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The daily Madisonian. (Washington City [i.e., Washington, D.C.]) 1841-1845, December 15, 1841, Image 3

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The Daily Maoihonian.?We launch our
daily journal into existence to day. We have
^ffcieither time nor room for salutations. All is
^^"bustle and business. If auy of our daily exchanges
should be neglected, they will please
give us notice of it.
Exchanging with four or five hundred different
papers, that come to ua from all sections of
the country, we may now form a very accurate
summary of the various opinions expressed in
relation to the Message. True, we have not
yet seen the remarks of the most distant journals,
but we have seen enough to decide with
regard to that document. And this general
opinion, if it be no contradiction of terms, is
variegated (although in the main decidedly favorable)
according to the party hues of the various
editors who have tested its merits by the
alembics of their political faith.
On the whole, the Message, (paradoxical
though it?may . appear,) notwithstanding the
President, from peculiar and extraordinary circumstances,
was identified with neither of the
great parlies that so lately partitioned the whole
numerical strength of the couutry?notwithstanding
he had beeu ruthlessly assailed by all
the violent and uprincipled presses and orators
of the party that had recently co-operated with
him, and then ignobly essayed to force him from
the path of rectitude?notwithstanding the
great Democratic party, which had just been
defeated on a hard contested field, still remained
organized, though their leader had fall
en, and mortified and eager for another grand
trial of strength?yet we venture to assert, (and
challenge contradiction if in error,) that no
Executive Message, since the days of Washington,
has elicited more praise and less condemnation
! And to what cause are we to attribute
this unparalleled occurrence?this unprecedented
event in the annals of our Government?
Simply to the honesty of the People, the patriI
otism of the President, and the indestructible
and hallowed virtue of our glorious Constitution
! The President beheld with grief the
faithlessness of a considerable portion of those
who, with the motto of reform glittering on their
banners, had so recently triumphed at the elecI
Hons, but now sought to prostitute the fruits of
j victory to base, venal and unconstitutional pur
poses?ne Denetu tnose who nau conienaea
against him in the memorable struggle, still
united and armed at every point? his own views
of right and justice the antipodes of those who
, had claimed to be the supporters of his cause?
the memory of recent events sufficing to keep
aloof those who had been dislodged from power
?what course was to be pursued ? Where
could he turn for the favor and support necessary
for the healthful operation of his administration
? Could he disregard the whisperings
of his conscience?violate the sanctity of selfrespect,
and the obligations of a man, and a
1 Christian Magistrate?and without reserve or
compunction throw himself, humbled and debased
at the feet of his polluted and officious advisers?
No! every pulsation of his heart revolted
at the thought of such an ignominious
debasement. But what would have been the
consequences of such a humiliating proceeding ?
The constitutional provisions of the Government
in relation to the duties of the President
I would not only have been pusillanimously abrogated,
but in place of the legitimate and conservative
action of the Executive, a Dictatorship?a
Tyranny worse than that of a Robespierre?would
have been established, perhaps
forever! The people of this country will soon
lmnur (hp mnrrnitiiflp nf fhp <f< hf nf trrnhfiwlp
due to their President for hi* noble and fearless
interposition to save thein from the desperate
1 designs of a band of Destructives! Even the
rank and file of the proper Whig party, whom
these reckless leaders boasted as their supporteis
in their unholy machinations, will in time thank
I the President for his successful efforts in behalf
B of the common country, and join with all honest
I men in denouncing the unwarrantable measures
f ol the intriguing politicians who manifested
i their willingness to sacrifice every thing to the
''Moloch of party! We say the proper Whig
1 party will condemn them, because we know
that more than a moiety of those who suffered
the cognomen of Whig to be applied to them,
place but a secondary estimate on a party title
when the ultimate object of political organ izai
. tion is exclusively to promote the welfare of the
Union. Be their cognomen what it may, we
know that a majority of the people who sustained
the President in 1840, value the Constitution
and laws of the country far more highly than
they do the mere name of any partisan clique.
We also know that the well-meaning and honest
citizen of whatever party designation will
. sustain the President who sustains our mighty
I Confederacy, alike regardless of the combinaI
tions of powerful foes and the overweening endeavors
of partial friends. He knew this would
i be the result, (for the President fortunately is
^ gifted with more wisdom and foresight than his
enemies would make the people believe,) and
[ fixing his gaze on the imperishable instrument
bequeathed us by the indomitable patriots and
sages of the Revolution I'orour guidance throughout
all time, without heeding the tumult on the
right or the left, lie determined to await patiently
the abating of the tempestuous political eleI
merits that thundered around. His breast was
bared to the assaylts of the remorseless foes of
freedom, but his faith was strong, and the Constitution
he upheld truly indestructible. Soon
the fierce attacks of the designing and corrupt
were properly appreciated by the people. They
lost their force, and ibe effect was only to confirm
ims opinion (ii ilie correciness 01 nis decision.?
