The daily worker. [volume], June 24, 1925, New York Edition, Page Page Six, Image 6

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Page Six
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Freedom in France
. It is interesting to note that Paul Painleve, the French premier
who is responsible for bringing Caillaux into the government, a man
accused of carrying on illegal commerce with the Germans during
the war, is also the man to order the arrest of leading French Com
munists on the charge of treasonable conduct with the Riffian tribes
men, who are defending their native land against French imperial
ism.
Painleve isr called a socialist and holds office with the aid of the
socialist party of France and the old left bloc which placed former
Premier Ilerriot in office. Painleve is a member of the left bloc,
so-called, but like Herriot in the German situation, he has shown
that when the interests of French imperialism conflict with his
professions of loyalty to what is vaguely called liberty, he acts exactly
like a member of the nationalist group of Poincare.
France claims a big section of North Africa. The other preda
tory powers also have their share. While Spain was wrestling with
the Riffians the French looked on with expectant eyes, hoping that
Spain's loss would be their gain. But when the Spanish were left
with a precarious toe hold on the Mediterranean, the Riffians turned
on the French and showed that they had no intention of selecting
French colonial efficiency rather than Spanish incompetence. What
they wanted from the imperialists was to “get to hell out.”
The French imperialists had long boasted of their success as
colonists and of their ability to make their subjects contented with
their rule. But the present Riffian campaign explodes that myth
very effectively. After the Riffians had disposed of the Spanish, the
erstwhile unconquerable French army was showing as clean a pair of
heels as ever the Spanish did. This caused the French imperialists
at home to sit up and take notice.
Then Painleve was forced to come to the defense of the im
perialists or take the count. Altho committed to a program of peace
at home and abroad he took a trip to the scene of hostilities and
came back with the decision that France must fight to save her
prestige in Morocco. The only opposition came from the Commun
ists. The socialists either supported him or like cowards abstained
9 from voting.
The Communists, from the beginning have carried on a vigorous
fight against the war on the Riffians. They openly called on the sol
diers not to shoot those people who were only struggling for theii
freedom from foreign rule. The Communists did other things. The.'
showed by documentary proof, that while the Riffians were fighting
Spain, former Premier Poincare was negotiating with Abd-el-Kriui
Riffian leader.
So serious was the crisis created by the exposure of the Com
munists, that the alleged left government of Painleve decided to sup
press the Communist agitation by hook or by crook. The government
which contains the war-time traitor Caillaux as finance minister, is
now hounding the Communists for courageously defending the right
of the Riffians to freedom from foreign domination. The man who
communicated with the mighty,German empire at a time when the
fate of capitalist France hung in the balance, cannot with good grace
charge the Communists with treason for taking the side of a small
people struggling for the right of self-determination. The difference
is, that Caillaux, in bargaining with Germany during the war was
the agent of one group of French capitalists, and the Ponicare-
Ciemencau forces were the agents of another opposing group. The
Communists on the other hand are the foes of the entire system and
insist on the unconditional withdrawal of French imperialism from
Morocco.
The action of the Communists in France is in harmony with the
policy of the Communists in all countries, who recognize no national
boundaries. The socialists of France like their prototypes in all
countries have gone over body and soul to the enemy and can no
longer be distinguished in action from the official servants of the
bourgeoisie.
Lewis and the Operators
John L. Lewis has written a book about the mining industry. The
theme of this literary masterpiece is that the small operators should
get out of business and leave the field to the big fellows. Also, that
there are “00,000 too many miners in the industry. Those unneces
sary workers can lay down and die for all Mr. Lewis cares.
While Mr. Lewis is worrying about the mining industry from
the operators point of view, the men who control the biggest chunks
of the business are conducting their own investigations. They are
not worrying about the interests of the miners.
The Index of me New York Trust company points with pride to
the fact that today only JO per cent of bituminous coal mined in the
United States comes out of union mines. The proportion of union
• mined coal fell from GO to 40 per cent last year and the fall has been
steady ever since, according to the trust company’s report. The sad
feature of the story is that it is true.
The anthracite fields are 100 per cent organized, according to the
same report. But there is a sly hint given that this condition should
not be considered everlasting. Evidently the operators are prepared
to open n stiff fight to smash the union in the anthracite fields as they
have done in the soft coal territory.
