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THE DAILY WORKER- Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING OQ. UIS W. Washington Blvd., Chicago. OL (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: 16 00 per year 13.50....6 ftontfls S2.OO—S months By mail (In Chicago only): 18.00 per year $4.50....6 months 82.50._S months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER HIS W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENODAHL ( WILLIAM F. DUNNE f * Bd,torß MORITZ J. LOEB Business Manager Entered as second-class mall Sept. 21, 1922, at the Post- Office at Chicago, 111., under the act of March S, 187 S. 290 Advertising rates on app M caUas Fruits of Class-Collaboration All workers, and particularly the coal miners, should take careful notice of the gvtematic cam paign to reduce wages that is being carried on from coast to coast and in Canada. The employers are more artful than in the last century, when the sheriff of Cook county, Illinois, for example, told a group of strikers in 1885: “You must go back to work for $1.50 a day, or I'll call the troops to compel you to do so.” Those were the days when the employers openly waged unrelenting and brutal warfare on the slightest sign of unionism. Those were the days when the labor movement grew amazingly, and was inspired by militant leaders for tremendous battles. It was the back ground upon which labor organized its ranks and marched to victory in the magnificent conflict for the eight-hour day in 1886. It was the foundation upon which was erected the American Federation of Labor and the Knights of Labor in their best days. But the employers found that frontal attack on labor organization is not always effective. The policy of corrupting the labor union officialdom and turning the whole stream of unionist ideology into class collaboration was begun and has blos somed and blown like the deadly upas tree. Everywhere today the union bureaucracy is spreading the idea that the boss really wants to raise wages, really wants to give more employment and better conditions—and is only prevented by lack of efficiency on the part of the workers. The current and most poisonous of all is the intensive propaganda being carried on to convince the work ers that the remedy for unemployment is to accept a cut in wages. This is an international campaign begun simul taneously in Europe and America, and it would be interesting to learn what part the union bureau crats agreed to play in the conspiracy, the exist ence of which cannot be questioned. The Dawes plan competition with German slave labor fur nished an excellent excuse. But capitalism is responsible for the Dawes plan and the workers must not accept the burden. In Nova Scotia, Besco gives the unemployment “starvation cure” to 12,000 miners, then demands a wage cut. In Alberta the coal operators have fairly succeeded in not only cutting wages, but declaring the open shop. The New England textile barons, after a dose of starvation, put over a wage cut. In the Pittsburgh district the coal operators are saying: “If you will take a wage cut, then we will open the mines.” Ten thousand miners are get ting the preparatory starvation cure. Other in stances are numerous, in lumber production, for example. The answer of American labor ought to be sharp and decisive. If it is not, and if the American workers are losing right and left, the fault is that the unions are corrupted with class collaboration and union officers teach that “industrial peace” and helping the boss is the first function of the workers’ organization. Against this black be trayal all progressive forces must wage a vigorous war. A Suitable Memorial The committee appointed by the executive coun cil of the American Federation of Labor to erect a snitable memorial in honor of Samuel Gompers. has invited suggestions as to the form this memo rial should take. Many suitable suggestions occur to a person, suggestions that would portray the attitude of Gompers towards the struggle that always exists between the workers, on one side, and the capital ists on the other. Here is one: A worker on his knees with fore head touching the ground. The foot of a capitalist on his neck. Gompers with a needle, representing class collaboration shooting the dope into the work er’s arm. Or another: The workers representing a flock of sheep, with Gompers, like the trained ram iu the < ’hicago stockyards, leading them to the knife. But remembering that Gompers did make a real serious light for beer and wine, the dead labor leader might be represented as a male edition of (he statute of liberty, bearing in his uplifted hand • fouiuiug mug instead of the lighted torch. Gentlemen of the memorial committee, take your choice. The Soviet ambassador in Paris called on Aristide Briand to deny the rumors spread by Hussia’s enemies 'about the envoy’s participation ill revolutionary activities in France. About the same time the French ambassador in Moscow was calling on Litvinov to deny that two French officers participated in a Baltic anti-Soviet conference. Tit for tat “A Satisfactory Situation” The secretary of labor in Coolidge’s cabinet, Mr. Janies J. Davis, says that “May Day presents no industrial disputes” and that “industrial relations are very satisfactory as a whole.” While the textile workers of New England are first given the starvation cure of unemployment and then handed