He is sustained not only by tens of thousands
of those who, by a combination of circumstances,
were temporarily induced by adroit dema
gogues to abandon him after the election, but as
many more, among the ranks of the Democrats,
who loved their country more than partisan
leaders, convinced that the principles of the PreH
sident brought into power in spite of their efforts
to the contrary, were the saine (with few unim
^Hpoitant exceptions) that they advocated, have
burst the fetter* of mere partisan obligations and i
rallied arouud the independent and patriotic I
"Phehioknt op the People !" t
Hut we have undesignedly wandered from *
the subject. We proposed to give an estimate J
of the reception of the Message throughout the i
country. This can be done in few words.? i
The dieinlei etlnd and moderate presses of both , I
political parties are unanimous in their eoinnien- r
dalions of that document. The ultra editors t
who are committed to subserve the purposes of (
their respective leaders, .\\jmld denounce it if |
they could. We perceive their dieposition in e
their forced and unsubstantiated conclusions,
but they dare not condemn it with any show t
of earnestness and candor. The neutral presses c
approve it unanimounly. The People I he in- t
stives can read for themselves, and the Message u
It was penned by one who had no impure end c
to accomplish?no party to propitiate. It was t
the calm result of unalloyed patriotism looking 1
only to the Constitution for a guide, heedless of k
consequences, (for its author had already endur
ed the worst that could be done by political and ^
personal enemies,) and solely with a view to the (.
benefit of the country. Thus actuated, thus in- "
seiKKu, the Message could not have been other- b
wise. It will in the end harmonize the boiste- ?
rous passions that have convulsed the People of 1
this Republic for so many years?still the roaring 1
waves of faction that have so long rolled over u
our beloved country?and finally crown the 8
hitherto abused and persecuted President with c
imperishable glory ! '
It cannot otherwise than appear to the coun- '
try, that the Globe newspaper is determined to k
oppose the President's Message in every particular.
We must be permitted in all candor to 1
remark, that we are unaffectedly sorry and mor- r
tilled that any American citizen should be so 8
prejudiced or wilfully perverse, as to oppose for 8
the sake of opposition, or for the purpose of
aiding and abetting the perfectly selfish personal
designs of others. An unprincipled opposition,
or in other words, an opposition which
can have no good end to accomplish, and which
can only be conducted at the expense of reason
and justice, or with a design to blind or mislead
others by gross misrepresentations, cannot fail
to be productive of the most lasting and bitter
evils, especially in a Republic. We would advise
rather the tone and temper and good sense
which characterise, in reference to the Message,
the " Spirit of the Times," the "Ledger," the
" Standard," the "Richmond Enquirer," and
a host of other spirited and influential journals.
These remarks are called forth by a comment
in the Globe of Saturday, upon that portion of
the Message relating, to the novel claim set up
by the British authorities to search and detain
American vessels engaged in trade on the coast ,
of Africa. A passage is taken front the Mes
sage, and perverted, it appears almost wilfully, 5
iu order to present a view of this subject, the ,
antipodes to that view which the President has t
so powerfully and inflexibly urged. That re- 1
mark is the following :
"Certain it it, that if the right to detain American
thipt on the high seat can be justified on the plea of a 1
necessity for such detention, arising out of the exit- [
tence of treaties between other nations, the same plea ?
may be extended and enlarged by the new stipula- '
tions of new treaties, to which the United States may ?
not be a party." *
Now, the meaning of this passage can only J
be mistaken by one whose vision is so prejudiced
as to contend that white is black. So far a
from having the meaning which the Globe <
would attribute to it, the President intends to j
show how preposterous it is in Great Britain to f
advance such a claim. lie declares that if the j
plea urged for the detention of American ves- ,
sels, be urged upon the ground of the existence s
of treaties between other nations to which the
United States are not a party, then it follows by (
"new stipulations of new tieaties," between g
those same nations the rights of our citizens on j,
the high seas may be made the subject of still {
further aggressions, and that therefore the whole
argument is absurd. Yet the Globe, by pur- (
posely omitting the small, but here emphatic
word, "if," manages, by a show of ingenuity, ^
to make the sentence bear an opposite meaning (j
to that intended by the President. a
,1?. 11 . L i T t ?: i.l..
?v ucii uufs itii mm |nuve .* 11 umjufMiunauiy a
proves that there are men in the country who de- s
light in opposition; who, if legitimate opposi- e
tion cannot be obtained, will even contend for ,|
factious opposition's sake. We fear the editors (|
of the Globe are among those whom nothing
can conciliate or liberalize?who, determined, to
oppose at all hazards, are even willing to en- t|
counter the risk of injuring or of losing their
political reputation, by indulgu g in an ungene
rous and factious opposition. Again we say,
however, the President is before his country- jy
men for judgment; let his fellow-citizens decide
all these points. .