This is what is taking place while the pompous egomaniac and
traitor. John L. Lewis, writes books advising the operators at a time
when one of flu* greatest struggles ever waged on the American con
tinent is fought out at the coal pits in Nova Scotia. la*wis is carry
ing on a war on the militant elements in the union and crushing those
* who believe in lighting the o|>erators, not eo-operatitng with them.
But the bosses only make peace with the miners when sujierior force
compels them to. The report of the New York Trust company shows
that they are not sleeping.
We predicted that Dr. Norman Thomas would emit a socialist
gurgle of satisfaction over Calvin Coolidge's anti jingo platitudes,
lie did it in the following manner: “To his credit President Coolidgtf
has done something against, this militaristic pressure, lie kept the
navy from elevating the guns on the ships. lie is reported to Is*
ajiVrse to the Australian trip. He refused to turn armistice day
into defense day. He gave wholesome advice on the road to peace and
the pro|»er attitude to other nations in addressing the graduating
class at Anapolis.” And then he threatened Mexico with war!
The Peking Reorganization Conference
By TANG SHIN BHE.
WHEN last year Tuan She Sui was
still in Tientsin, he promised to
fulfill the people’s demand and call a
people’s assembly. At the same time
he invited Sun Yat Sen to Peking to.
discuss with him the formation of
this assembly. Sun Yat Sen issued a
public proclamation, claiming that the
people's assembly should be composed
of all strata of the population, chiefly
of course, of peasants and workers, as
they form the majority. The chief
duties of this assembly were to be:
the repeal of unequal and partial
treaties, the demand for the return
of leasehold territory to China, the
abolition of military governors, dis
armament on a large scale and the
setting up of a constitution. Previous
to the people's assembly a prepara
tory conference was to take place
which in the same way was to be
composed of all strata of the popula
tion and was immediately to take
over the government.
When however Tuan She Sul came
to Peking in November, he immediate
ly declared that he recognized the
treaties, that is to say that he imme
diately disregarded Sun Yat Sen’s
most important proposition. At the
end of December, Tuan She Sui an
nounced that he would not call a pre
paratory conference, but a reorgan
ization conference, in which the fol
lowing persons might take part: 1,
persons who had rendered the re
public great service; 2, military chiefs
of the anti-Shili parties; 3, military
and civil governors of the individual
provinces and districts; 4, politicians
and scholars invited by Tuan She
Sul himself, their number not to ex
ceed 30. The most important tasks
of the conference were to be: 1, the
passing of resolutions with regard to
the promised people’s assembly; 2,
passing of resolutions regarding
the reorganization of the army; 3,
regulation of financial questions; 4,
dlscussioti on questions which were
-till to be put by the government.
HYMAN, SPEAKING FOR I. L G. W.
MEMBERSHIP, WARNS BOSSES NOT
-TO SIGN UP WITH JOINT BOARD
(Continued from page 1)
which deal with the May Day meeting
arranged by the unions, are mere pre
texts and camouflage. But underneath
ill the struggle runs the vital issue
>f the bread-and-butter demands of
he workers versus the policy of sur
ender to the bosses of their national
“leader^.”
There is the issue or enforcement
of the dressmakers’ agreement. Last
year an agreement was signed which
partially granted the demands form
ulated by the left wing forces and
adopted by the reactionaries at the
Boston convention to cover up their
expulsion policy against the left wing.
The membership was suspicious of
this agreement, because the bosses
agreed to it without a fight; when,
therefore, the agreement was never
enforced, it became evident to all that
there had been a se'cret arrangement
with (ire bosses to that effect, which
allowed the agreement to be used as
a flgleaf for Sigman and Co., while it
cost thfe employers nothing. The de
mand that the agreement shall be en
forced has been constantly - growing,
and the refusal of the Sigman ma
chine to do anything to this end, to
gether with the militant struggle put
up by the officials of Local 22, to force
action, has been one of the motive
forces behind the entire upheaval in
the needle trades.
Surrender in the Governors’ Com
mission.
When Hlllquit, socialist attorney for
the Sigman machine, filed the notori
ous brief to the governors’ commis
sion, surrendering all the vital de
mands of the cloakmakers that had
been placed before that body—only
then, in May, did the workers realize
the truth of the warning given them
long ago by the left wing, that the
governors’ commission was only a
screen behind which Sigman & Co.
could surrender to the employers.
The principal problem before the
union in the industry today is the
question of control of relations be
tween jobbers and sub-manufacturers.
The growth of the contracting system,
whereby the jobbers distribute their
production among union and non
union shops indiscriminately, is under
mining the whole power of the union.
