The daily worker. [volume], August 15, 1925, New York Edition, Page Page Six, Image 6

About The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958

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Page Six
THE PMLTWOMM
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The Attack on the Amalgamated
Lust Wednesday afternoon a small army of police under the
leadership of the notorious "Mike” Grady, police lieutenant with a
shady history, raided the headquarters of the joint board of the
Amalgamated Clothing Workers and arrested sixty-two members
of the organization that were present, including several officers.
Later on, when Sidney Rissman, assistant manager and business
agent of the joint board, appeared at the defective bureau to take
steps to release the members of the union, he was seized by Lieuten
ant Grady and thrown into a cell.
This raid is added proof—if any is needed —of the close relations
between the manufacturers and the police department. It shows
clearly, what we have always pointed out, that the police department
is the tool of the employing class.
This raid on the Amalgamated headquarters had no other pur
pose than to break the strike of the union against the millionaire
clothing firm, the International The police
acted directly thru the chamber of commerce.
It is also significant that on the very day the raid took place,
the International News Service sent a story over its wires that the
American Federation of Labor was threatening to break with the
Chicago Federation of Labor over the latter’s attack on the United
Garment Workers for scabbing on the Amalgamated Clothing Work
ers. The news service gave the name of Tom Rickerts local scab
herder as authority for the statement.
Thus we have in one unholy combination against the Amal
gamated, the bureaucracy of the American Federation of Labor, the
chamber of commerce, representing the International Tailoring com
pany and the police department to do the dirty work. This united
front of the employers and their lackeys is a challenge to the entire
trade union movement so Chicago. This latest outrage against mili
tant unionists must not go unanswered. The working class must
show Mayor Dever, the humble tool of big business, that it is in the
power of the working class to put a representative of labor in the
city hall and kick out the handy man of the chamber of commerce
and the combined capitalists of Chicago.
The attack on the Amalgamated teaches many lessons, not the
least of which is this: Any union that fights for the interests of its
meinliers, no matter what political views the mass of its membership
represents, is sure to draw the fire of the master class. - The Amal
gamated was not raided because its officials are sympathetic to the
Communists. Such a charge could not be directed against them. In
fact many of them went out their way quite recently to convince the
employers that they had nothing in common with the Communists.
But this did not save them. Why? Because the particular employer
who stands to lose money by being compelled to pay better wages
to his wage slaves is not worrying so much about the distant future
as lie is almut the here and now. Thus, we see, that it makes little
difference to the employers whether he. is compelled to turn over
more of his profits to a Communist worker or to a worker who still
Indieves in the parties of capitalism.
Unions that adopt the policy of collaborating with the employ
ers are never in any danger of police raids. It is significant that the
capitalist press reports stated that all the cockroach firms that com
plained of lieing attacked by alleged agents of the Amalgamated
nere either open shop or had agreements with the United Garment
Workers. The Amalgamated members may also notice that all the
capitalist papers played up the arrested men as if they were a lot,
of criminals. The DAILY WORKER alone of all the dailies in Chi
cago defended those workers.
It is nothing new to have reactionary labor leaders co-operating
with the police and the employers in bringing about the arrest of
workers. In Los Angeles, reactionary officials of the carpenters’
unions co-operated with the police in raiding the offices of the Trade
Union Educational League and the Workers Party. John L. Lewis,
head of the United Mine Workers, boastinglv admitted that he
helped the-department of justice ferret out the radicals in his own
organization. This attack on the Amalgamated is by no means a
novelty.
The DAILY WORKER calls on the entire trade union move
ment of Chicago to give its united support to the Amalgamated
Clothing Workers in this crisis. Organized labor must accept the
challenge of the chamber of commerce, and show the combined forces
of the enemy that labor realizes the meaning of solidarity.
One of the Chicago Tribune’s paid liars who is stationed in Riga
says that Russia is vodkaizing working class visitors into the belief
lhat the Soviet Union is progressing. We wonder if they have also
Todkaized France into officially repudiating the efforts of Britain to
sent a joint note to Moscow asking for an official statement on the
alleged relations between the Soviet government and the Communist
International.
