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The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, July 15, 1924, Image 6

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THE PfUty WOBKEft.
Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO.,
1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, 111.
(Phone: Monroe 4712)
SUBSCRIPTION RATEB
By mall:
$6.00 per year $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months
By mall (In Chicago only):
SB.OO per year $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 mont’xs
Address all mail and make out checks to
THE DAILY WORKER
1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Illinois
J. LOUIS ENGDAHL I Frtltnrs
MORITZ J. LOEB Business Manager
Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post-
Office at Chicago, 111., under the act of March 3, 1879.
290 Advertising rates on application.
Our Democracy
The Communists entering the presidential elec
tion campaign will have an impressive opportun
ity to point out one of the features of American
democracy that has been entirely overlooked or
hidden.
The monstrous growth of the machinery, Amer
ican capitalist democracy, is appalling to the stu
dent of political affairs. The governmental pay
roll now r embraces one out of every twelve per
sons gainfully employed. There are close to three
and a half million people on the government pay
roll at the annual cost of almost four billion dol
lars. This number is three times as many as the
total engaged in the entire mining industry; a
greater number than those engaged on all the
steam and electric railways of the country; five
times as many as those employed in mining coal;
and six times the number of those working in the
production of iron and steel and the running of
the foundry and machine shops.
In the last two decades the number of federal
government employes has increased one hundred
per cent. At the same time the number of work
ers engaged in gainful occupations has increased
only ten per cent. In 1901 there were only three
government commissions operating at an annual
cost of less than a million dolars. Today there
are no less than thirty-three such bureaucratic
committees sustained at an annual cost of six
hundred fifty million dollars.
What a staggering price the operation of- the
huge governmental apparatus, used w'ith unfail
ing regularity against the working masses de
mands, is reflected in the fact that the total cost
is equivalent to a sum sufficient to meet the pay
rolls of the automobile industry. The annual gov
ernment wage bill alone would suffice to sustain
every form of textile manufacture from the high
est over paid executive down to the lowest under
paid errand boy for a period of ten years.
This gigantic machine of pure democracy, reared
by the American masses, is supposedly indorsed
by the workers and farmers. In the coming months
the Communists will redouble their efforts to
make clear the mortal menace of this strike-break
ing Frankenstein.
“Liberal” Red-Baiting
The Scripps Howard syndicate of newspapers
are supposed to be “liberal.” How little this term
means is shown by the red-baiting activities car
ried on by them. Like LaFollette, they have takeu
up the task laid down by William J. Burns, when
that worthy was forced into private life by ex
posures of petty and grand larceny, bribery, and
corruption of the professional Bolshevik killers.
Their latest is an editorial entitled “LaFollette’s
Gain,” which charges that the Communists are
masquerading in the false-whiskers of Farmer-
La borism.
Os course no one knows better than these same
papers that the Communists have not masqueraded
at any time. They have made themselves stand put
in the political picture by differentiating them
selves from the rest of the Farmer-Labor move
ment with which they have gone along. The Com
munists cannot be blamed if all other nationally
organized groups got cold feet and quit the in
dependent political movement to surrender to La-
Follette. Those who still remain true to inde
pendent action are surely entitled to the use of
the Farmer-Labor name, even tho the Commun
ists may be included!
But what will these “liberals” say, now that
the Workers Party has named its own Commun
ist ticket, and has called upon the Farmer-Labor
movement to support the Communists. Now it is
the other way around. After two years of sup
porting the Farmer Labor movement, the time has
come for the latter to support, the Communists.
We suspect that, the “liberjals” will howl more
than ever when they see the Farmer-Labor eom
mitees over the country, ns in the case of the
California committee and the National Commit
tee, endorse the candidacy of Foster and Gitlow.
J. P. Morgan’s office is now the headquarters of
the Capitalist International. Thru its parties, and
interlocked financial institutions, it directs the
governments of Great Britain (“Labor”), of
France (Left Bloc), Italy (Fascist!) and the Unit
ed States (two-party dictatorship). In Germany
it rules from month to month thru Socialists, na
tionalists, catholics, democrats, etc. The League
of Nations is a sideshow.
