommendation of Generals Slocum and Sherman to he Lieutenant Colonel " (or gallant and meritorious services during the war." In July, 1865, be being then less than twenty-three years of age, he returned to his home with his comrades, after an active service in the field of over four years. He immediately entered upon the duty of the law in the office of hia brother, Ilenry M. Dechert. Kaq„ a Erominent member of the Philadelphia *r, and was admitted to practice in November, 1866. The same year he waa the candidate of his party in the Twenty-seventh Ward for Select Coun cil, and although Governor Geary had a majority of upwards of 400, he was returned defeated by but thirty-two votes. In this canvass he waa support ed by many of the moat prominent property owners of the ward who were not members of hie own political party. In 1868, on the election of Honorable Furman Sbeppard to the office of Dis trict Attorney of the county of Phila delphia, Colonel Dechert was appointed Assistant District Attorney (or three years, and was again appointed by the -j& ; name official for the same term on In re election in 1874. When Mr. Hubert wm elected t 0 the name oflice in 1H77, Col. Dechert declined a reappointment, preferring to remime the general practice of In, profeaaion to which he ha* devoted )i.. 1 attention until called, without hi, own •olicitation, to accept the nomination for Auditor General. I^iirin>f thin mtv ice a* a prosecuting officer, he w,, independent and fearless, and condur t ed many ini|*ortant trial* in which 1,,, diaplayed abilitien that allowed J,,. eminent fiuie** for the requirement, of the poat. While Col. Dechert held the po*ilion of A wain tan I District Attorney, a vacancy occurred in the Firat Senatorial District, to which he had previoualy removed, hy which the Senate of Pennsylvania w;,. left politically a tie. Doth parties look eel ahout them for their strongest can didatea, and Col. ilechert vow, without any aolicitation on hia part, unatiiriiotj ly made the candidate of hi* party, at. J after an active campaign, at a special ( election, on December 20, 1 h70 f he v,,. j elected Senator by a majority ot up ' ward* of 1300, although tbe Republic ,n | candidate for Sheriff at tbe election in October had, in the same district, r<- j ceived a majority of upward* of )<Xfi. I Col. Dechert'* record during the two year* in the Senate wa* creditable and | unirnpeached. He # the author of several irnpor ; tanl measures, of which the "Criminal i Evidence" law is one, by which person* ! charged with certain minor criminal offences are permitted to testify on I their own behalf. Col. Dechert is an active member of r ] number of societie-, among which DM | tbe Military Order of tbe Loyal Legion, tbe Miennerchor Society, the J'enn j Club, the Historical Society of Penn-vl j van in, Hamilton I-odge, No. 274, A. V. M., of West Philadelphia, and Post No. ! 2 (irand Army of the Republic. In IxTH Colonel Dechert accepted the command of the old Veteran Second j iiegiment, better known to our readers I as tbe "National Guards," formerly corn | manded by General Peter Lyle. This j regiment has been brought under hi* j efficient management to a high state of I discipline, and in the recent encarnj j ment at Fairmount Park it received the ; highest encomiums from soldiers and j citizen*. 'I he office for which he is a candidate i is a most responsible one, and lie will, no doubt, receive a large independent : vote by reason of hi* high character, and because it i* often thought that the Auditing officer of the Commonwealth ! can best perform his duties when he ; differs in politics from those whose &' : counts are to be audited. STATE NORMAL SCHOOL I (Eighth Xormnt Schtiil Diet net,) ! LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO., PA. A. N. KAt B, A. M., I*rincipal. THIS SCHOOL,as at present con- I 1 stltn-sd, off.