The Illinois committee that essayed to elect LaFolette have a
debt of f 10,000 hanging around their necks. They held a picnic in
Biverview to wipe it out. UOO women and children attended. We
will leave the rest to your imagination.
But Green is too busy on his knees fawning on the master class
and barking at tlie Communists. He may get something in his
pockets from the bosses by going on his knees to them, but he will
only get the boot in the posterior from the working class.
When a bridge worker who had been unemployed for several
weeks got a job he was so weak with hunger that he missed his foot
ing and fell to his death. This did not happen in Bolshevik Russia,
but in capitalist Philadelphia.
An official of the Carnegie Trust company in Pittsburgh, Pa.,
lost ten millions. No, no, the money did not belong to himself. He
is a banker.
Hylun and llenrst are in alliance against Tammany Hall. This!
will provide some excitement, but in the end the workers will find
that whichever side wins they lose.
-—-
New England textile industries are combining. What about the
textile union taking a hint? j
Party Trade Union Work - - «>»'■■
ON many different occasions the
Communist International, in Its
various communications to our party,
has stressed the necessity of our de
voting more attention to the trade un
ion work. In the decision of the En
larged Executive Committee on the
American question, it says:
“In America the regular work of
party members in the trade unions
must be considered now as the fun
damental work on which depends the
success of the party in most of the
other Helds, and especially the strug
gle for a Labor Party. Therefore, any
tendency to neglect or minimize the
importance of this work must be ener
getically combatted.”
THE Comintern found it so neces
sary to stimulate the Workers
Party on the question of Communist
work in the trade unions, that it, in
conjunction with the Profintern, has
addressed a joint letter to our party
on this general subject. This letter
bristles with instructions to devote
more and more attention to activity
in the mass economic organizations of
the workers. It says:
“It is of extreme importance to the
life and growth of the Workers Party
that its members as a whole realize
better the necessity of more intensive
work in the trade unions. The labor
unions are the basic mass organiza
tions of the workers. They wage war
against the employers on one of the
most important sectors of the front
of the class struggle. The capture of
the leadership of the labor union
masses in their struggle is necessary
not only for the strengthening of the
Workers Party at the present time
but also for the ultimate victory of
the revolutionary struggle. The cap
ture of the labor unions is our first
and foremost task.”
And again:
“The Party must use disciplinary
measures to compel its members to
join the labor unions and to become
active in them. It must be firmly fixed
in the mind of every party member
Trade Union Work . _ a i*** / rom the common
llttUV VA lllVAll Y TUI IV - - - and the Profit
From the Executive Committee of the
Communist International ahd the
Executive Committee of the
Red International of La
bor Unions.
TT is of extreme importance to the
life and growth of the Workers
Party that its members as a whole
realize better the necessity of more
intensive work in the labor unions.
The labor unions are the basic mass
organizations of the workers. They
wage war against the employers on
one of the most important sectors of
the front of the class struggle. The
capture of the leadership of the labor
union masses in their struggle is vital
ly necessary not only for the strength
ening of the Workers Party at the
present time, but also for the ulti
mate victory of the revolutionary
struggle, jyjje capture of the labor
union* is our ffYst an? fOTefftSSflask.
That the Workers Party as a whole
does not yet thoroly realize the ex
ceptional importance of trade union
activity is clear from the fact that
only 40 per cent of the party mem
bership are members of labor unions,
and even of these only very few are
active in the latter work. If the unions
are weak and are dominated by the
reactionaries, it ( is the business of
the Communists to strengthen them
and to wage a relentless fight against
the leadership and the policies of the
reactionaries. In those places and in
dustries where no labor unions exist
Ttig ffltßlßUulst must take the initia
tive ahd organize unions. We must
not sit with our hands folded and wait
until the labor bureaucracy finds it
nei essar.v to fnfm unions The organ
izatEmor the masses into labor unions
is the historical task of the Commun
ist movement in America.
T'HE party must use disciplinary
A measures to compel its members
to join the labor unions and become
active in them. It must be firmly fixed
in the mind of every party member
that no worker in an industrial coun
try like America can be a real Com
munist unless he is an active labor
unionist. The party must take a de
termined stand against any sign of
slackness in labor union activity. The
work in the labor unions must be re
garded as the basis which will deter
mine the success of the party in most
other spheres of work.