To meet this the union has adopted
the left wing demand to make all
jobbers responsible for their sub
manufacturers, and this demand was
presented to the governors’ commis
sion along with the other union de
mands. It is this central and vital
point that the Hlllquit brief sur
renders.
On page 8 of the brief Hlllquit says,
speaking for Sigman:
"The union furthermore does not
propose that the jobber have all of
his work done by steady sub-manu
facturers. He is to designate a reason
able number of such sub-manufac
turers and to provide them with work
In the first Instance. Having done so,
he may distribute the surplus of his
work to any number of eafc-manufac
turers toward whom he has assumed
no obligations."
Surrender of the 40-Hour Week.
One of the fundamental demands of
the workers is for the 40-hour week.
The Sigman machine has had no in
tention of ftxhting for this demand.
THE DAILY WORKER
XTT’HEN this decree became known,
” the people vehemently opposed
it, raising the objection that this
would only be a military conference.
Sun Yat Sen sent a letter to Tuan
She Sul In which he said that the
name of the assembly was Irrelevant,
it could equally well be called reor
ganization conference, but representa
tives of all strata of the population
must take part in it. Tuan She Sui
being a clever man, neither accepted
nor rejected this proposal. In his
character of representative of the
people, he invited to the conference
economic and social organizations
from all the provinces as experts.
Thereupon Sun Yat Sen at the end of
January, issued a decree tnat no one
from his party was to attend the con
ference. Consequently the confer
ence which had been fixed for Feb.
4, could indeed be dpfened, but could
not sit, as none of the delegates who
were Sun Yat Sen’s ! adherents ap
peared. Tuan She Sul, in all haste,
nominated other delegates and on
Feb. 13, the conference began.
Various parties were formed among
the members of the reorganization
conference: 1, Tschang Tso Lin’s
party, about 36 persons; 2, Feng Yu
Hsiang’s party, 25 : persons; 3, the
Anfuists (Tuan teui’s party), 24
persons; 4, partisans 6f the federative
republic, 20 persons. All the delegates
with the exception of the anfuists, re
garded this conference as merely a
farce of Tuan She Sui. Feng Yu
Hsiang and Tchang' Tso Lin there
fore were only passive participants;
the adherents of the federative re
public however directly attacked
Tuan She Sui in order to gain advan
tages for themselves. Tuan She Sul
handled Tchang Tso Lin especially
with great care; as president of the
reorganization conference he had
nominated Tchau Orl Sun—former
imperial governor of Manchuria—
whom Tchang Tso Lin especially re
vered, because Tchau Orl Sun had
accepted him, the ex-robber chiet as
a non-commissioned officer in his
army.
*
But they accepted l it formally, and it
was only thru their own stupidity that
they were exposed in all their naked
ness, so that the world could see that
they had not the i slightest idea of
fighting for the 40-hour week. This
exposure developed' in the following
manner:
On the question* Of the guarantee of
a certain number (if weeks work per
year, the left wing put forward the de
mand for a 36-week guarantee. The
Sigman machine accepted a 32-week
guarantee, and denounced the left
wing demand as demagoguery, citing
the results of the'governors’ commis
sion investigation afe showing the aver
age amount of wdflk per year was 32
weeks, and declaring that a demand
for a larger guarantee meant to throw
a number of workers out of the in
dustry altogether. (See Justice, May
8, official organ Sigman & Co.)
They forgot entuely the very im
portant fact -that 32-week average
established by the gpvernors’ commis
sion investigation [Was based upon
the 44-hour week, and when they
adopted the 32-week guarantee this
meant that they had abandoned the
demand for the 40-hour week.
Blacklisting the Worker*.
In these three issues It Is clearly
shown to the entire membership, that
the fight now going on is not a fight
between factions in the union—it is
a fight between the rank and file,
demanding that their interests be pro
tected In struggle against the em
ployers, as against the bureaucracy
of the union, which Is In alliance with
the employers. This is the broad
economic basis of the inner union
fight now centered around Locals 2,
9 and 22.
Many, many other issues have em
bittered the fight; For example, the
Sigman machine is' proceeding to
throw left wing Workers out of the
shops, and establishing a blacklist
against the militants. One of the out
standing instances of this was the
case of Stanzer. chairman of Local 2,
who was driven from his job in the
shop by order of Slgman-Perlsteln
combination, altho the employer said
openly that StanfcWr was one of his
best workers, and'the other workers
in the shop are violently opposed to
such discrimination. The workers in
the shops are up Ih arms against this
blacklisting game, and undoubtedly
there will soon be stoppages and
strikes to put an end to this official
terrorism.