The course of the remarks of the Globe, in
reference to Mr. Webster, wc have no doubt
will be reprehended by even its warmest friends. t(
Cannot men be on different sides of a political M
question, without ascribing motives of conduct w
which would disgrace a cut-throat or a pirate, to |
each other? The editors of the Globe, we know, j(
are politically hostile to Mr. Webster, but we (4
did not suppose that any political differences of g
opinion would have induced the editors of the
Globe to evince the grossly illiberal sentiments ^
contained in this article, toward that gentleman. (|
We are entirely mistaken in the temper and justice
of the American public, it they for a mo- o
inenl tolerate that exceeding bitter illiberality of t|
feeling which insinuates the charge that Mr. Q
Webster, or any other public officer?much less, ^
however, the Secretary of State?would betray (|
his country into the hands of its enemies. Neither
propriety, charity, nor justice, can fail to re- ^
pudiate and sputn so foul a charge. We are ^
certain that Daniel Webster will ever be found,
in times like these, at his post?an American j
statesman and an American patriot. o
In respect to the insinuation of the impress of
Mr. Webster's hand being on the late Message
sent by Mr. Tyler to the Congress of the Uni- ^
ted States, we are proud to declare that this distinguished
man has ever been able and willing |
to meet all of his responsibilities, and that the
President is not one to call any other either to
_ __ *_ r x. _
act or 10 vrrue ior nim.
We cannot say that we were surprised at the
complexion of some of the committees announced
on Tuesday?though a faint hope had
glimmered around us that some of them would
Itave been differently constituted. We were
iiol surprised, because we could not forget their
character at the last session?and because the
National Intelligencer of Monday had, in some
treasure, prepared us for the unusual compound
>f the Couimitree of Ways and Means. It inbrmed
us that a selec* committee on the cureucy
to be composed of a majority friendly to
be President had been resolved on, because the
Jommittee of Ways and Means, it was suprosed,
would not be framed of a majority of that
We have not taken the trouble to wade
hrough the Journals of the House to ascertain
in our own knowledge what has been the pracice,
but we have learned from authority worthy
>f most implicit credit, that it has always
ieen the usage so to form the Committees
if Ways and Means and of Koreigu Affairs,
hat a majority on each should be frieudly to the
executive and his meusures. Mr. Adams, we
now, declared this should be the rule to guide
he Speaker in his appointments for theiu; and
At. Bed, also, on the hrst session of the last 1
Jongress, expressing his concurrence with this '
ipinion, said, distinctly, that they should always (
ie made co-operative with the administration, 1
10 matter what might be the complexion of the
louse and the opinions of the Speaker. The
ntelligencer, however, informs us that a select |
ommittee on the currency wus deemed requi- {
ite, because it was supposed that the Committee
>f Ways and Means would consist of a majority
riendly to a National Ltauk.
Amid all the violence of party conflicts in this
ountry, certain couriesies have alwuys been
bought due to the President of the United 1
States, and have been shewn him even by his
nosl inveterate opponents. But the rule seems
low reversed ; not o..ly propriety and courtesy
equire that the Committee of Ways and Means
ihould have a majority in it friendly tothePrelident;
but the prompt despatch of public 1 usiless,
it has been said, demands it. But to Pre- |
lident Tyler no such courtesy is to be manifest- i
td, and even the facile execution of the business <
>f the People may be disregarded, provided any
levice can be invented by which he may be
hwarted. To be sure it was in contemplation 1
o establish a select committee, a uiajoiity of
tfhich should be his friends; but why is prece- ,
lent slighted and usage contravened to superin- I
luce the necessity of a select committee? Let (
tie sycopiianis 01 me utctaior answer. i
We find materials Tor comment in the selec- I
ion of the prominent members of the other j
Committees. These we may notice at another
iine. But the gross and indecent departure '
rout propriety in tit* composition of the Cotnniltee
of Ways and Means, we thought, denanded
immediate reprobation.
The Independent, by Pleasants, Johnston &
Woodson, made its appearance on the 14th. It
Our readers may be puzzled at the tactics of Mr.
W se's opposition to Mr. Fillmore's Resolution, in
vhich Messrs. Gilmer, Mullory, Hunter and Profiit
u-ted with him. We piesutne that his repugnance
vas to the Select Committee on the Presidents plan
if Finance ; for when he had faileJ on that, he with- |
Irew his further opposition. He probably anticipates
hat a Select Committee will be composed (us it is pro: I
ler it should be) of the friends of the President's meamre,
who will thus liuve the opportunity of perfecting
t to suit him and to suit themselves. This is a re- I
iponsibility which neither he nor they like. Let them i
,..?kl.. it.Vv~. 1 i-.. ;. i:i r- ' -
mvaicimcii unu uiai, nuu inrv iny |l, HKf u (UUnUling,
it the people'* doors. The Whig* don't keep a hospial
for all sorts of diseased projects.
The Independent is right, we presume, in
itipposing Mr. Wise's repugnance was to the
Select Committee on the President's plan of (
finance. There was reason for this repuglance.
The subject of finance belonged proper- j
y to the Standing Committee of Ways and I
Means, of which Mr. Fillmore is chairman.?
S^does the subject of the Tariff belong to
hat Committee, utiles* the majority are (leer
mi tied to propose a Tariff of protection, in- '
lead of a Tariff of revenue. Yet we see Mr.
Fillmore first moving?as he did by his resoluions
to distribute the President's Message?to
efer the Tariff to the Committee on Manuf&c- ,
ures, and then to appoint a Select Committee ,
n Finance; thus leaving "the Committee of i
Yays and Means no subject for its action but
he or linary appropriation bills. What does this
lean ? Does the majority intend to shrink from 1
II responsibility ? or, do they magnanimously de- (
ign to put the poor corporal's guard inanexhaust- '
d receiver? To throw the responsibility on '
tietn, at the moment they are deriding them for
he paucity of their numbers and their inability to ,
ffecl any good whatever? True, nt the last
ession, a select committee was appointed on
lie currency. But why ? No one can tell bet?r
than Mr. Fillmore. Hon. John Sergeant 1
tas a member of the House then, and was preminentlv
ihp man for I lie Wava and Vienna ?