A1 Riuith says, “I’ll take off my coat and vest
and work for the ticket,” which is just Al’ happy
way of telling us that lie’ll put on his frock coat
and make after dinner speeches for the ticket.
Paleolithic Politics
It is small w'onder that the vast majority of
workers in the trade unions take no interest in
political action. The reason is not because they
fail to understand political issues as affecting the
working class, but because the leaders of the trade
unions obscure such issues in a maze of political
trading, according to the Gompers’ formual of “re
warding friends and punishing enemies.”
A case in point is the political situation in
Illinois. The workers in this state have been in
the lead in demanding indepndent labor action, as
against participating in the old parties. But the
intrigues of Victor Olander, John Walker, and
others under the direction of Gompers, coupled
with the miserable collapse of Fitzpatrick, enabled
these worthies to hitch the machinery of the trade
unions onto the Len Small republican machine in
control of the state government.
Now these same “leaders” (unless Gompers
orders them otherwise) will be swinging over na
tionally to support of LaFollette since he has re
pudiated the organization of a party. But LaFol
lette’s swarm of middle-class supporters are de
manding a state-i Ade “independent” ticket to
hitch onto LaFollette’s national campaign, hoping
to catch some of the offices in that fashion which
they failed to get in the old party primaries. This
is threatening the success of the Len Small-labor
combination, which requires the elimination of
such “independents” in the state elections. So
Ojiander is dickering for LaFollette’s influence to
keep the independents out of Illinois in favor of
Small.
It is a political madhouse, in which a worker can
see nothing except a bunch of politicians crowding
greedily to the pie-counter. No wonder they reject
such “politics.” The Workers Party will be the
only organization offering these workers issues of
the class struggle.
The Wall St. Journal Speaks
The court gazette of the House of Morgan, known
as the Wall Street Journal, has already announced
its preferences among the presidential candidates.
Both Coolidge and Davis find favor in its eyes.
Its own correspondent has been travelling the
wheat fields of Kansas. The headline over his re
port confidently proclaims that “Confidence rests
with Coolidge , in this abode of farmers’ discon
tent.
Over the story telling of the democratic nomina
tions it has the headline: “Davis Nomination is
Best Solution,” declaring that:
“The democratic national convention has
reached the best possible solution of an almost
impossible situation with the nomination of John
W. Davis of West Virginia and New York for
president of the United States.”
Wall Street has adopted the two old capitalist
class parties and their candidates. Let the work
ers adopt their own working class party —the
Workers Party. This year witnesses the first out
and-out political struggle between capitalism and
Communism. Let the workers and farmers throw
their strength for Communism and against capi
talism. *
Coolidge Regrets Gompers ’ Illness
(“I greatly regret to learn of your illness and trust you
may have a speedy recovery,” read a telegram today to
Mr. Gompers from President Coolidge—News item.)
“O Mr. Gompers, we regret that you have fallen
sick; we need you on the job, by gosh, for only
you are slick enough to keep our agents in the
unions on the job, and keep the rank and file con
fused and ripe for us to rob.”
“O Sam, the ruling class of this great country
sends to you, thru Cal, another lackey, the ap
preciation due to one who serves us always, who
was never known to fail, when a strike was to be
broken or a rebel thrown in jail.”
“The workers will not mourn you if, perchance,
you have to croak; they think that you have ruled
too long, and that’s why they are broke. But the
Civic Federation, Judge Gary, and the rest of the
bosses of the country, Sam, all think that you’re
the best.”
“O Sammy Gompers, do not die and leave us,
for we need you; the bosses speak, and you must
heed! Did we not always feed you? So read
the wire from Calvin, for it’s in our name he
speaks—get well and on the job again a-killing Bol
sheviks.”
When Is a Woman?
State’s attorney Robert E. Crowe makes the pro
found statement: “A woman’s a woman.”
He was referring to “Topsy” Duncan who had
a nasty beating from one of Western Electric-run
Cicero’s cops. Crowe said that of course “Topsy”
was small, but even if she weren’t she was a woman
and no policeman, no man, could remain one and
attack her brutally.