The Workers Party must render the
utmost assistance to the Trade Union
Educational League. Wherever the
party has brnnches the latter must
regard it as their duty to set up and
maintain local branches of the League,
Party members who are trade union
ist* must actively engage in the work
of the League. In the League as a
.whole and in eafTr separate labor
pinion organization the party members
j'nust be united into a Communist sac-l
tlon and on all questions act unani
mously and as one body.
rpHK Workers Party must also do
4 everything within its power to pre
vent Itself becoming isolated from the
masses. It must resist the tenden
cies to reduce tbe Trade Union Edu- ,
ration a f League to the position of an
THE DAILY WORKER
that no worker in an industrial coun
try like America can be a real Com
munist unless he is au active labor
unionist. The party must take a de
termined stand against any sign of
slackness in labor union activity. The
work in the labor unions must be re
garded as the basis which will deter
mine the success of the party in most
other spheres of work.”
Why all this repeated insistance by
the Communist International for in
creased activity by the Workers Party
in the trade unions? The answer is
found in the facts that only about one
third of our party members are at the
same time members of the trade un
ions, and of this trade union member
ship only a very small portion are
really active in the trade unions. Xilfti
is to say, the Workers Party is doing
only a fraction of the work that it
should in the trade union's, and this
fact is well known to the Comintern,
which is determined to correct the
situation, and to throw all avatlable
forces of our party into this basis
work.
It is one of the greatest errors qf
the Central Executive Committee rain
ority group that they do not take to
heart these repeated Instructions from
the Comintern on the question of
trade union Work, and join whole
heartedly with the Central Executive
Committee in a campaign to improve
the situation in ffrfs vital respect. This
is due to a fundamental lm-ir of ap
preciation of the importance of work
in the proletarian mass economic or
ganizations. C)ne of the most serious
weaknesses of the minority as a whole
■s Us underestimation of party work
in trade, unions.
TYHIS underestimation and lack of
-*- understanding of trade union work
has long characterized the minority
leadership and has manifested itself
in various ways. When the minority
group controlled the Central Executive
Committee, and before the present fac
tional situation developed, the indif
ference of this group towards trade
union work showed itself by surren
exclusive of the Communists
a their closest sympathizers, irre
spective of whether such tendencies
af@ a result of pressure from outside
or of pressure on the part of the party
member anxious to keep out non-par
tisans. The party must strive to con
vert the League into an extensive
Left Bloc Organization, lining up all
the revolutionary and progressive ele
ments in the labor unions against the
| reactionary bureaucracy*.
The Communist strategy in the la
bor unions must be to unite, thru the
j medium of the Trade Union Educa
tional League, all the left wing ele
ments against the old officialdom and
their policies. Every struggle of the
workers and all everyday activities
must be directed to this object. One
of the important features of the work
in the labor unions is without fail to
utilize the elections of trade union of
ficers and of the delegates to the lo
cal, district, national and A. F. of L.
conventions. Among the so-called
progressive elements there is a grow
ing tendency to develop an opposition
against the reactionary labor union
bureaucracy and to put up their own
ticket in opposition to them at elec
tions. This tendency must be stimu
lated and developed by the Workers
Party as a means of bringing ihe work
ers under its influence. In every elec
tion, both in local unions, central
trades councils and in the internation
al unions, the Communists, where
they are not sufficiently strong to se
cure the election of their own candi
dates, must unite with the progres
sives and support joint candidates on
the basis of the united front. It should
be remembered that the officialdom of
the American Federation of Labor and
of the international unions does not
represent a single reactionary mass.
The closer the labor union official is
to the shop and the dues-payer, 'the
more subject is he to the direct influ
ence of the masses of the workers.
Among these elements there are many
who are disgusted with the policies of
the heads. This discontent, tho not
yet organized, nevertheless represents
opposition to the old course. The
party must give every possible assis
tance to the progressive elements in
their struggle against the reactionary
bureuucracy. The league must strive
to establish u united front with these
elements on the basis of a concrete
program of action.