1r. Fillmore had to be placed there?lie knows u
rhy?and a committee of equal importance had ^
a be raised to do justice to Mr. Sergeant. He
i no longer a member, and, of course, there is
o longer a personal reason for a select commitie
on finance. There is a reason, however,
/hich the Independent discloses, and which,
re apprehend, Mr. Wise and his associates fulr
understood and fully appreciated. The maority,
with Mr. Fillmore at its head, did not 1
like" the " responsibility." They had too
ignally failed in the measures which they "per-,
cled" at the extra session, ''to suit themselves." y
io. The policy now is?" Let them suckle n
leir own brat!"?and under the seeming fair- b
. . ?
ess ol constituting a committee of a majority r
f the President's own friends, they have givea
ic Executive recommendation into the hands
f nine gentlemen, six of whom are known to fl
e in favor of a Bank of the United Slates to be ?
icorporated by Congress. The committee is ?
ompo fd of Mr. Cushing, Mr. Kennedy, Mr, f
)avis,of Ky., Mr.Gilmer, Mr. Wise, Mr. l'roffif jj
Ir. McKay, Mr. Roosevelt, and Mr. Irwin. The
ommittee, we will suppose, calls for the Presi- *
ent's plan; it is referred; Mr. J. P. Kennedy "
r Mr. Davis proposes as a counter projet a n
heme of a National Bank unobjectionable to l'
s old friends, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Prolfit, Mr e
Vise and Mr. Irwin ; the ques'ion is, shall this tl
clieme be substituted for the President's plan , ^
ow would the vote stand ! u
Ayes. Nays.
Mr. Cushing. Mr. McKay, ti
Kennedy, Koosevelt, 11
Davis, Gilmer?3 ?
Wise, ir
- Proffit, *!
Irwiu?0 ci
Then the President's plan will be voted down fo
by his owu friends, and cannot get even a favorable
report to the House ! Is this the fan- pr
ness, the inaguaoimity boasted of? Is this the (h
trick f Small as the corporal's guard is, it has
one or two more anti bank men in it besides of
Mr. Gilmer, and a little more fairness might
have been shown by men covetous of a charac- fei
ter for magnanimity. The committee was obviously
intended to be a stocked pack, either to
report directly against the Executive plan or to St
>e so divided amongst themselves as to report ^
isthing. The committee has upon its list every rel
variety of political sentiment and personal pre- tin
erence, and may well be expected to differ and
iisagree as to any plan. In either event, the
:alculation is to triumph over the President by |u
he instrumentality of his own friends. *h
We will see whether this calculation will fail.
Deitain it is that the plan now recommea4*d is gn
to foundlingNot like Ewing's plan, it has w>
i lather who will acknowledge it at the baptis- be
nal font, and who has a parental hope of the en
'brat." It may prove u llercules, loo strong in ol
ts cradle even for its " Foco Fiscal" foes. If |e|
'the Whigs don't keep a hospital," they need ie
me badly lor jlieir own disease ol "general
ipathy" / s[
??? he
The President's Message and Htate Debts. W1
Without imputing, or intending to impute, any im- tit
proper motive* to the neutral or the puilisan pre**, we to
are apprrheneive that a portion of both hue given a
vereion to that part of the President's Message rclut- 0f
ing to the foreign debts of the States, which is not ag
entirely justified by the text. Any misappiehensioij J*
on tine subject, however trivial it may appear at first, .
will, if not corrected in the outset, lead to errors of cr
lerious mugnitude in the end. A degree at the nieii- *11
tlian, coiniuences in a [mint at the poles ; but facts and jl
truth travel in parallel lines that know no divergence. . aI
There should be no divt raity of opinion on the cub- in
ject of the President's sentiments with regard to the Cl
indebtedness of the Slates; and we apprehend there t(i
will be found none, when the paragraph imbodying hi
those sentiment*, is separated, period by |>criod, and
placed distinctly before the mind. We shall thus 111
therefore, exhibit to the public, without suggestion or
lomment. P
After considering the subject of the currency and
exchequer, the President thus adverts to that of the g,
indebtedness of the Slates:
]. Nor can I fail to advert, in this connection, to the q
debts which many of the States of the. Union have g
contracted abroad, and tinder which they continue to g
labor. q
II. That indebtedness amounts to a sum not less g
than $200,1)00,000, and which has been retributed to
them, for the most part, in works of internal improvement,
which are destined to prove of vast itn- g,
portance in ultimately advancing their prosperity and
III. For the debts thus contracted, . the States
ire alone responsible.
IV. 1 can do no more than express the belief ^
that each State will feel itself bound by every conuderation
of honor, as well as of interest, to meet
its engagements with punctuality.