Pickets must lie different. Maybe they’re sort
of robots to state’s attorney Robert E. Crowe. Any
way he never saw his manhood vanish when lie
sent his special “bulls” out on Market street to
beat up the union girls and women who were de
fending their jobs in the garment factories while
they were striking for decent conditions.
The garment workers are women with flesh and
blood and nerves like “Topsy” Duncan, but the
state’s attorney evidently doesn’t admit it. Work
ers are workers, or workers are slaves, must be his
argument and defense for vicious attacks his men
made upon the striking garment workers in March
and April.
Cnlles is reported ns being elected President of
Mexico. If he has enough soldiers, he will now
proceed to occupy his office.
THE DAILY WORKER
Morgan’s Rise to Power Thru Control
of Government is Shown by History
By ROBERT GRIM V
JAMES Pierpont Morgan is a candi
date to succeed himself in the
White House. Like the shrewd sure
thing gambler that he is, he has pro
tected himself by entering the race
on both the bid parties. John W.
Davis, his personal attorney, means
Morgan. Calvin Coolidge, his Dawes
plan backer, means Morgan.
Morgan has thrown off disguise at
Washington. He now*- bosses Washing
ton as unblushingly as he bosses Wall
Street and the interlocking trusts
which it controls. In the past Morgan
used presidents. Now he appoints
them.
Fish, Fowl, Man. Beast?
Who is James Pierpont Morgan, this
figure who picks presidents in little
hotel rooms and overthrows French
cabinets which obstruct his loan pro
grams? Who has just whipped the
premier of the British Etnpire into
line with his policies? Is Morgan a
mere symbol of financial power?
Morgan is more than a symbol. Mor
gan is the power. He is a hereditary
financial chieftain from a family
whose power has swollen in more than
geometrical ratio as it went from
grandfather to father to son.
From England to U. S.
The House of Morgan was a power
from the earliest days of capitalist
civilization. Its first headquarters
were in England, the first capitalist
country. It now rules the world from
America, which by the march of his
tory has become the dominant capi
talist country. It gained its power
thru its control of government.
As civil war profiteers in worthless
rifles and other equipment, the House
of Morgan got the financial capital to
lead the banking forces of America.
In the great trust-building days of
the Clevelatid, McKinley and Roose
velt administrations, th'e Morgan for
tune grew enormously. Trampling on
the Sherman anti-trust law and a host
of other federal statues involved no
difficulty, for Morgan controlled the
presidents and the attorney generals.
Generation of Politics.
James Pierpont Morgan, the elder
realized the value of political power to
back up his industrial and financial
power. He was too wise to say that
economic ' effort was sufficient. Mor
gan needed the control of the financial
nilitary, judicial and financial re
tources of Washington. He has had
hem for a generation.
President Cleveland was a Morgan
president. He gave Morgan an enor
mous bond issue at private sale, with
out public bidding. For this he was
bitterly criticised later by the Bryan
ites who are now endorsing his attor
ney, John W. Davis.
Crushed Pullman Strike.
Cleveland crushed the Pullman
strike in the interest of Morgan and
the other stockholders of that com
pany. Cleveland did this with federal
troops tho it must be emphasized that
his efforts against the American Rail
way Union would have failed if they
had not been backed by the official
scabbing of the railroad brotherhoods.
Morgan’s next president, William
McKinley, was elected on a gold stand
ard platform to protect the money
trust against the disturbing effect of
a free coinage of silver policy. But
McKinley proved equally useful in
other ways. Under his winking eye,
most of the present great monopolies
were formed, finally the most gigantic
of all, the great Steel Corporation with
MORGAN, HATER OF
SOVIETS, FLOATED
CZAR’S WAR LOANS
By J. PIERPONT MORGAN.
(Written for Who’s Who.)
J. PIERPONT MORGAN, financier;
born at Irvington, N. Y., Sept. 7,
1867./ A. 8., Harvard, 1889.
Entered London branch of J. P.
