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INC DJULT WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING OG 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago. DL (Phone: Monroe 4713) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: 16.00 per year J3.50....6 months 32.00..„3 months By mail (In Chicago only): 18.00 per year 34.80....3 months 32.50....3 months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, llllnela J. LOUIS ENGDAHL I Editor* WILLIAM F. DUNNB ( " MORITZ J. LOEB —Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923, at the Poet. Office at Chicago, 111., under the act of March 3,187 V. Advertising rates on application aiM.um.it.' ■l..U—ki.< iimi rnwgeaßß—l Under Soviet Rule Since the workers and peasants of Russia, under ihe leadership of the Communist Party, overthrew the feudal-capitalist dictatorship of the czarist irgime and established that of the proletariat, the American press has been lilled with furious de nunciations of the alleged persecutions and_ ter rorism carried out against their opponents by the workers’ government. In this orgy of abuse the so cialists took a leading part. Soviet Russia was not a democracy, they wailed, the Communists outdid the capitalists in cruelty to their political opponents! Even Eugene V. Debs beat the air with protests against the incarceration of counter-revolutionary brigands who sought to overthrow the government which Debs so often ex pressed his willingness to die for. But the Soviet government has given many proofs that it is not carrying on a war of revenge, against even its most bitter opponents. It has on many occasions pardoned active counter-revolu tionists, sentenced to death. Recently it commuted the death sentence on Boris Savinkov, agent of Kornilov, Poincare, Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, in causing death and destruction to the workers and peasants of his own country. And again on the seventh anniversary of the establishment of the Soviet government, the Com munist leaders of the Russian masses make another splendid gesture of peace and forgiveness in grant ing amnesty to thousands who had fought against the workers of their own country and in behalf of the capitalists of the world. Needless to state, the capitalist press will not play up this act any more than it does the fact that in every capitalist country in the world thousands of workers are rotting away in vile capitalist dungeons and that even under'the so called labor party government in Britain the stupendous number of 253,000 Hindoos, were im prisoned in India because of their struggle for in iependence from Great Britain. < The lying capitalist and socialist press has done its worst to put Soviet Russia in a bad light. But the very fact that the Russia of today can afford lo be magnanimous to its enemies is the best pos ible evidence of its growing strength and stability. Now It Can Begin With the decisive election of Coolidge, the big gest employers are preparing to lose no time in launching their national open shop offensive igainst the working masses. The near future will very likely witness a repe tition of the “grand offensive” of 1922. All evi dence tends to indicate that the textile workers will again be marked first for slaughter by the capitalists. New England, the home of the re elected president, has been chosen as the first ground of battle by the bosses. The textile workers of Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Is land have been ordered by the mill barons to accept wage cuts from 10 to 20 per cent. This drive against the textile workers bears all the ear-marks of being only a prelude to a general onslaught on the workers of all industry. For some time the well-kept presß has been ranting about the need for the deflation, the readjustment —always downward, of course—of wages. In launching the wage-slashing campaign against the textile workers, the bosses made it their business to be better prepared than they were two years ago. For months the textile workers have been unem ployed or allowed to work only part time. Their resources have been deliberately depleted by the exploiters. Nearly two-thirds of the members of the United Textile Workers have been excused from dues payment in the last few months because of wide spread unemployment. At the some time the textile barons have been consolidating their forces thru gigantic mergers. The textile operat ors have been solidifying their ranks for a fight to the finish. The textile workers can be counted upon to re sist heroically these dastardly efforts of their ex ploiters. This, however, is not enough. Behind the textile barons stands the united power of thn strongest employing interests of the country. Be hind the textile workers must stand the united of the working class from coast to coast. The struggle of the textile workers is a struggle of the entire working class. The employers feel that now they can begin their much-heralded and somewhat delayed open ahop drive. They are be ginning to garner the fruits of their election vic tory. The time to halt these anti-labor maneuvers is at hand. Every day get a “sub” for the DAILY WORKER And a member for the Workers l’arty. I In Minneapolis According to unofficial returns Emil Youngdahl, Communist pandidate for the state legislature on the farmer-labor ticket, is elected despite the op position of fake progressives and labor leaders. While the so-called progressives found nothing contradictory in supporting republicans and dem ocrats as the case may be, they achieved a notable unanimity in their opposition to the Communists everywhere. But for the Communists of Minnesota, the farmer-labor party would be as dead as the shin bone of Saint Anne by this time. The vacillating policy of