The league should be actively sup
ported by the party in prosecution of
the league program endorsed at the
Third Congress of the R. I. L. U.
Particular attention should be given
to the foiowing points:
1. Strike* and W»ge Movement*.
FPHE party must actively engage in
every strike and Wage movement.
It must also rouse the masses to take
up Ruch movements. It must skillful
ly utilize these movements for politi
cal ends. It must have a program of
demands for each mass movement of
this kind and the Communists must
fight for the leadership in the strug
gle. The wage cutting campaign car
ied out by the capitalists must be op
| io*ed by a counter-campaign of
strike*.
dering this activity almost entirely
into the hands of those who now make
up the majority of the Central Ex
ecutive Committed. From the foun
dation of the Workers Party, and dur
ing- the lari months of the under
ground party, tile Pepper-Ruthenberg
group left the working out and appli
cation of trade union policies almost
completely in our hands. The objec
tive ait nation was highly favorable,
with the workers then engaged in the
greatest series of strikes in American
history. Our campaigns prospered
and the Trade Union Educational
League made rapid headway. It imme
diately became the leader of the whole
left wing in the trade union move
ment.
The Pepper-Ruthenberg group gave
this work their blessing from afar.
They webe Uncritical, usually adopting
unanimously without discussion all
the propositions of the Industrial De
partment. Yes, despite this policy of
non-participation in trade union work,
we found the minority delegation at
Moscow during the last hearing on
the American question graciously tak
ing the credit for all the work that
was done. They declared that the
party work was highly effective in the
trade unions and then took to them
selves the full credit for it simply be
cause it was performed when they
were in the majority in the party. But
the truth is that the only real credit
they can claim, if credit is due for
such, is for not hindering the work at
that epoch. They had almost nothing
to do with its actual performance.
A FTER the dispute in the Central
. Executive Committee in August,
1923, regarding the Federated Farmer
Labor Party policy, which was the be
ginning of the present factional situ
ation, the weakness of the minority on
trade union work manifested itself in
new forms. For one thing, the min
ority found it necessary to have a
trade union policy. No longer could
it surrender completely this important
branch of party work to our group.
The minority then began to dabble jn
mapping out trade union policies. The
2. Class Collaboration. i
tTIHE party must conduct a relentless
war against all class collaboration
.plans, such as the labor banks, insur*
ance companies, the B. & O. Plan, etc.,
which are being foisted upon the
workers by the reactionary bureau
cracy. This campaign must be op
posed by a militant struggle for a
class war policy. The party must
steadily expose the incapability, cor
ruption and treachery of the reaction-:
ary bureaucracy. On the question of
labor banking, our policy must be to
oppose the establishment of new
banks on the present basis and to de
mand that the existing banks be reor-!
ganized on co-operative lines, that
they break with Wall Street and re
frain from locking up strike funds in
various investments.
3. Organization of the Unorganized.
TN every labor union the party must
-*• raise the question of the organiza
tion of the unorganized. The party
should also utilize its shop nuclei for
the organization of the unorganized
and to obtain the leadership in all
their sruggles. Where labor unions
exist the policy of the party must be
to strengthen them. Where there are
no unions the party must take the
initiative and form unions.
4.' Amalgamation.
tTIHE campaign for amalgamation of
the craft unions into industrial or
ganizations must be vigorously prose
cuted. The amalgamation movement
must be put on a more concrete basis
in view of the desperate resistance
which the labor bureaucracy is put
ting up against it. This movement
must be linked up with the everyday
struggle of the workers and their
everyday demands. In order to widen
and extend the amalgamation move
ment, plans should be elaborated for
closer co-operation among the unions
in the various industries and locali
ties. At the same time a drive should
be launched for amalgamation of the
unions on a national scale.
5. Canadian Autonomy.
A N active campaign should be con
ducted for the affiliation of all the
independent unions to the American
Federation of Labor, including the
railway brotherhoods, the Amalgamat
ed Clothing Workers, the revolutionary
unions, etc. Where affllaitions to the
American Federation of Labor re
quires the development of the Amalga
mation movement, such a movement
should be actively supported. The
demand should also be raised among
the American unions for giving auton
omy to their Canadian sections, in ac
cordance with the principles laid
down in the program of the league.