Morgan & Co. upon graduation, re
maining until 1901, becoming a
member, and upon his father’s
death, 1913, head of the firm. Now
director United States Steel corpo
ration, International Mercantile
company, Pullman company, First
Security company of New York,
Aetna Insurance company. Ar
ranged for payment of $40,000,000 in
gold to French Panama Canal com
pany for United States government;
after outbreak of European war
made first war loan to Russian impe
rial government; appointed commer
cial agent of British government in
the United States, January, 1915,
therafter conducting purchase of all
munitions and supplies In United
States; made loan of $50,000,000 to
French government, April, 1915;
organized syndicate of about 2,200
banks in United States and floated
loan of $500,000,000 to allies, Sep
tember, 1915. Ex.member advisory
council of Federal Reserve Board.
Member New York Stock Exchange.
Clubs: S). James, City of Lon
don; White’s (London); Metropoli
tan, Union, University, New York
Yacht, Harvard, Racquet and Ten
nis, Century (New York).
Home: 231 Madison Ave., New
York, and 12 Grosvenor Square,
London, W., England.
its $1,400,000,000 capital. And at the
same time American imperialism,
with the aid of the armed forces of
America working in the interest of
Morgan, seized the Philippines and
Porto Rico and gained sovereignty in
many other islands, furnishing new
fields for Morgan exploitation.
Morgan and the associated capital
ists working with him needed politi
cal power and they seized it.
Again they ruled the government
during the Roosevelt administration,
tho with occasional difficulty. But
they ruled it. The hectic Teddy ad
mitted once in a cooler moment that
he was a practical man and could be
dealt with. The Morgan strings were
tied to Teddy and the traces held
when they were needed.
We remember his hurried assent to
the absorbtion of the Tennessee Coal
and Iron company by U. S. Steel af
ter a conference with bankers. Later
Teddy publicly admitted that he had
permitted violation of the law, excus
ing himself by saying that he had to
concede to the bankers to avert a
panic.
Held Taft and Wilson.
The Taft administration and the
Wilson one showed a strengthening
of the Morgan power in Washington.
One of the first acts of the professor
president was the forciqg thru of the
Federal Reserve Act which centralized
the operations of the bankers and
whipped the little free-lance banks in
to line with the policies of Wall
Street. Morgan became a Federal
Reserve director.
The Civil War made the House of
Morgan a big American power.
The World War made it a world
power. <
Morgan was the loan shark who
bled European and American workers
alike during the great struggle. His
first loan of $50,000,000 to the Frencff
government in 1915 was a picayune
affair compared to his next when, with
the aid of an organized syndicate of
2,200 banks, he floated a $500,000,000
loan to the allies in September, 1915.
Here again his control of government
saved the deal. The act was contrary
to the rules of neutrality. It was ex
pected that Wilson might stop it. But
Wilson did not stop it. He was a Mor
gan president—put in with the aid of
Bryan, by the way.
Morgan’s World War.
As purchasing agent for the allies,
Morgan placed contracts for more
than three billion dollars’ worth of
war materials. He received commis
sions on all these purchases, beside:
the gains from the fanufacture, where
the work was done by companies in
which he was interested.
Later came loans that ran into the
billions, on all of which there was an
enormous rake-off. Morgan was the
greatest single war profiteer. It was
a Morgan war.
James Pierpont Morgan, the elder,
may have been more of a financial
genius than his son. But James Pier
pont Morgan, the younger, is vastly
more powerful. As the elder Morgan
inherited the power of his banker fath
er, Junius, and increased it, so has
the present lord of Broad and Wall
streets multiplied the power that he
received.
Beats Rothschilds.
The elder Morgan was the Ameri
can ally of the Rothschilds—the Eu
ropean banking trust. The younger
Morgan has taken the leadership of
European finance away from the old
Jewish house. More than that. He
has risen to mastery that the Roth
schilds never possessed until today he
controls the cabinets of France and
Belgium and has just bent Ramsay
MacDonald to his will in the matter
of an assurance that the Dawes plan
would be enforced on Germany with
the force of the British Empire.
Morgan holds the world’s purse
strings, or rather strings to the big
gest purses. He is mhny times more
powerful than an industrial capitalist
whose personal wealth might be as
great. He is the leader of the world’s
banking trust, tho master of credit
which is the basis of capitalist wqrld
trade.
Ramsay Minds .His Master.