A Mass Movement to the Left.
It would be a mistake, of course, to
assume that the 30,000 workers en
gaged in the struggle are largely Com
munists, or that this is strictly a
Communist fight. The Slgman-For
ward combination fry to make Com
munism the Issue, hoping thereby to
frighten away the more backward
workers from the struggle. But there
are not more than 1,000 Communists
among the 30,000 workers, and in the
executive committees and officers of
the three locals who are under
charges, there are only 24 out of 77
that are Communists. As a matter
of course, the Communists have been
among the most militant fighters for
the vital of the workers, and
have taken a leading part in this
fight. That is why the vast masses
rpHUa the reorganlaztlon conference
began on Feb. 13, and sat unin
terruptedly for a month, was then
prolonged by 20 days and In the mean
time adjourned once for a fortnight.
Up to April 16, i.e., four days before
the end of the conference, not a
single resolution had been passed. All
the business was done during the last
four days, April 16-20. Among other
things the plans were accepted for
the formation of a military commis
sion and a finance commission and for
a bill for the calling of a people’s
assembly. Tuan She Sul was mainly
interested In the last point being set
tled. He would have nothing to do
with the finance question and that of
military affairs. Even the two great
military Tchang Tso Lin and
Fen Yu Hsiang were opposed to It.
When the regulation of military af
fairs was to be discussed, Tuan She
Sui presented an army list of 1919!
A commission of enquiry was then
formed which demanded that every
general present should himself state
the number of his troops. Tuan She
Sui however openly protested against
this proposal. Thus a regulation or
reorganiaztion was out of the ques
tion and the matter was handed over
to a commission which against con
sisted only of governors and generals
who were given no time limit within
which their business must be com
pleted.
The adherents of the federative re
public proposed two resolutions. The
first "was to depose the present and
appoint a new provisional govern
ment. The second was that the con
ference should agree to me iorm of
the federative republic. This caused
Tuan She Sul to get cold ree:. Fear
ing that the conference would take
a course unfavorable to him, he im
mediately issued a decree that a sen
ate should be formed, again consist
ing of military chiefs and governors.
Two special tasks of the senate were
to be that of raising internal and ex
ternal loans and increasing the taxes'
NEVER REFUSED
TO BE TRIED,
SAYS HYMAN
- • i> i -,
Only Another Trick of
Sigman Gang
NEW YORK CITY, June 22.—Deny
ing that the suspended members of
the three I. L. G. W. locals, No. 2, 9
and 22 had refused to stanii trial as
claimed by the Sigman gahg, Louis
Hyman, spokesman to the joint com
mittee of action of the three locals, I
charges that the trial had first
postponed the trial a week, <abd then
had attacked the suspended members
for “failing to appear” on the original
date. 4, |T
“It is an illustration,” he “of
the joint board’s whole campaign that
they should come out with o,- public
statement that we refused to. face the
special grievance committee,',. They
postponed this trial; we are willing
and ready to appear whenever they
want us, although we knots that the
trial committee is packed with 'our
enemies and this whole thing is
staged for propaganda purposes and
not because of actual complaints
against us.
Members “Welcomed” With
Blackjacks *
"President Sigman’s rosy picture
of activities at the headquarters of
locals 2 and 9, which his agents cap
tured by force and now hold, is just
as far from the truth as his other
statements. If any member of those
locals dares to appear there, he is im
mediately set upon by thugs and
thrown out without a moment’s hesi
tation.
“These locals are simply not func
tioning at aft. Our mass meetings held
last Tuesday prove that the member
ship Is back of us 100 per cent, 1 ' and
all the joint board holds Is the empty
shell of the local organizations.
Bulk of Members Counted Out
"It Is useless for President Sigman
to claim that our union has anything
approaching proportional representa
tion to conventions. Our constitution
itself works against this, and when
ever there seems a chance of having
the present system changed, the offi
cers of the machine employ every
ruthless method possible to unseat
delegates and prevent us from put
ting a more democratic system in
force. j
Machine or Membership Control
“As we have maintained from the
beginning of this fight, the whole pro
blem is to curb the Joint board offi
cials who have for years been usurp
ing power and depriving the workers
of control of their own union. All the
charges that have been piude against
us are simply a bluff to hide the real
issues, and they themselves now ack
nowledge this. It Is a question of con
trol of the union—control by the ma
chine, or control by the members
themselves."