a wage cut, while hundreds of thousands of miners and their families are on ra tions below the coolie standard and face wide spread unemployment, wage cuts and the assault of the operators to break up their union, while President Grace of Bethlehem Steel frankly tells the steel trust employes that they must compete with labor enslaved by the Dawes plau, and all along the line the American workers confront a terrific attack on wages, hours and unious, the secretary of the deportation department blandly remarks that the situation is “satisfactory.” In one way, that is to say from the capitalist viewpoint, the situation is, certainly, satisfactory. Capitalism has installed its most reactionary pup pet in the White House, it has defeated even the most ineffective constitutional limitation to child labor, the wage cuts are for the most part meeting with only sporadic resistance, the enforcement of longer working hours is being pressed, the open shop drive is making headway—and in all these things the capitalists are enlisting the active sup port of the labor union officialdom. Such a situation, from the viewpoint of Wall Street and the capitalist government of which Mr. Davis is spokesman, undoubtedly is a source of satisfaction. To the working class, however, such a situation is a living menace to life and happi ness. While Bill Green and John L. Lewis and the whole tribe of labor fakers may agree that every thing is lovely, few' ordinary workers can look upon the following words of Mr. Davis as any thing but pure bunk. He adds: “The American workman is entirely in accord with the policies and principles upon which the nation is established. He realizes that his welfare is depend ent upon profitable and productive enterprise and he is sinoerely co-operating with the employer in the e'ndeavor.” We venture to say that the average worker is bamboozled into co-operating with the boss only by the extremest measures of trickery and fraud of the combined forces of capitalist dopesters and union bureaucracy. And further we venture that when the bulk of workers have tasted the gall and wormwood of class collaboration such as the machinists have done under the “B. & O.” plan at the Glenwood shops, they will be quite ready to listen to the Communists, who are, we imagine, the “societies advocating discontent, dissatisfaction and opposi tion to our form of government,” which Mr. Davis condemned as disturbers in this little paradise of American capitalism. The Annual Fright On every May Day since the workers of the world began to demonstrate against the capitalist system the bourgeois press has indulged in a regular campaign of hysterical anti-radical propa ganda, designed to frighten away the workers from these demonstrations. And yet those demon strations grow larger year by year. The onward march of the revolutionary proletariat cannot be stopped by any force on earth. A few days prior to last May Day, the capitalist press spread itself on plots and conspiracies in every capital city in Europe. Even in New York the police raided headquarters of the Workers Party without warrant, drove those present out into the streets, rifled desks and carried away Communist literature. Plots to assassinate government officials were discovered in England and after the headlines had accomplished their purpose those who floated the rumors repudiated them. MussolinWfilled the jails with radicals. The Paris police raided the homes of Communists and confiscated literature. There were no attacks made on the socialists by the capitalist governments on this May Day in any country with the possible exception of Italy where the fascist gangsters tolerate no opposition. The capitalists no longer recognize the socialists as their enemies. It is not hard to get the capitalists excited on May Day. They fear the idea of the workers of the world showing their solidarity by demonstrating their common interests against capitalism. The class struggle is no mere figure of speech. It is a living reality, as is proven not only on May Day, but on every day of the year. “Hindy” Fills the Bill A capacious gullet appears to be a prime qualifi cation for the office of president of the imperial republic of Germany. When von Hindenburg celebrated his victory with his friends, he is alleged to have “drank far more cognac than Admiral von Tirpitz and the other politicians.” It was a touching scene. Politicians who frothed at the mouth in anger against each other only a week ago, blew the foam off generous steins of beer as the guests of the new monarchist president of the reich. One of the prettiest pictures at the get together was that of Count Westarp, national ist, and Paul Loebe, socialist. No doubt they drank to the health of the Dawes plan, the, kaiser and the speedy demolition of the Communist Party of Ger ms ny. All the misgivings as to the ability of von Hin den burg to properly fill the office of the presidency were dissipated when the old field marshal sent his competitors under the table. There were as many lioclis as there were hiccoughs. It was a i happy occasion. ( j U * • v t THE DAILY WORKER The Amnesty in Soviet Georgian Republic An Interview with the Deputy PeOf pie’s Commissar fdr Justice and Chief Public Prosecutor' f6r the Republic, Comrade Krylenko. • t » TN the capitalist countries the terror -Ist justice Is raging more furiously than ever. And the social