V. The failure, However, of any one State to do so,
should in no degree affect the credit of the rest; and the
foreign capitalist will have no just cause to experience
alarm as to all other State stocks, because any one os
or more of the States may neglect to provide with If
punctuality the means of redeeming their engage- a<
VI. Even such States, should there lie any, con- th
nidering the great rapidity with which their resources re
are developing themselves* will not fail to have the at
means, at no very distant day, to redeem their obli- th
gations to the uttermost farthing. lo
VII. Nor will 1 doubt but that in view of that j,
honorable conduct which has evermore governed the
States, and the People of this Union, they will each g
and all resort to every legitimate expedient, before y
they will forego a faithful compliance with their -j.
obligations. jy
There ia no more need of having a Government jyj
Bank incorporated?even were it constitutional, than It
to have a Broker's office incorporated. Have not the
Rothschilds, the Barings, Wcllescs and Holtingeurs,of le
Europe, not only supplied the | ublic with a currency, H
hut supplied nations with loana to carry on wars for
years and years 1 Yet they were not incoiporateu.? sf
And they were mere individuals, and supplied ex- w
changes?sold you drafts on their Agencies, to any
amount, from a thousand to a million dollars?ex- pr
changed one commodity for another?gave their draft co
for your gold and silver, or iheir gold and silver for te
your Bills of Exchange, or State Bonds ; or bartered
with you one commodity for another. They were
the depository of youi cash, and they gaveyou certi- kr
Urates of it, which would serve your turn belter than cr
Cannot the Treasury of the United States be a j;,
Je|?jsilory, and give you its certificates, fur a considc-^ tei
ration 1 And will not ydur money be safer in their a''
,i_ .L-_ I .... ., to
;usiouy, iiiuii in nun 01 uny uiuiviuuui, or any oilier y?
Joiporalion 1?I'or the Republic in one of the first and no
greatest Corporations in I he world ! pa
Mll.LEDOETIt.LF., 27th Nov. 1841. j
a j
Mr. Clark, of Camden, from the Joint Committee,
nade the following report to the House of Representsives,
which was read and unanimously agreed to: rHl
The Joint Committee appointed in obedience to a ha
esolulion of the House of Representatives expressive wr
if "the deep sense of respect entertained for the pubic
services of the lute Hon John Forsyth," and askng
"an official manifestation of that respect for the
uemory of an individual so high'y distinguished in
he Councils of Georgia, the National Legislature,
nil in the Cabinet of the United States," beg leave to
That (he people of Georgi i have heard, with feeltigs
of deep and unfeigned regret, of the decease of '
his distinguished citizen, whose eminent talents and (,ui
levatcd political career, have, through a long series 'ah
if years, shed lustre not only upon tins State, but up- Pu'
n the whole Union. Entering public.life at a period ^a'
if extreme youth, and at an early day in the history of tj''
he Republic, John Forsyth rose at once to the first
auk ; with unequalled rapidity attained political emilence
; in which elevated sphere he continued to move
villi splendor and applause; exemplifying the statesran,
dignified and firm ; the orator, brilliant and
eautiful, and the gentleman, whose elegant depoil- g
rent and honorable bearing attracted universal adnuation
and regard.
First, the Attorney General of Georgia, then its ^
lepresentative in Congress, the Ambassador of the '
lation at a Foreign Court, subsequently the Chief
Magistrate of thia Slate, anil its Senatoi in Congress, ,
nil finally Secirlary of Stale of the U. States.^ John
\irsylh dischargvd the duties of these several ?taiift*&. ?
rith a brilliancy, a readiness, and an ability which '
pw inay expect to equal, none to rival?in all of them ..
maintaining the honor, and sustaining the interests '
oth of this State and of the nation.
As the immediate representative of Georgia, John r
'orsyth early rivetted the attention and secured the
ffections of its citizens, by his great talents and his '
omnia ruling powers of eloquence; and the proinpless
with which he employed them in vindicating , I1
^eir honor, and in defending their peculiar and excluive
rights. Occasional difTerenccg of opinion, and v
mhittered party excitements, have never withdrawn c
lint attention, nor dislodged those affections, and the u
eople of Georgia now mourn his death as a great noonal
bereavement, sensibly felt by the State of
rhich his talents and eloquence made him so distin- ?
uished an ornament, and by the nation in whose '
prvice much of his life was spent, and for the protec- Cl
on sf whose honor and interests some of his greatest "
itelleclual efforts were made. f
It is therefore most fit and proper that the represen- .
dives of the people of Georgia here assembled should
i a becoming manner acknowledge the magnitude 1
nil impoitance of the public services of this acrmn- bill,
lished citizen, through a long and eventful political the
ireer, and testify to the country, in an imposing whi
rm, their just appreciation of one of the diatingtileli
I men of the age, whose cbaracier ia identitirJ with
at of tbe nation ; and with tbio view the committee
eaent tbe following resolutions, and aak for tbem
e unanimous concurrence of ibia Legislature:
Retolced, That we have received, with feelings of
ep and aincere regiel, the intelligence of the Jeath
the Hon. John Fourth, and that bia talenta, hi*
>quence, and tbe valuable public aeivicee rendered
nim, justly entitle bia memory to an official mauiitation
of respect by the legislature of Georgia.