William Mahoney of St. Paul and the weather cock gyrations of Robly D. Cramer, the alleged “red” of Minneapolis would long since have made the party a cog in the republican machine. But there was nothing red*about Cramer except his hair. The “progressives” had a lot of fun charging the Communists with being visionaries while the former were “practical” politicians. But in that kind of a game, the older political prostitutes can give their pupils cards and spades. The Com munists stuck to their principles, and while they did not win many victories in the parliamentary sense, they gained a greater victory in winning the respect and confidence of the masses which was lost by men like Mahoney and Cramer, who supported republican politicians against the Com munists running on the farmer-labor ticket. But the immediate success which these spurious progressives hankered for did not materialize, and they are now left without either virtue of the re ward of their treachery. They have allowed La- Follette to inflict a dangerous wound on the farmer-labor party of Minnesota. The Workers Party kept the banner of independent working class political action flying, and is the only party in the United States today that is a farmer-labor party in the real sense. MacDonald Steps Oat Ramsay MacDonald moved his furniture from 10 Downing street. Stanley Baldwin moved his in. The business of the empire goes on as usual. The exploitation of the workers continues. Noth ing has really changed except that millions of Brit ish workers are no longer under the illusion that they are running the empire. The MacDonald government was never a labor government except in name. Even its name was badly diluted. Several Lords and Sirs occupied important position. With few' exceptions even the untitled members made no secret of their devotion to the capitalist system. Stanley Baldwin succeeded Lloyd George. Mac- Donald succeeded Baldwin. It is Baldwin’s turn again. This is democracy, according to the gospel of the Second International. Under it capitalism .can change its servants when it pleases. The MacDonald government wms not a labor government but it was forced to do a few things that the ruling class did not like, therefore it gave it the boot. The Soviet loan guarantee and the Campbell case left a bad taste in the mouths of the British bourgeoisie. The idea that extra-parlia mentary action should cause a British government to act w'as repugnant, unless of course it was extra-legal action on the part of the ruling class. Baldwin w r ill take his orders all the time from the British Federation of Industries. The Fat Boys Cheerful The New York stock market reacted splendidly to the unexpected news that Foster had not w r on the election. The reports ran as follows: “An enthusiastic and vigorous forward move ment in the principal railroad stocks was the stock market’s response today to the results of the presi dential election. New York Central and Atchison w r ere leaders in this movement. In the first two hours the twenty railroad stocks in the Interna tional News Service compilation gained 2.12 points. “Industrial leaders were taken in hand later and boosted to the highest prices of the year and in some cases to the highest point in their history. American Smelting hung up a new high record. American Sugar made a good response. Oil Btocks were not weak and Mexican Seaboard advanced. Call money advanced % cent.” If the workers will take this news and ponder over it, remembering that if anything helps the bosses as a class, it hurts the workers in propor tion, they will see what they voted for. Also, they will, if they follow that line of reasoning far enough, understand why the Workers Party’s struggle is just beginning and why it is the first political party in America which is organizing by basing its lowest and most powerful units on the job, in the shops and factories. It is reported that James J. Davis is taking a trip to South America and that John L. Lewis is to get the job of secretary of labor. It is also whispered that Lewis is out to trim old Gompers. Even foxy Ham fell for the LaFollette illusion, but it would not surprise us to hear that he is now suffering from a headache. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge suffered a severe shock on November 4. That was the day the Cool idge landslide took place. When Silent Cal was handed the nomination for the presidency, Henry thought he was handed a lemon. But it was Henry who got squeezed. Now watch Cal talk to the workers! Norman Hapgood says that bunk killed the La- Follette candidacy. We can claim that the Work ers l’arty helped to debunk him. THE DAILY WORKER Significance of the 1924 British Elections By J. T. MURPHY. WHILE the election campaign is concentrating upon the Camp bell prosecution and the Russian Treaty and developing Into a frenzied fight against Communism, there can not be the slightest doubt that the fury of the onslaught means more than the Imminence of the revolu tion In Britain. As a matter of fact that latter is so near or so far, that we need waste any time discussing It at this juncture and concern ourselves with the other reasons governing the anti-bolshevik campaign. When the conservative party lead ers decided on a general election in 1923, tvfo outstanding problems faced them. First, to secure unanimity in the acceptance of the Dawes’ plan then in process of completion and sec ond, the consolidation of the forces of capitalism against the rising class feeling amongst the workers due to the prolonged unemployed crisis. The capitalist leaders knew quite well that If they came forward with the Dawes’ report as the basis for a “Eu ropean settlement” that the labor party leaders would pounce upon It and make the utmost political capital