-rs th# isrr 1-s-t tarJliti.-* for Pr j fsssionat and Class,, al learning. Buildings stmrlou*. ln<itlmt sod <omn>odiu, r,m. ptstsly boated by strain. <dl ventilated, and finbt lod with a buantiful supply of purs water, si,ft sprit.,- j water. I leslli.® hrsllhfsl stid -mj c.f stcsh. I Burruandlng srenory unsurpassed. i T-ihsr experienced, rlMni, and silts p. it . - work. j tMs. iptins Arm and kind, nn.f'.m snd lh"r<mgb I Kxpense* moderate. j Kill} rent* s week dodti'iioD to tb-ws preparing I Student* kdnlllsd si sny tlms. I Coursos ..f study prtwniw<l by lbs Pint* J M-d. , Srti.stl. 11. Preparatory. 111. El.ni.utar, IV. S sntiftc. ami-bcv coraac* I. Acadi-tnlr. 11. Commercial 111 Mualr. IV. Art Tbi- Kl>m.ntary snd IbirnUA. courses are |-... Issskmal, nd students graduating therein n-n. Ml linns-, conferring ths following cnrre*|,nding - press Master of the Element*. j*J Mk-l-i sf tit I hefenres. Uradnatr* It, ibs other courses re..-,, Normal Ortißcste. <,( tbtir attainment, signet I i Hit Faculty Tbs Prufoasb-nal courses art liberal, and art la t t hoc-right, eae Dot inftrior In those ~f onr mil. ~. Tim Cut* re-,nirea a higher order < f cMlarbsi i Tlit timts dstiiaii.l it It t „* „f •, of (hi, s-fio.l lii brlp f,. o-i or* fi by furnishing ir.it llgeut and efh.ient lew. hers f..r h.-r •> h...|. I H, • ! d it soll.il* young person, at pad at.Hit,.. g-"l purposes those who ..sails |o itaproie lb, T Jims and tbtir talents, as students To all so.I, ,t pl-. miaes Old it. de.el.plng their |*.ere and al.ut. Is. I I opportunities far well-paid l*ls.r afl.r tearing , ho. , For rat a log us *nd ftrms a.I. trims lbs l*niKi|a>l no,so or rat srggs j Sb kholdtrs' Trusltss—.l H lUrtr.t, MP K II lint. Jnnob Brown. S. M Kbkf .rd. Samusl t 5 .'"Ji'Ha*- Cot ' k T C. Illpplt. K*, . CI. KiMrin, ; K P. MrOormirk. fcq .W, H Kat.kin a II ||, .1, i PuioTruMm— 11.m.A O.CnrUn. H.-n II L P..1 rtnlm-h. Osn J—ss M-mll, 11. r, WillUai B.cb r J C 1 C. W baity, a. Mlllsr MHV.rtnirk. Esp ..rrirnti. i lion. WII.I.IAM BIUI.KK. Prtmldsi.l. risarfl.ld P. V • Ma k llsvtn. I'a j Ml LI. Alt MrOOHMICK, Anrttart, " TIIOMAS TAKPI.KV. Tmararsr. WOODWARD SEMINARY. Bois-dlng Asd Day School for Tczag Ladici and LStt'e Children. SECOND AND LOCUST STREET'S HAKKIBRUBO, PA. ItrguUr Isrm will bsgia BKPTKM lIKR Pk ITC. o..ms Of study—(Taaal. and fcfsMlHc, nlib Ma-ir and Art. B.rd and tnlUnn rtaaa AiSO to ja'O a par and no sxtras ' Fw .in ulars and all dsalrabls Inbu-matb-n ad.lrs. _ PRIWCIPAI PATKNTS. I>ATKNTB procured u|on InTen ■ tl.'ns No ArroaatT't Fins 1* Antsarv. ttqr lloass was rslahllahsd la lf V* Alt CAVKATA. and obtain TRAPK MARKS. PKSKJN PATKNTS. 1< INVENTORS wnd ns a M -W of your InssnUou. uttk roar own dsarripSioti of 11. f„r oar as to palrntabilit' so ATT..**rt *hu t aiass I'srrar is San are inir Bo.* of Instruction. Ac., "Ho* m Pamrai Psnar- " n "" ; *'*" "aaiplr n|d at Iba bit. tinrKi. oan.ibs Inrsntora' J.utmal H 8. A. P. LACKY, Pntrnl A ffomcv-, <*M F SL, nsar Palmi .>n , w t P' sMONEY ToLoftnttt Per( , t. suou T,,K "CTCAL LIFE INSt B ANCK CO. OF NRW TURK. M Inl aottiwr am Iman.Tsd farm and anl sat-snlina ..nn thlrd of lbs pr.sn.al sain* .< lbs prv>prtly. Any portion of Ibs prfnrtpal can I* fas of at any Urn*, and II ha* bow, th cnMnm of lbs company to i-wmit tbs pHwipal 1., rsataln a* km* a* lbs Imrn.wsr trial,sa. If tbs l*srssl m prwapily paid Apply lo CHARLES P. SIIRRMAN. Attomsy-aMa*. AJTOoart st rust. Road la*. Pa, or to PA VIP K. KLINROa,'* Appraiam. m BsHsAmla. Pa>_ GARMAN'B HOTEL, lUinullsConri lloaos, BKLLEFONTK, PA TERMS sl. PER DAT. A food Llssry altarhsd. |.|y For Hale. A FARM containing Fißy Acres, f V and Imving ibs Toon *i*rtsd a TWOdTPORT FRAME BIILPIVO I at) airs of LJ.lt.lt URIEBT. W L'ah'ii,llls, Csntrs couafi, Pa.