Train Wreck Dead Arrive.
Thirty-three coffins were unloaded
at the Dearborn street station here,
hearing the bodies of some of the
victims of the Lackawannu railroad
wreck at Hackettstown, N. J.
Tchang Tso Lin also violently op
posed the second motion of the feder
alists for he wants to unite China
under his dictatorship and completely
to exclude all other military chiefs.
On account of this proposal, his dele
gates withdrew for a short time from
the conference. The adherents of the
federative republic were not only in
significant In number, their leader*
are far away from Peking (largely in
the southwest), for which reason both
propositions had to be dropped.
THE law for the formation, of the
people’s assembly had been
worked out by Tuan She Sui himself;
the conference only agreed to It. The
whole law consists of 30 paragraphs,
the most Important of which are sum
med up as follows:
The people’s assemblyAnust consent
to the constitution and to the law for
the carrying out of the constitution.
The drafts for the constitution and
for the law are worked out by a spe
cial commission which will be com
posed as follows; each civil and mili
tary governor of a province ancr each
governor of a separate district can
nominate a representative. Tuan She
Sul can nominate 20 persons. Four
representatives of Mongolia and three
of Tibet will be admitted. The com
mission must complete its work In,
st the outside, three months. The fol
lowing are entitled to send delegates
to the people’s assembly: nine prov
inces 16 delegates each, four provinc
es 18 each, one 19, one 20, two 22
each, two 24 each, one 26, two 27
each. Five ditsricts send eight dele
gates each, Mongolia 30, Tibet
Tsinhai five and the Chinese living
abroad 16. All men of at least 25
years of age can have a vote and can
be elected. The following are ex
cluded: 1, those who have lost civil
rights: 2, the mentally diseased; 3,
illiterate persons.
rriHE composition of the commission
shows that the draft constitution
was drawn up by militarists. Since
women are not enfranchised, 200 mil
lion Chinese are excluded right away;
NEW YORK I. L. G. IV. LOCALS,
UNJUSTLY SUSPENDED, ISSUE AN
APPEAL TO UNION MEMBERSHIP
(Continued from pago 1)
is still kosher) and Juliet Stuart
Poynts, who is an honorary member
of Local 22 and had been honored
with a special resolution or thanks for
her good service in the local as well
as the International. The program of
speakers was printed six days before
the meeting, which proms that we
made no secret of this meeting. In
the case of Local 2 Perlstein, the su
pervisor, signed a check in payment
for the hall.
“The official charges are so sense
less and ridiculous that it is not
worth discussing it.
“What are the true causes for. this
shameful suspension? Why such sud
den and vicious attacks? What are
the real facts?
“For a period of six months, our
thrqe local unions had been a bitter
pill for the officialdom to swallow.
We stubbornly refused to remain quiet
about the misdeeds committed against
the interests of our membership. We
put up a vigorous fight against the
-increase in dues, which was carried
thru, over the heads of the member
ship.
Locals Opposed Hired Gangs
“We have carried on a bitter fight
against the old methods of organiza
tion work, conducted by professional
strong-arm squads, and nave succeed
ed in drawing our membership into'
the organization work. These activi
ties have endangered the domination
and control of the joint ooard offi
cials, who mainly depend on these
elements to maintain tnemseives in
power.
“We have carried on a flgnt against
fake stoppages, which result in demor
alizing the ranks of the workers, and
in squandering great fortunes of our
hard earned union funds.
Where are the $500,000?
“We demanded an accounting for
the half of a million dollars spent dur
ing the last stoppage in the cloak in
dustry. *
“We were informed that the joint
board has debts amounting to $400,000
and is financially bankrupt and
therefore a new tax was to be levied.
We emphatically declared our oppo
sition to placing any more financial
burdens on our membership.
“We issued a call for a conference
of the three locals in order to de
crease the weekly dues to 40c. The
joint board forbid the holding of such
a conference and compelled our locals
to collect 50c. dues.
“We then decided to abolish special
payments for the sick benefit fund.
This decision threw the officialdom
into a panic.
"To sirve the Interests of me mem
bers, to lighten their burdens consti
tutes a great crime in the eyes or our
officials.