from its proposals as a means of ad vancing the labor party. Labor Party Got Job. They knew that the only party that could get this plan accepted in Britain was the labor party. Without the Dawes’ report they also knew things were going from bad to worse for they had no plan apart from it. Looking back over the last twelve months, I think we are driven to the conclusion that all other explanations for the sur render of an overwhelming party ma jority in the parliament have to take second place to .this determination to secure the acceptance of the Dawes’ plan, the nature of which they alone knew at that time. By the time Mac- Donald was safely installed the plan was practically ready for him to op erate. The manner In which the conserva tive leaders carried out their strategic retreat is worthy of study. Choosing the most imperialist of programs aris ing from the imperial conference—tar iff war against foreign competition, empire development, colonial prefer ence, etc., Baldwin cut free from the limitations and commitments of his predecessor, Bonar Law, and at once took a bold stride forward to wards the solution of the second out standing problem—the consolidation of the forces of capitalism against the rising tide of working class discontent. Immediately he succeeded in bring ing back into the fold of the conserva tive party leadership those who had been cold shouldered because of their coalition leadqfshlp viz: Birkenhead, Chamberlain and Co. He drove the liberal sections together on the basis of free trade, and once having done that used the results of the election as an opportunity to modify the party po- 1 sition on the question of tariff war as a means of easing the relations be tween the conservatives and the li berals ready for the next step when the united forces of the two parties would be required to dispense with the services of the labor party. Between Two Parties. In this task he was aided by the at titude of Churchill who, standing first in between the two parties as the rallying force against the labor party, developing the cry which both Bald win and Asquith echoed at the proper moment for a united front against the labor party. It was easy for him to do (his as a free lance and to take the right step on to the conservative platform at the proper moment. The moment of the election in 1924 completes the process. The conserva tive party was never more united. The whole of the conservative press is una nimous in the application of the unit ed front policy against labor while the pact for the elimination of three cor nered contests where these are deem ed to endanger either liberal or con servative seats is a consumation which it would have been risky to prophesy to happen nine months after the 1923 election. But these developments do not con stitute the limits of the strategy. Be sides committing the labor party to the Dawes’ plan and involving it In every phase of imperial responsibility the aim thruout has been to split the labor party. This the conservative party In particular has had in view all the time, taunting MacDonald and his right wing colleagues on their association with Communism and those who sympathise with it. How could all their denials be accepted so long as they did not prove their words by dissociating themselves from these people. The more the labor party leadership developed along the lines of liberalism and imperialism, in their efforts to gather elements from the li beral party and to capture liberal votes at the coming election, the more they were urged to cut the painter. But the time was too short altho Mac- Donald led the way with the attack first upon the Communists in spite of the incidents of the Campbell prose cution and the signing of the Russian Treaty. Conservative Strategy. In this part of the capitalist strategy the conservative and liberal leaders have not been successful altho Mac- Donald was willing. In faot, the haste te dispense with the labor government over-reached Itself, for Instead of splitting the labor party end weaken ing the development of eleee war poli tics within It, the pushing of the la bor party Into the position of opposi tion psrty will strengthen this devo- lopment as the only means of develop ing the labor party. But why the haste? Here I think we come to the crux of the new situ ation. The crisis came not on the Campbell case. Had the labor gov ernment not made an ass of Itself on this question the crisis would still have been upon them. This crisis de pended on the Anglo-Russlan Treaty. Yet to still narrower limits must we draw it. This hung upon the question of a guaranteed loan and debt recog nition. Raised Great Howl. On the lines of approach to the Bol shevik delegates, MacDonald received the plaudits of every capitalist paper in the country. But when It came to the loan question especially, there was an almost universal howl. But for this feature, It is probable that there would have been an accommodation with the liberals. This gave the con servatives their chance to develop their campaign against the treaty as a whole and with the help of Lloyd George, the liberal party was swung into line. Why this complete change In the attitude of the liberals who previous ly were in favor of developing the re lations between Britain and Soviet Russia? None of the liberal leaders have given coherent reasons for the change but have simply eehoed the tirades of the conservative party against helping the Bolsheviks. The echo is so complete that we are driven to the conclusion that the conserva tives hold the key to the riddle. , Turning to the conservatives for an explanation, we find the following in teresting theory propounded by Baldwin on the eve of the election. “Russia never has been, and I do not believe ever will be, one