6. The Shop Commitee Movement.
fTIHE party should vigorously push
forward the movement directed to
wards the development of shop com
mittees, not only in the organized, but
in the unorganised industries as well.
The shop committee movement repre
sents a power Instrument for the or
ganization of the unorganized working
masses and tb« Workers' Party should
first fruits of this were presented to
the last convention of the party in the
form of an industrial program. The
outstanding features of this program
were proposals to drop the slogans of
amalgamation and organize the unor
ganized. Ori ! the question of amalga
mation, the minority program said:
“Neither the workers of the unor
ganized industries nor the hundreds
of thousands of organized workers are
interested in any organizational im
provement of the existing craft unions.
Our vigorous campaign for amalgama
tion was in place for the period of
prosperity and it helped to stir up
great sections of organized labor.”
To this mistaken proposal of drop
ping the campaign to consolidate the
unions, the minority added the equal
ly serious error of proposing to dis
continue our active work for the or
ganization of the unorganized. They
declared that our slogan, “Organize
the Unorganized”, “was a proper slo
gan during a period of complete em
ployment, increase in wages, and de
crease in hours.” As a substitute for
these two basic campaigns the minor
ity proposed to center the industrial
work around the organization of the
unemployed, altho unemployment had
manifestly not taken on a sufficiently
mass character to make this program
practicable. Since the party conven
tion the efforts of the minority to de
velop a trade union program have
been mhrked by the most serious op
portunistic deviations, which will be
discussed in a later article.
A FTER the factional situation de-
veloped the minority's minimizing
of trade union work showed itself in
a tendency to attack and belittle the
comrades and organizations engaged
in activities in the trade unions. The
August Thesis of 1923 made a long
attack upon the party members who
were active' in the trade union move
ment. This lead has since been fol
lowed, with the result that in large
sections of the party the feeling has
been developed that in some way or
other work in the trade unions is not
vital and that party members who
take the lead in that work are not
| not fail to utilize it.
7. The Work Among the Negroes.
| workers are becoming an
ever more important factor in in
dustry. The employers are doing
everything possible to utilize them in
the struggle against the whites, thus
exploiting both the whites and the ne
groes. The labor bureaucracy falls
into this trap set by the employers
and sets up all sorts of barriers to
| prevent the Negroes joining the
| unions. This tendency must be re
| lentlessly fought against. The Work
ers Party must demand the admission
|of the Negroes to the respective
unions, and see to it that they receive
j equal protection with the whites.
Where the leaders refuse to admit
Negroes into the unions, special Ne
gro labor unions should be formed in
that particular industry.
8. Connections with the Workers of
The Colonies.
rpHE party, thru the league, should
-*- set up close and permanent con
nections with the labor unions in the
Philippines, Haiti, Cuba and the other
countries under the economic and po
litical subjection of United States im
perialism. The purpose of these con
nections should be to render the ut
most support to the workers in the
colonies and semi-colonies in their po
litical and economic struggle against
the invaders.
The Workers Monthly A Review
rpoo little is said, too little is writ
ten and much too little is done
about so good a magazine as the Work
ers Monthly.
This is written without qualification.
And no worker, Communist or other
wise, would fail to agree after a close
reading of the current August issue.
It isn’t simply because of the at
tractiveness of the magazine, because
it’s “so easy on the eyes" from its
decorative cover to the last page in it.
True‘such artists as Fred Ellis, G. Pic
coli, Maurice Becker, Don Brown and
others have done much to make it at
tractive, indeed —and the myriad of
photographs add to the magazine’s
beauty and worth. But because of the
valuable contributions primarily, this
issue (and this magazine In every Is
sue) deserves a good deal more of at
tention,
Articles by Arne Swabeck on the
Steel Industry, by William Z. Foster
and Earl R. Browder on the needle
trades and one by Alex Reid on the
miners give the keynote to this issue.
In these are the life of the working
class and In these are struggle—(with
bosses and labor fakers!) and here is
also the Communist presentation of
not facts alone —but also principles
and program as guidance for future
leadership.