The Underground Socialist Treason
“Our three locals undertook a fight
ugainst the recent betrayals on the
part of the Joint board. Arter a con
ference committee had worked out
definite demands to the governor’s
commission, a secret meeting was
held, without the knowledge of the
representatives of three of the largest
locals In the International. Thus con
ference modifies the demands •« such
a manner, that they became blit mere
shadows of the original program
but even of the adult men only 10
per cent have the vote, vor #0 per
cent of the workers and peasants can
not read or write.
Thus this people’s assembly will al
so consist exclusively of military
chiefs and their lackeys; It will be
exactly the contrary to what Sun Yat
Sen had planned. At the beginning
of the conference, the people protest
ed very violently against it and form
ed associations for resisting Tuan She
Sui’s proposals and for carrying out
those of Sun Yat Sen. The Chinese
people however have learned a good
lesson from this conference: it is im
possible to negotiate with military
chiefs; only a great revolution can
sufficiently emphasize the demands of
the people. This is why no great im
portance is attacked to the resolutions
passed at the reorganization confer
ence, but on the other hand nobody is
urging the calling of the people’s as
sembly proposed by Sun Yat Sen, but
the people, In the first place the Kuo
Min Tang and the Communists, are
feverishly preparing for a national
revolution against imperialism and
against militarism.
TUAN SHE SUI is not only trying
to win popularity with the mili
tary chiefs, he is also trying to sat
isfy the lackeys who are out of a
job and the camp-followers, by form
ing the senate, the people's assembly,
commissions and again commissions
and giving them positions in them. He
thinks that if these people are satis
fled with him, and if he keeps on a
good footing with the generals, he
may remain at the helm for a long
time and possibly become president*
But his “policy” proves to be a mle
taken one: Not only Tchang Tso Lin,
but also Feng Yu Hsiang declare that
they are no longer his partisans,
China Is today in the same era as it
was last spring when Tsao Kun was
president. It is generally said that
Tuan She Sul will soon be overthrown
and that the .next tool In Peking will
be Li Yuan Hang, who has already
been repeatedly turned ont of the
presidential chair.
Such cynical disregard of the Interest
of the membership we could not toler
ate.
Official Aid to Open Shop
“We called the attention of the
joint board to the fact that the dress
makers’ agreement, which gives the
best guarantee for union conditions, is
not being enforced to the slightest de
gree. In violation of this agreement,
the Jobbers are freely continuing to
send their work out to the open shops.
Our members remain with the paper
agreement and the bundles are being
made in the 1,500 open shops, which
the joint board made no effort to or
ganize.
“It was our aim and intention at all
times to defend the interests of the
membership, and tear down the mask
of the officialdom of the joint board,
and expose them in their true color.
These exposures before the wide mas
ses- of the membership, me Joint
board could no longer tolerate. Here
tofore they had been accustomed to
fool the membership unhampered, but
when met with the opposition of our
three locals, which would not remain
quiet by any threats or intimidations,
they decided to shut our mouths by
force.
Expulsion to Control Convention
“The convention of the internation
al is approaching; our sworn leaders
are beginning to prepare the ground
for maintaining themselves m power,
and have therefore resorted to the old
methods of expulsion.
“The recent decision o* our local
unions in opposing the tax levies by
the general executive board has added
fuel to the Are. The vast convention
of the international increased the per
capita tax from 10c. to 16c. This in
crease, ammounting to thousands of
dollars, is evidently not enough to de
fray the expenses incurred by these
office holders. The international offi
cials, contrary to the decision of the
convention, decided to levy a new
tax on our membership.
“Our locals vigorously protested
against this new tax and challenged
their right to impose it on the mem -
bership. We proved that
to the constitution a tax can be leY -,e d
only in the case of a strike of
we have no knowledge at the present
time. Our opposition to this tax en
raged the machine and they decided
to break our localß.
“While in the capitalist press, they
play up the issue of "The Communist
Danger,” Justice of June 19. Page
!>, openly states that our locals are
In danger of expulsion because of re
fusing to pay the unconstitutional
tax.
“Fellow Workers! We are fighting
your fight.
“Do not permit this clique to stran
gle our union.
“Demand that our union be undar
the control and responsible to the
large membership. We are working out
plans to fight for these Issues and
shall Inform you how to assist us In
this struggle.
“Down with the union breaker*!
Down with the mlsleaders, who are
seeking personal advantages!
“Long Live our union of the work
ers!
"EXECUTIVES BOARDS OF
LOCALS 2, 9 AND 92.”