of our prin cipal markets. Geographically and linguistically, conditions are against it, just as those conditions are against us in our trade on the lower waters of the Danube. Our natural markets are the Dominions, South America, and the East. There we have a bet ter chance of competing with the world. Baldwin’s View*. “Whether we like It or not, the na tural exploiter of Russian trade is Germany. They have always done the largest trade In Russia because, geo graphically, they are the most favor ably situated and they study the Rus sian language and understand Rus sian methods of business. In my view the thing for world trade, of which we should get our share, would be the de velopment of Russian trade by us and when it becomes possible by Germany that she should turn into that market, which some day, but not yet, will be a great market —that she should turn In to that country the surplus of exports which Is to provide for*the payment of reparations and incidentally of some of our interest to America—that she should do that rather than the bulk of that surplus should be turned either into this country, or into our own spe cial markets which I have described.” In addition therefore, to the hatred of the Bolshevik government of Rus sia there is also a very definite fear of the increased competition that the rehabilitation of Germany is bound to bring. As a matter of fact, in the same speech Baldwin states: “It is perfectly true that the increased trade that will come from the rehabilitation of Germany, that is to say the increas ed world trade, must be coupled at the same time with an increased compe titive power in Germany, and you have to weigh the balance of advantage. The probability In my view is that the balance on the whole is to our ad vantage, too, subject to one or two observations I shall have to make.” These observations I have already quoted. On Dawes’ Plan. The position therefore, becomes clear. The opposition to the Russian By ALFRED V. FRANKENSTEIN. Jacques Grdon, concertmaster of the Chicago Symphony orchestra, was solo ist with the organization at the reg ular concert given in Orchestra Hall last Friday and Saturday. Gordon played, for the first time in America, the Gregorian cqncerto for violin and orchestra, by Ottorino Respighi. Res pighi has busied himself greatly in the last few years studying medieval Ital ian music and this concerto is one of the fruits of his labor. Thruout the three movements there is a sombre, mysterious atmosphere, refnlnlscent of the old illuminated manuscript music that is still sung in Italian cathedrals. The work must be ferociously difficult to play, and Gor don did It perfectly. To us there seems a great Improvement in the fconcertmaster's work. The tension in his style, so annoying heretofore, was entirely gone. Liquid What? Contrasting with modern composi tion, Gordon played the eight concerto by Spohr. This concerto is a work of simple, almost Ingenuous liquid mel ody thruout, tho there are pas sages of virtuosity which is not music that is the fault of the concerto form. Following this was an English horn solo with orchestra. The symphonic poem "The Swan of Tuouela” by Jean Sibelius. Tuonela Is the Hades of Fin nish mythology, and In this weird and gripping movement the composer de- I Treaty Is based upon the acceptance of the Dawes' plan by the British Im perialists. To carry out the Dawes’ plan and secure reparations it is ob vious that they are anxious to be able to compete effectively and at the same time to be safeguarded against the competition. The latter part of the scheme won’t stand a great deal of examination but the question of competition and the relation of the Russian Treaty thereto is all import ant for different reasons to those put forward by Baldwin. For example, we should require to be credulous to thing that British capitalists are prepared to hand over any market to a competitor. Even Baldwin’s Limited are not so generous if their recent completion of a £ 70,000 order from Russia is anything to go by. The argument that the geographi cal and linguistic factor is against Britain Is too funny for words. If the Russian market is to be handed to Germany because they are neighbors, why not China to the Japs and South America to the United States. As for language, is Chinese easier for the poor Britisher to learn than Russian? The Russian Market. I think w 6 must go a little deeper than these specious reasons. When all allowance is made for the hatred of the Bolsheviks there Is not the least shadow of a doubt that when the Brit ish capitalists see their competitors rushing into the Russian market, they will not be far behind. A comparison of the trade they have already made with Russia and the trade made by their competitors with Russia since the revolution will prove that. But the fact of the matter is, both British and foreign capitalists do not want to aid the Bolsheviks of Russia at all and will only develop In that direction ac cordingly to the pressure of circum stances. A further factor must be taken into account and that is, the British capitalists have got first of fers and hold a favorable position in relation to their competitors for the Russian market. But these ofTers are not altogether timely when placed In relation to the competitive factors operating In the world mgrket especially with the Dawes’ plan holding premier position in the capitalist plan of campaign. They .know as well as we that the placing of orders to the tune of thirty million pounds would have a decided effect upon unemployment and upon the workers generally. They know thal Immediately there is the slightest sign of revival of trade it is the sig nal for the workers to make demands for a recovery of their losses, for wage improvements, etc. To get