democrats are more eager than ever to support this system of bourgeois terrorist jus tice. are conducting a system atic campaign in order to drown the cry of the revolutionary lighters for an amnesty which again is arising from the masses. One of their most favorite means is to point to the “terror” in the Soviet Union. Apart from the fact that the proteges of the social democrats are counter-revolutionaries and adventur ers, who objectively and in almost all cases subjectively further the inter ests of international imperialism, and against whom the sharpest counter measures are necessary and justified in the interest of the Soviet Union and of its working class, the campaign of the social democracy is absolutely mendaclous. rpHEIR outcry over Georgia is still fresh in every one’s memory. All the old anti-Bolshevist stories were served up in ordeh to praise and A RUSSIAN FACTORY (The things about Russia which seem "different,” as I look back from America.) By ANISE. TN’ my lectures across the United States, I find that the hardest thing of all to explain to American workers is just what a factory means in Rusia. To an American, a factory is merely a place to vork; a rather unpleasant spot where you labor eight hours or more per day, and then go home to live. To a Russian, the factory is the center of life. Those very words sound drab and repellent to the American worker. He can’t get rid of the grim unpleasant ness around that word factory. Sup pose you think, instead, of the words ‘‘social center.” A sort of combined university, dance-hall, polling place, musical club, day nursery and sewing circle combined. Is that "jazzy” enough to sound interesting? Well, that is what a Russian factory Is, out side of working hours. /"\F course, they also work in a Russ' »an factory. Not so fast as they do in America, for the Russian have never learned our speed. At the pres ent moment, in fact, they are putting in the piece work system, in the hope of learning to produce a little more. The workers in America object to the piece-work' system, because it is used to exploit them and wear them out. But extra speed in a Russian plant comes back to benefit all the workers. Besides, it will take a lot of speeding up before the Russians go fast enough to affect their nerves. And there are safeguards established, in the shape of forms fixed, not by the swiftest, but by the moderately slow worker. In any event the Russian workers are really producing in their factor ies; last year the output of state in dustry increased thirty-three and a third per cent. Every Russian work er can see quite plainly that, as the output of his factory Increases, so also his wages go up. His‘shop committee has access to the books of the fac tory, and knows just what the profits are. They can easily tell how much to demand in wages at the time of the next collective agreement. When I tell American workers about this arrangement, they usually grin with pleasure at the thought of "putting something over” on the management by knowing all the inside secrets. But in Russia it is not considered “put ting anything over”; it is considered the most natural thing in the world that the increased profits of a state factory should go, in part, to increas ing wages, and that the workers in the factory should know all about the balance sheets in order to encourage them to produce more and better by seeing how fast the factory is getting ahead. TDUT the Russian factory is more than a place to work. If you go in the evening to any large factory in Russia, and even to some of the small one, you find from four to a dozen rooms going full blast. Clubs and classes and lectures and concerts— these make up the evening life. In one room you find the group fighting illiteracy—a dozen or more old men and women who are painfully learn ing their A B C’s from the young Communist who is teaching them. Down the hall cofne the strains of a stringed instrument; it is the factory orchestra. Beyond is the women’s club, and farther down is a chess club or a meeting of Young Plonejjrs. Then perhaps you come to a session of the Guardianship Committee —and you learn that the factory has assumed responsibility for helping in the cul tural life of some near-by peasant community. On Sundays a group of workers goes down to take books and journals from the city, or to conduct classes and give lectures. They are meeting now to mftka their plans for repairing the fortrtsr manor-house ot that district und, turning it into a little theater and club house for the peasants. you would stafftn a class for read lag and writing every night after glorify the Georgian mensheviki, who, by means of money supplied by the entente, attempted a counter-revolu tionary putsch. The central executive committee of the Soviet Union however, at Its last session, which was held in Tiflis and which was enthusiastically re ceived by the Georgian population, decided, among other important ques tion, upon an amnesty for Georgia. The deputy people’s commissar for justice and chief public prosecutor, Comrade Krylenko, explained to us regarding the d&cision of the central executive committee of the Soviet Union as to the amnesty question as follows: "rnHE 3rd session of the central ex ecutive committee of the Soviet Un ion was held in Tiflis. The main reason for this was in order to fur nish palpable proof of the close con nection which exists