With these credit strings Morgan
can perform his wonders; ho can even
pull a much adverted pacifist, Ram
say MacDonald, away from his con
victions into a virtual pledge of inter
vention against Germany should she
default on the Dawes payments.
Against this world power an inter
nationally organized fight must be
waged. It must be a centrally direct
ed war that will hurl its force united
ly into the fight where the fighting is
hottest.
It is obvious that the old Second
International with its nationalistic
separatism, is helpless. Even if it
were militant, instead of anaemic, it
would be unable to fight on a basis of
isolated nationkl action.
Comintern Fights Him.
But there is one world power that
is fighting Morgan all along the world
line, with disciplined forces. That is
the Communist International, a cen
trally directed proletarian army, thnt
Is organized for the one purpose of
taking power away from Morgan and
giving it to the workers and farmers
of tho world that robbery by the mon
ey barons may cease and happiness
and freedom may take its place.
This force is fighting in France
against the Morgan controlled Herriot
government. It 1b fighting in Ger
many against the Morgan controlled
German government, which with the
assent of the Social Democrats of the
Second International, has surrender
ed to the Dawes exploitation plan. It
is fighting Morgan in England and in
America.
LaFollette Won’t Hurt Him.
The Communists of America are not
fighting Morgan thru the LaFollette
movement. The LaFollette movement
is a petty bourgeoisie movement
backed by small business men and by
the officialdom of the railroad unions
who are bankers and business men
first and labor unionists second.
The Communists of America, the
American regiment of the world-wide
revolutionary army which is pitted
against the leader of the world’s ex
ploiters are found in the Communist
AS WE SEE IT
By T. J. O’FLAHERTY.
McAdoo will not bolt the democratic
party ticket. Like Bryan he suddenly
discovered that the forces of evil he
was fighting are after all progressive
and that the vanquished leader of
“progressive democracy” can now con
scientously give his support to Mor
gan’s counsel. Nobody should take the
statements of capitalist politicians be
fore conventions or during election
campaigns too seriously. Robbers
quarrel over the loot but they put up
a united front against their victims.
The rialroad brotherhood leaders who
held up McAdoo as their ideal will
now explain that Wall Street did not
want him. Hence his defeat. But how
can they explain McAdoo’s promised
support to Wall Street after he was
slapped in the face?
• • •
That all the capitalist parties and
the LaFollette parties are controlled
by business men is unquestionably
true. But it is also true that the dom
inant faction among the capitalists,
represented by Morgan, Gary, Rocke
feller and the big fellows do not al
ways manage to have their own way
with their parties. The republican par
ty is usually managable. But some
times they do not get the right man
nominated on the democratic ticket
and this failure costs them a lot of
;ood money until they tame the presi
lential shrew.
• • •
This year, however, both parties are
securely in their grip. So much so
that Morgan got his attorney on the
democratic donkey’s back and another
banker to ride the elephant with Coo
lidge. McAdoo and his kind have
other strings to their bows. Wall
Street would tame McAdoo after a
while but he would have trouble with
the labor leaders to whom he prom
ised favors for their support. There
are no such strings on Davis. Wall
Street will now proceed to get a
stranglehold on LaFollette’s outfit and
it will be interesting to watch the
“progressives” making for the dough
bag.
* • •
The organs of big capitalism are
severely attacking LaFollette. They
charge him with being a reactionary
capitalist, whose policy is to go back
to the era of small business and cut
throat competition, to smash up the
monopolies that represent industrial
progress. This is quite true. LaFol
lette represents the middle class, not
the big capitalists or the workers. The
capitalists recognize in him an irri
tant which interferes with their dom
ination and introduces an element of
chaos into politics. They know quite
well that he will not solve any of the
problems of the workers. They know
that he is not concerned with the
workers but is only using them to
further his own ambitions and the
Interests of the class he . represents.
The Communists attack LaFollette
because has has blocked the great
Farmer-Labor Party class movement
and postponed the formation of a
mass party of workers and exploited
farmers. Wall Street attacks LaFol
lette because he is throwing a mon
key wrench into their political ma
chinery represented by the democrat
ic and republican parties.