Rttolttd, That we hold in proper estimation hi*
orta in times of difficulty to pnwrve the rights,
omote the interests, and sustain the honor of the
ate ot Georgia. *
Rttolttd, That ibis report and resolutions be aent
the Goverunr for hie concurrence, and that ha be
jueeled to tranauiit a copy of theui to the family of
e deccaaed.
We find the following very interesting article in the
it Peoria Register. The farmed of Missouri have
eady discovered the prolh to be derived from the culatiot)
of Ileum, and it begins to engross much of
?ir attention. Within a few months past, two bagig
factories have been established in this city, in
uch a large capital has been invested, and a ready
irkel will be furnished for all the Hemp which can
raised. Other factories are springing up in differt
parts of the State, and this will soon, become one
<>ur most substantial sources of wealth.
Hemp Culture?interesting tu h'armers.?Df. Bart,
of Springfield, as many of our readers are aware,
the agent of a company in New York who loaned a
ge amount of money to the citizens of our Military
ract three years ago, with which to enter their lands
the then land sale. He visits here every Novetnr,
as the notes fall due, to receive payment and this
is his business here last week. Owing to the hard
nes, he found the vettlers, in ninny cases, unprepared
pay, and this led him to inquire into their agriculral
operations. Meeting us one day he said, " 1
ish you would tell your farnierstogo into the raising
Hemp. If those who entered their land three years
[o had done so they would have found no trouble
hatever in making their payments and would now
ive had the land clear and been independent." " 1
n afraid, like every thing else, it is a very uncertain
op," we replied. " Not at all," said he, " it is the
uesi una mosi promauie crop me ground can proice."
" Are you well acquainted with il 1" "Yea,
was raised in Kentucky, where ilia the great staple,
id I can give you a statement in five minutes showg
what the clear profit might be from the crop in this
>untry." Taking him at his word we sat down,
hen-he produced the following. There were three
tilers present, having business with him, to whom
a occasionally referred for the rates of labor heie,and
i every case he made the charge higher than they esiii
a ted it.
Cost qf Cultivating ten acres in Hemp.
reparing the ground for the reception of
seed i. e. two ploughings and one harrowing,
$'2 per acre, $20 00
nwirig same and harrrowing in, 50 cents
per acre, 5 00
Bed, 1*2J bushels, at $1 per bushel, 1*2 50
utting 10 acres, $1 per acre, 10 00
hocking do. 50 cents per acre, 5 00
preading to rot, 50 cents per acre, 5 00
alhering up to break, 50 cents pei acre, 5 00
reaking, $1 per 100 lbs., (and 10 acres
ought to produce in this country H00 lbs.
to the a re,) equal to H000 lbs., 80 00
ending 8000 lbs. to St. Louis,'25 cts. per
100, '20 00
Total expense of 10 acres, $lti'2 00
KK) lbs of hemp, at $5 per 100 lbs., (and it
has not been woilh less for ten years) 400 00
oat of production deducted, 162 50
Net profit of 10 acres, $237 50
Heie is a clear profit of $23 75 per acre, if the
viier of the land even has to hire every thing done:
he does it himself, he ({els well paid for his labor in
Idition to this profit.
It will be seen that all depends u|>on the price of
ie hemp, which is rated at S>5 per 100 lbs. Dr. Bart
informs us that it is this year $3, and is sometimes
i high us $10, while he has never known it to be less
inn 5. A Cincinnati paper before us quotes as fob
ws :
[emp, Manilla, per cwt., $10 00 a 11 00
" brown, " 9 00 a 9 50
ale Rope, per lb., 10 a 11
agging, " 27
arred rope, " 14 a 16
lanilla rope, " 16 a 17
At New York the prices (we copy from the last
>urnal of Commerce) are:
ussia, clean, per ton, 235 i.e. per cwt. 11 75
lanilla, " 170 " 9 50
alian, " 230 a 240 " 11 50
At St. Louis the price is (we copy from the Bub
leinp, scarce, per lb., 7 a 8
In the fust two quotations foreign hemp only is
roki n of. We remember to have seen it stated soinehere
that when the American article is well got out,
is rupetior to the Russian. If so, and our farmers
iuld get $10 per cwt. for it, the clear profit would be
lormous. A settler from the produce of 10 acres,
iuld pay for his quarter section in one year, no matrat
what rale of interest he borrowed the money.
Or: Buiiet puts down the yield at 800 lbs. to the
re. He says that 1200 lbs. have been raised in Kencky,
and never V?s than 500., One hand has been
town to cultivate20 acres, besides attending to other
ops. Indeed another advantage in its cultivation is
at it does not interfere with othei crops. The seed
ould be sown throughout the month of May and
si ween in June,? one day's sowing at intervals of
11 days, to give plenty of lime in cutting it. It is
<o got out in the winter , when farmers have nothing
do but keep themselves warm. Should it be inconnicnt
even then to get it out in any year, it loses
ilhing, but improves in quality by lying over. Like
jier, into which it may be tinaily converted, the oldei
becomes, the better.
Of the way in which fortunes are acquired by raisl
this article, the following example will illustiale.
A muti in Fianklin county, Kentucky, 20 years
0 rented a small form, 60 acres of which he designputting
in hemp. He hired 2 or 4 negroes at $150
'ear each, allowing 15 or 20 acres for each hand.?
isides their annual wages, he had to clothe the nelcsand
pay their doctor's bills, which were considcjle.