To the articles on industrial strug
gles and working class political action
are added a number of other most in
teresting features. Moissaye Olgln’s
article on Russia, is a personal account
of activities under a workers’ govern
ment that will give you vision of an
other world. And the article on Ameri
can concessions in Russia will bring
this other world closer home to you.
Communists in the full sense of the
word. The impression has been cre
ated that trade union work, as such,
is to some degree syndicalistic. Many
comrades seem to take a sort of prida
in the fact that they play no part in
the struggles of the trade union or
ganizations.
As for the Trade Union Educational
League, it has been singled out for
attack. Campaigns have been openly
carried on against it by responsible
party workers. In view of the difficult
situation that the league has beea
working under, with the right-wing
bureaucracy shooting into it from all
sides, such opposition from within our
ranks has been particularly disastrous.
Instead of correcting the glaring weak
ness of our Party’s work in the trade
unions, the policy of the minority
tends only to increase it and to make
the situation worse.
In the long dispute that has con
, tinued in the party since 1923, the
question of the character of our trade
union work and the emphasis to be
placed on this branch of our activity,
has been an underlying issue of basic
Character, even tho the discussion haa
»ot turned so directly on this point,
sis the Parity Commission the two
groups came to theoretical agreement
regarding our tasks in the trade un
ions. When they accomplish this in
the execution of the practical work in
these organizations, then the party
will be far along on the way to unity.
T)UT how can this understanding be
brought about? Certainly not by
: the majority group adopting the min
j ority attftude towards work in the
j trade unions. JThere is only one solu
tion to the problem. This is by the
minority’s fully and freely accepting
! the Comintern’s position that the
! work in the trade unions is a vital
and fundamental task of the party,
and then by giving their active co
operation and participation in this
work. With this accomplished, the Bol
shevization of our party will proceed
apace in all its aspects, and the party
will rapidly assume a position of far
greater power and influence in the
labor movement as a whole.
9. International Trade Union Unity.
fTIHE party must launch an active
campaign in favor of international
trade union unity. It must fight in
even’ trade union for the endorse
ment of the demand for a world unity
congress and for the participation of
the American Federation of Labor in
it, on the basis of the R. L L. U. pro
posal. It must also fight for the sup
port of the Anglo-Russian committee
as the first step towards trade union
unity and for the affiliation of the var
ious national unions to the respective
industrial secretariats.
The labor union work is of extreme
importance to the consolidation of the
Workers Party. Everything possible
must be done to insure the success of
this work. The various points of this
letter must be closely studied and ac
tively applied. If this is done, the
party will widely extend its influence
over the masses and be placed on a
more solid basis. We call upon the
entire party membership to put into
effect the policies laid down in this
letter.
With Communist greetings,
(Signed) A. W. KUUSINEN, Secre
tary Executive Commitee Communist
International.
(Signed) A. LOZOVSKY,
General Secretary of the Red Inter
national of Labor Unions.
Perhaps one article deserves special
mention. “Twenty Years After” by
Harrison George is surely one that
would stand out in any issue of even
as good a magazine as tne Workers
Monthly. Here Is the history of the I.
W. W. for twenty years in a nut shell
—the history of struggle in this coun
try and a spectacle of a withering or
ganization that once personified strug
gle to American workers.
Another really unusual feature ap
pears in this issue of the Workers
Monthly. xLlke in the publication of
the original draft of the Communist
Manifesto, which appeared for the
lirst time recently in the Little Red
Library series, tho written as long as
seventy five years ago, an article "The
Organic Composition of Capital” writ
ton by Karl Marx, is the first appear
ance in this country of a letter in
which Marx analyzes the roots of the
difference with Ricardo and other bour
geois economists. The appearance ot
such treasures make the Workers
Monthly doubly valuable to every
worker.
Many other features are In the Aug
ust Issue of the Workers Monthly
many other good ones ... many other
things deserving much to be said about
them. Without question, about every
issue of the Workers Monthly (read
It yourself if you doubt our word) too
little is said, too little Is written and
much too little is done.
If you want to thoroughly un
derstand Coinmunigm—study it.
Hend for a catalogue of ail Com
muniat literature.
*>s .