* * •
The Communists expose LaFollette
as one of those saviors who are con
tinually cropping up to free the “peo
ple” with the people having nothing
to say as to how they shall be freed.
Theirs not to reason why; theirs but
to vote and pay. Roosevelt, Bryan and
Wilson were also going to free every
body yet we have seen that these
gentlemen became the worst charla
tans and the most able and loyal
servants of the master class. While
posing as champions of the “people”
they are the first to betray tho work
ers. To these fakers the people means
the middle classes not tho workers
who comprise the great majority of
society.
• • •
Lloyd George in Englund once played
the role of capitalist killer that La-
Follette is now playing. But Lloyd
George, tho bitterly hated by the im
perialist* during the war, so much so
that he required the protection of a
Tuesday, July 15, 1924
Party— officially named here the
Workers Party. They are fighting
politically and industrially; political
ly arousing and organizing the mass
es for the seizure of political power
—which must be seized for working
class victory, and industrially thru the
militants in the trade unions and in
the unorganized industries.
, Workers' Party Hammering.
Foster and Gitlow are the Commun
ist candidates in the political cam
paign this year., They are running on
an uncompromising proletarian plat
form —leading the only clear-cut agita
tion against the masters of America
this year. The Communists do not
say that the power of Morgan will be
overthrown by voting for Foster and
Gitlow, but it will be a registering of
revolutionary strength.
Down with the power of Morgan!
Raise the standard of the working
class!
bodyguard of workers to protect him
against the attacks of the maddened
bourgeoisie, afterwards became the
most able leader of the same im
perialists when they were in the midst
Os the greatest crisis that ever faced
the British Empire.
• • •
There can be only one solution of
the problems that confront society to
day. That is the abolition of the capi
talist system and the establishment of
the rule of the working class, thru
Soviet republics. The illusion that
salvation can be secured by clipping
the claws of the capitalist tiger is
worse than futile. There is not a syl
lable or progressive viewpoint. It
hearkens to the past. The major prob
lems that confront the workers today
can be traced to the inequitable sys
tem of society under which we live.
The Communists therefore, while rec
ognizing that Wall Street is opposed
to the LaFollette movement, points
out that the capitalist system can
not be reformed and that LaFollette
is a serious obstacle in the way of its
overthrow. The workers themselves
under their own leadreship must per
form the task. Under the leadership
of the Communist Party they will fin
ally accomplish that purpose. In the
meantime education, organization and
agitation is necessary to built up a
powerful Communist Party.
• * •
John W. Davis smokes a pipe.
Another reason why he should
be presidential candidate. This is the
day of the pipe smokers. It is now
reported that the pipe manufacturers
had a strong caucus at the republican
and democratic conventions. They put
over Dawes and Davis. Dawes never
smoked. He simply wears his pipe.
Wears it upside down. Davis carries
it to show that even tho he is a mem
ber of the House of Morgan, he is still
a democrat without the capital d. But
he wears fancy knickerbockers which
may lose him the vote of Art Brisbane.
Art is undecided whether to vote for
Coolidge or LaFollette. Neither smoke
pipes or wear knickerbockers.
• * *
James J. Davis sat a stool at a lunch
counter and had a cup of coffee and a
piece of apple pie. This historic event
happened while the secretary of Labor
was on his way to Mooseheart. A
newspaper nincompoop who stood by
remarked that it was rather out of
place for a man in such an exalted
position to patronize a lowly lunch
counter, Mr. Davis indignantly replied,
"not at all. This is real Americanism.
No one can claim title to being a real
American until he has sat on a stool
at a lunch counter and sampled the
food.” Pie counter Americanism!
Whether the Ku Klux Klan resented
a clergyman having the name of Van
Loon or whether Van Loon did some
thing that a minister should be dis
creet about, is not quite clear but the
letters “K. K. K.” were quite clearly'
branded on Van Loon’s back. The
seared and scared servant of the Lord
was found near Battle Creek, Mich.,|
in a dozed condition.
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:
The Poor Fish says: It was very!
nice of Coolidge to tell Samuel;
Gompers he did not want him to>
die just now. This proves again t
that there are no classes in Amsr-jJ
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