He made, the first year $250, clehr, to each
nd ; as much in subsequent ycats; and is now
nth $100,000.
/ 'rom the Albany Evening Journal.
Comptroi.i.er's Office, )
Albany, 24th Nov. 1841. J
turt.ow Weed, Esq.
Oear Sir? In answer to numerous inquiries in rela1
to the redemption of the hills of the Bank of Bufi
and Commercial Bank of Buffalo, 1 send you for
ilication a statement showing the situation #f the
lety Fund, and the provision of the laws apperling
fo this subject.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Comptroi.i.er's Office, ) i
Albany, 25th Nov. 1841. \ ,
e amount of the Capital remaining '
Kith September, IH41 - - $185,487 99
e advances from the Treasury since
hat time to redeem Safety Fund Bank.
'Jotes .... $1 (Hi,031 00 1
lance of Safety Fund, '21th Novemicr,
1841 - - - $379,450 00 1
der the provisions of the Act of'26th 1
(day, 1841, the Comptroller has given
totice to the Safely Fund Banks, that '
hey will be required to pay 1-3 per
ent. upon their capital, on the tirst
ay of January next, which would ]
reduce .... $158,776 '24 |
d there will be due from several Banks t
rho have not vet paid their or ginal ]
..i-M . -e . i
uun.imuiiN 111 ?|irr uein. on nrsi Jan- \
atv next - - - 31,175 00 |
lich would make the whole amount I
f Safety Fund . - 8509,408 '23 I
m which ia to bededucted the 12 per
?nt. of the Rank of Buffalo anil Conitercial
Bank of. Buffalo, since sua- f
ended .... 3,000 00 t
iving the balance,,1.t January, 1842 8500,408 23 'lie
Comptroller has no authority to redeem the |
t of a suspended Bank until the Chancellor makes
order required by the Act of 8th of May, 1837,
ch provides that 4
!i shall ha lawful for the Chancellor upon the rsr- * I
" lificale of one or uiore of the Bank Commissioners '
" that the amount of the debts of aucl. Banking Cor"
poralion, over and above iu property and effects, will
"not exceed two thirds of the amount of the Bank
" Fund then paid iaand invested, exclusive of all prior k
" established claims thereon, to uiake an order upon
" the Comptroller authorizing biin to take such inea"
sures as he may deem necessary for the immediate
" payment of the ordinary Bank bills or notes of such '
" Banking Corporation then in circulation, out of the
" Bank Fund then paid in and invested." i I
Upon filing a certified copy of the Chancellor's
order, under this section, and not before, the Coinp- f
troller is authorized to make provision for the redemption
of the bills, nor is there anv authority wit hoi. I
uch piior order, to receive the bills of a suspended . j
Bank in |wyineut for tolls, or other indebtedness at j
the Treasury, which of courae would be virtually redeeming
tbeiu in anticipation, aa nothing elae but audi
uncurrent notea would in that case be offered in payment,
until the whole circulation waa exhausted.
In relation to the recent failures of the Bank of
Buffalo, and the Commercial Bank of Buffalo, the
Bank Commissioners were not able to give the required
certificate, and the Chancellor could therefore
make no order upon the Comptroller authorizing linn to
The Safety Fund, as the law now stands, is only to
be replenished by the annual contribution ofthe B inks
of one half per cent, upon their capital; and unless
further legislative provision is made, the bills of the
above Banks cannot be redeemed from the Safely
Fund, until the annual contributions shall so far replenish
the Fund as to enable the Bank Commission
era to give the required certificate to the Chancellor,
and he shall make the order.
We give a statement of a highly important and interesting
decision of the Court given by a majority
ol Hie Judges al the last term.
The case wai that of Grovea vs. Slaughter, anil
wi I be lound retried al large, in 15 h vol Peters'
Reports, 449.
The seventh section of the Constitution of the U.
Slates, article 3, declares that "Congress shall have
power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, an 1
among the several Stales, and with the Indian tribes.
The Stale of Mississippi, by her amended Constitution
of 1832, declared "the introduction of slaves into
this State, as merchandise, or for sale, shall be prohibited
from and aftcrthe first day of May, 1833, provided
the actual settler or settlers shall not be prohibited
from purchasing slaves in any Slate of this Union,
and bringing them into this State for their own indi- ,
vidual use, until the year 1845.
An action was instituted in Louisiana on a promissory
note given for slaves, introduced ns merchandise, ,
for sale, into Mississippi, after the first duy of May,
1833. The defence set up to the action was, that the
note was void, as the transaction on which it was
founded was a violation of the Constitution of Mississippi.
It was contended by the counsel for the ho'tlcr of
the note, that the prohibition of the Constitution of
Mississippi was void, as it was n prohibition of the
commerce in slaves between the States of the Union,
the introduction of slaves, as merchandise, or tor sale,
into Siales in which slavery existed, being commerce,
and exclusively the subject of regulation by Congrtss
under the article before referred to. It was said, "lo
regulate commerce is to sustain it. Regulation implies
continuance not death?preservaiion, not annihilation?the
unobstructed flow of the stream, not to
check or dry up its waters."