between the cen tral government and those sections of the union which formerly, as border states, were subjected tp a regime of national oppression by the czarist bu reaucracy. This proof has been fur nished by the welcome accorded to the government in the capital city of the country where the national ques tion is particularly complicated (Geor gia is inhabited by about 10 different nationalities.) The reception of the government in Tiflis was a unique work. When you finish this class, you would enter your factory night school and take all kinds of subjects, history, civics, trade courses, litera ture —anything you want. The factory night school is a strenuous proposi tion, three hours after work five nights a week. I don’t know of any one but a Russian who could stand it! But tens of thousands gs Russian workers are doing it in order to get ahead. But “getting ahead” in Russia doesn’t mean ceasing to be a worker and becoming a small business man, as it usually does in America. It means getting more and more knowl edge to use in helping other workers, and consequently gaining a higher place in union or factory activities or in general government service. When you finish your factory night school, if you have shown ability, yo?T may be sent by you fellow workers on a scholarship to the workers’ college. This is time preparatory course of three years. You get you full sup port from your trade union during your years of study. It is not very elaborate support. I have spent many nights in student dormitories. Six or eight wooden bunks along the walls of the room, a long wooden table flanked by two long benches —this was all the furniture. What more does a student need than a place to sleep and a place to study, anyway? The meals also, are of the plainest variety. These students from the working class eat little and work hard: they spend their days in study and their nights often in teaching other workers in factory night schools. When they are sent to the university their outside work for their fellow workers increases. They are not getting an education for themselves alone, they have been sent to acquire knowledge for the benefit of all their fellow workers. The Russian factory is not only a center for work and education and entertainment; it is the center of political life and social life and home life. When I reach the United States, I pick up the newspapers and see on the social page all the dances given by wealthy society women for their daughters. . . The only dances in Russia today are those in the work men’s clubs. No private person has a house big enough to give a dance in. But there are over three hundred workmen’s clubs In the Moscow dis trict alone, where dances alternate with lectures and concerts and the other forms of social life. FASCISM JAILS WORKERS IN GREECE ■ ' "'" ' —1 ~ >' 1 1 ** xwflF*^.dxA tfiL-3 l sr ■ ***' 'jmkb\y&L.* l ‘At ~*. JT 4 ffifrv3flp >sv>-''. muO* tijft' : KffllffHLjL. ,/v * h a : - Members of the Tobacco Workers’ Federation and members of the Young Communist League jailed at Kavalla, Greece. ~~ i~^Baajjri triumph, especially the reception ac corded by the working population. It has shown that the position of the Soviet power -n Georgia is so firmly consolidated, that there cannot be any talk of any hostile attitude, in spite of the counter-revolutionary putsch attempt of the mensheviki which took place as recently as Au gust last. “The demonstrative reception has shown that the government acted rightly in deciding to grant an am nesty, after it had become evident that the working population of Georgia ure unanimously behind the So viet power. The evidence against those who participated in the putsch is to be oncer more examined. This will mainly affect the members of the menshevist organizations. “The amnesty extends still further to sentences which were imposed last year in consequence of failure to pay taxes. This item of the amnesty will particularly contribute to link up still more closely the connections be tween town and country, as besides craftsmen it is the peasants who are mainly affected in this connection. “Finally, it lias been decided to grant an amnesty for criminal mis demeanors. Here, of course, it 1s im possible to t examine the evidence. Therefore, the sentences of those who lave been already condemned will be TjYVERYONE knows, of course, that A- 1 the Russian factory is also the center*of political life. It is here that the elections are held for the city Soviet, held on factory working time some afternoon early in December. The men and women who are sent as delegates to the Moscow Soviet, for instance, do not lose touch with the factory from which they come. Usu ally they keep right on working there: their political activities come after working hours. Only if they are chos en on committees for important full time city work do they leave their factory jobs. And even then they come back to report to the woikers choosing them. There is an obvious and striking difference between a Russian govern ing assembly and any parliamentary assembly anywhere else in the world. I am not speaking now of the fact that Russia is governed by Commun ists, while the rest of the world is under the control of capitalists. I am speaking merely of the actual types of people seen in the governing body and the way they act. If you have visited any parliaments anywhere— our senate, the German reichstag, the