such demands at the time when all the other conditions of the market arising from the application of the Dawes’ report are insisting upon reductions of wages and the lengthening of the working day and week would be fatal to their policy of the conquest of the world market. Behind The Screen. The opposition to the Russian Treaty is therefore, more than an an ti-Bolshevik campaign and is based upon a planned offensive against the workers of Britain to bring their con ditions down to competitive levels es tablished in Germany. Until that has been accomplished there will be no means enabling the placing of large orders from Russia. This conclusion is forced upon us by the general preparation going on thruout industry for this offensive. Hichens, a chairman of Cammell Lairds, stated frankly to the I. L. P. summer school that “The main cause of the present trade depression lay in conditions outside the control of Britain—in European unrest, in the poverty of other nations due to the war, in foreign rivalries and competi tion. . . , As a temporary measure to meet this situation, I believe It is inevitable that real wages In this coun scribes the swan that swims on the river surrounding Tuonela. The use of the English horn produces just the effect the subject needs. And if there is anything connected with the play ing of the Instrument that Mr. Nap olillt does no£ know, It Is not worth knowing. The Less the Better. To open the concert Mr. Stock chose that bit of musical laughter the overtyre to “The Bartered Bride” by Smetana. He followed this up with TOO LATE! iMilirri B j 22 The foreign diplomat* didn’t get the Chinese-Eastern railroad. The Soviet* have It new. Friday, November 7, 1924 try must fail. I say real wages hies cause it Is possible that nominal reckoned in money will rise. THey’ tend to rise, in fact, at the present moment.” The industrial correspondent of the “Morning Post” writing on September 22, of the iron and steel position, says, "A reduction in production: costs would appear to be the only way In which to get the industry back onto a sound basis, and prevent the blowing out of further furnaces in the near futura.” Demand Wage Cut. The "Financial Times” of the umt date declares in reviewing the coal situation created by German compe tition, “There is only one way left to combat German competition and that is to get the costs of production in this country down to the German level. Under the seven-hour working day and the new wage agreement that may be regarded as a sheer impossibility, for the miners will sacrifice neither one nor the other of these conditions.” Sir George Hunter, a prominent ship builder, declared also “Improvement in the shipbuilding industry would not come unless the shipbuilders could induce the leaders of trade unions to help them reduce their costs and to co-operate with them.” These quota tions could be multiplied ad lib, but there is here sufficient to reveal the fact most clearly that the defeat of the Russian Treaty at this juncture is part of the general economic of fensive against the working class of Britain bound up with the operation of the Dawes’ report. The coincidence of the two features accounts for the fetocity of the anti-Bolshevik cam paign far more than the growing im portance of Communism in Britain. While the fact that the labor party is bound to the Russian Treaty more positively and wholeheartedly than to the Dawes’ plan made it imperative that the labor government, should be immediately displaced altho the con servative party tactics had not com* to full fruition. , Served The Purpose. The calling into being of the laboi government was therefore, determined primarily by the need to secure the acceptance of the Dawes’ report by the working class movement The end of the labor government was caus ed by the historic association of the British working class movement with the Workers’ Republic of Russia ant these associations cutting clean across the fulfillment of the plans of the imperialists in spite of the willingness of the labor leaders to serve. The treaty of negotiations were conducted on approved bourgeois lines. The compromises forced upon the Russian workers were bourgeois compromises. But the objective situation ruled that the operation of the treaty Interfered with the major plans of Imperialism Involving the intensification of imper iallst competition thruout the world and the deeper enslavement of the workers. Hence the defeat of the labor government. Hence the new coalition of conservatives and liberals. But the plans are not complete and the sequel is destined to prove as in teresting and important as the Inci dent of the labor government. The defeat of the Russian Treaty Is bound to make it the first plank of all labor agitation dealing with unemployment and whether MacDonald gnd his friends like It or not, draw the work ing class of Britain closer to the work ers and peasants of Russia. • The fall ure of the capitalist plan to split the labor party before driving It out ot office is destined to deepen the work ing class development, within It; to strengthen the class conscious forces and give a leftward impetus to the whole movement. The speeding up of the forces of competitive struggle of imperialism has thus destroyed the labor government, but how deeply the country is being ploughed for Bolshev ism! a work by Smetana’s greatest music al compatriot, the twenty seven var iations for orchestra by Dvorak. If some twenty of these were excised from the score, one might listen to the composition In a better frame of mind. The rhapsody "Finlandia” also bj Sibelius, closed the program. This Is the composer’s best known effort. It< starts out with a cold, gloomy section, and winds up fast and furiously %lth an infectious dance rhythm.