All the justices ot the court who sat in the cause
with one exception, concurred in opinion, that the "
prevision of the Constitution of the United States
did not interfere with the prohibition of theConstitu
lion of MissisHIDIli. Slaves are ueroina r...i k?
ilioe. Mr. Chief Justice Tanev and Associate Jus
lice McLean gave written opinion* on th s point, &lv
though the decision of the case did not require thai
the judgment of the court upon the same should he
expressed. Justices Story, Thotnpaon, Wayne, and
McKinley, concurred with the majority of the court
in the opinion that the provision of the Constitution ,
of the United States had no application to the case
The law, therefore, stands hereafter fixed and settled.
A State in which slaves are held may prohibit
the introduction of slaves as merchandise or tor sale
into t.er territory. The whole of the regulation of .
slaves and slavery is exclusively of State jurisdiction
While the principles of the Constitution of the
United States was considered as protecting the trade
in slaves between State and State, and it was believed
that no Constitution or State law could interfere with
it, and while this provision was claimed to be in force
so as to prohibit the States from objecting to the traffic
hopeless indeed was the expectation that Statu regulation,
and the duties of humanity, would concur to lessen
the numbers of victims to the domestic slave
trade.?Nat. Gax.
English Character.?Our cousins of John Bull's
family will not, we trust, behave themselves unseemly
at the following description of their family characteristics.
It must be true, for it comes from good authority.
Had any of Brother Jonathan's family dared to
say the same thing, it would have been denounced as
vile Yankee slander, and John would have snarled
and showed his teeth right earnestly. The last number
of the London CAuarierlv, however, says :
"It is a remarkable feature in our English John
Bull chatacter, that we are singularly incapable of understanding,
or accommodating ourselves to, the characters
of others. This arises partly from our sturdy,
uncompromising, and rather arrogant conviction, that
there is no nation on earth so rich, so free, so happy,
and so virtuous as our own?a doctrine which is studiously
enforced upon us in some shape or another at
most popular meetings, and esjiecinlly at contested
elections?when both parties are severally informed
that they are the most honest, liberal, and independent
men in the world ; and then by a little paralogism,
the two imperfect halves are construed into a
perfect whole. A worse source is to be found in the
inordinate love of comfort, and the self-centralizing i
principle, which animates most Englishmen.
"Hannilv this nrincinle takes mn?i fr no?ii? !? 1
. . ? . . . i*"?"j ?" ' i
form of domestic, enjoyment, otherwise it would In come
intolerable. As things nre, it is productive of
no little good. It stimulates our industry, steadies our
exertiiins, and cheeks many tendencies to aire. But
the results nre often ludicrous We smile at an Eng- J
lishman's travelling apparatus, contrived for carrying
with him a little England wherever he moves, and at
his criticism on foreign languages, foreign manneis,
foreign cookeiy, and foreign every thing , which generally
end in one condemnation, that they are not /
English. But under some circumstances litis cxrlusiveness
becomes a very serious evil."
Prirate Economy of the Chinese.?The interiors
of some of the houses were found beautifully furnished
and carved ; one that is now inhabited by the governor,
and believed to have been the property of a
literary character, was, when first opened, the wonder
and admiration of all. The different apartments,
opened round the centre couit, which is neatly tiled ,
the doors, window frames, and pillars that support the
pent roof, nre carved in the most chaste and delicate
style, and the interior of the ceiling and wainscot aro
lined with fret work, which it must have required the
greatest nicety and care to have executed. The furniture
wns in the same keeping, denoting a degree of
taste the Chinese have not in general credit for with
lis. The bed places in the sleeping apartments oflhtladies
were large dormitories, for they can baldly be
called beds ; at one corner of the room is u separate
in i square, mill IIM'StlllC Ml
height; the exterior of this in usually painted rid,
:arved and gilt, 'he entrance in through a circular
iperture three feet in diameter, with eliding pannels;
in the interior is a couch of large proportions, covered
with a toft mat and thick curtain* of mandarin silk ,
lie iniide of the lied in polished and painted, anil ,t
ittle chair and table are the remaining furniture of
his extraordinary dormitory.?/.ord Jorttyn't ,vi i
Months with tht Chinese Expedition
from tho Aslor House, and ll>5 Broadwny
New York, beg* to annuunco that he has now ready, ' i
'or the inspection of connoisseurs, a splendid assotl- l i
nent of Wigs and Toupees, of all sixes and color*
In those fine specimens of the art of Wig making
will be fouud every known improvement. And W
9. is proud to say, many of the most important liavn
iriginated with himself. Call and see thetnnt Halche
or s Fashionable Hair Cutting and Dressing Roono-, fm J
illiot'sBuildings, Pennsylvania av., Washington. U
JOSEPH PALMERl, late of the Aslor House, M j
VeW York, Gentlemens' Hair Dresser, hegs to in
iirin hts friends and customers that he is ready to aland
them in the Hair Dressing department
dec 15?eop3t x '
^QNCHOLOGY ? For sale, a collection of li'tNt S" A
<J species of Shells, arranoed and labelled accord- ? V J
ig to Lamarck, and contained in card trays. In- \
uire at thia office, dec 15? 3t
?. 14 fr YWBV #

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