British house of commons—you will notice that they are all composed of people from one very small class in society—the educated middle class of public speakers. Lawyers mostly, but in any case their chief method of get ting elected was by making speeches. They are as a class, a sleek, smooth group, who can talk very long on any subject whatever. But they have no vital contact with any process of con struction —with transport, or mining or farming. TN a Russian election, the candidate A never makes a speech. He is nom inated for the office just as a man is nominated in America for the job of secretary or president of a local un ion. Somebody else makes the speech and mentions the qualities for which they want to choose him. In every legislative assembly in Russia, from the city Soviets to the central execu tive committee, you will notice the effect which this fact produces. The men sitting in government waste very little time In debates; their govern ment is not a “parliament” or a talk ing body; it is an “executive commit tee” for doing business. The mem bers are workers from farms and fac tories and mines and railroads, chosen because of their knowledge of this basic life of the republic, and not for any talking ability. The Russian factory is also the cen ter of home life. This sounds, doesn’t it, terribly destructive of the “home.” But it isn’t. For the first time, the Russian worker has reasonably com fortable living quarters. Nothing to brag of yet, but better than he ever had before. He gets them thru his reduced by a half. It would have bean possible to dispense with this meas ure, but as an amnesty had been de cided upon it was thought it would be as well to include in it these poor and uncultured elements. “The amnesty will still further strengthen the position of the Soviet power. It is also a good lesson for the Renaudels and Vanderveldes, who in recent times have used Georgia as u pretext for an unexampled cam paign against the Soviet Union.” rjiHE facts expose the social demo -i. cratic campaigns of caluminy. During the. last elections in Ger many and France the social demo crats gave promises of an amnesty in order to capture workers’ votes. After the elections they sabotaged with all their powers the workers’ demands for an amnesty. The terrorist regime in Germany finds staunch defenders in the social democrats. In France the case of Sadoul shows how much the promises of an amnesty by the social democrats and the left bloc were worth. They continually attempt to con vince the workers that it is impossible to grant an amnesty to revolutionary workers in Europe so long as the counter-revolutionaries In the Soviet Union are not given an amnesty. The amnesty in Georgia destroys this ar gument of the social democrats. , 'factory committee, which leases large apartment houses for a term of years from the city, and thus secures cheap, comfortable quarters where a worker lodges near his fellow workers. TT thus becomes possible for him to start co-operative kitchens, and dining rooms and day nurseries. And schools for the smaller children, right in the big house where they live. There is no compulsion about these things: each group of workers does as it sees fit about ifie matter. Some groups are far advanced and others are more backward. But, in general, I have never seen such well run day nurseries anywhere as I have have seen in connection with Russian fac tories. There is a reason for this: in most countries day nurseries are charities and the mothers who patron ize them do not dare make demands. But in Russia they are under the gen eral care of a committee of the mothers themselves, employing, of course, nurses and play teachers from the department of health or of educa tion to do the actual work, but none the less taking a continuous interest themselves in the conduct of the place. The factory thus becomes the place where the Russian worker expresses himself fully, not only in the act of production, but politically, socially, and in all the many phases of life. Even the arts are beginning to center around the factory. Not only do the workers’ clubs invite artists from the grand opera and state theater to give them concerts. Not only are the un ions the channels thru which cheap theater tickets are secured. But the really vital developments of art life now going on in Russia are to be found in the amateur dramatic work of Russian workers. In the "living newspaper” with its vivid protrayal of daily events, in satire and laughter. In the new paintings and statuary that are beginning to be ordered by some of the more prosperous central labor unions and workmen’s clubs. > . ’ A FTER all, what is a factory? It Is the basic cell of modern Indus trial civilization. Soft-souled folk have cried out that modern Industrial ism is ugly and debasing. But there is nothing ugly about the fact that men come together to work In com mon, knit by a common ownership ot great machinery, instead of standing, each in his peasant hut, at the toll some effort of hand labor. It is only when men are the slaves of the ma chines that modern industrialism be comes ugly. When they own the no chines, together, as in Russia, then the factory is seen in its true light, as the center of socialized production, which is higher and more co-operative than individual production, and which forms the natural basis for a social and co-operating life.