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THE PMLTWOMM Published by tile DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, 111. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mail (outside of Chicago): SB.OO per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Illinois TLOUIS BNOPAHL I 7" mutn- WILLIAM F. DUNNE f MORITZ J. LOEB „ Business Manager Entered as second-clasß mail September 21. 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, 111., under the act of March 3, 1879. igjgSi 29C Advertising rates on application. The Attack on the Amalgamated Lust Wednesday afternoon a small army of police under the leadership of the notorious "Mike” Grady, police lieutenant with a shady history, raided the headquarters of the joint board of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers and arrested sixty-two members of the organization that were present, including several officers. Later on, when Sidney Rissman, assistant manager and business agent of the joint board, appeared at the defective bureau to take steps to release the members of the union, he was seized by Lieuten ant Grady and thrown into a cell. This raid is added proof—if any is needed —of the close relations between the manufacturers and the police department. It shows clearly, what we have always pointed out, that the police department is the tool of the employing class. This raid on the Amalgamated headquarters had no other pur pose than to break the strike of the union against the millionaire clothing firm, the International The police acted directly thru the chamber of commerce. It is also significant that on the very day the raid took place, the International News Service sent a story over its wires that the American Federation of Labor was threatening to break with the Chicago Federation of Labor over the latter’s attack on the United Garment Workers for scabbing on the Amalgamated Clothing Work ers. The news service gave the name of Tom Rickerts local scab herder as authority for the statement. Thus we have in one unholy combination against the Amal gamated, the bureaucracy of the American Federation of Labor, the chamber of commerce, representing the International Tailoring com pany and the police department to do the dirty work. This united front of the employers and their lackeys is a challenge to the entire trade union movement so Chicago. This latest outrage against mili tant unionists must not go unanswered. The working class must show Mayor Dever, the humble tool of big business, that it is in the power of the working class to put a representative of labor in the city hall and kick out the handy man of the chamber of commerce and the combined capitalists of Chicago. The attack on the Amalgamated teaches many lessons, not the least of which is this: Any union that fights for the interests of its meinliers, no matter what political views the mass of its membership represents, is sure to draw the fire of the master class. - The Amal gamated was not raided because its officials are sympathetic to the Communists. Such a charge could not be directed against them. In fact many of them went out their way quite recently to convince the employers that they had nothing in common with the Communists. But this did not save them. Why? Because the particular employer who stands to lose money by being compelled to pay better wages to his wage slaves is not worrying so much about the distant future as lie is almut the here and now. Thus, we see, that it makes little difference to the employers whether he. is compelled to turn over more of his profits to a Communist worker or to a worker who still Indieves in the parties of capitalism. Unions that adopt the policy of collaborating with the employ ers are never in any danger of police raids. It is significant that the capitalist press reports stated that all the cockroach firms that com plained of lieing attacked by alleged agents of the Amalgamated nere either open shop or had agreements with the United Garment Workers. The Amalgamated members may also notice that all the capitalist papers played up the arrested men as if they were a lot, of criminals. The DAILY WORKER alone of all the dailies in Chi cago defended those workers. It is nothing new to have reactionary labor leaders co-operating with the police and the employers in bringing about the arrest of workers. In Los Angeles, reactionary officials of the carpenters’ unions co-operated with the police in raiding the offices of the Trade Union Educational League and the Workers Party. John L. Lewis, head of the United Mine Workers, boastinglv admitted that he helped the-department of justice ferret out the radicals in his own organization. This attack on the Amalgamated is by no means a novelty. The DAILY WORKER calls on the entire trade union move ment of Chicago to give its united support to the Amalgamated Clothing Workers in this crisis. Organized labor must accept the challenge of the chamber of commerce, and show the combined forces of the enemy that labor realizes the meaning of solidarity. One of the Chicago Tribune’s paid liars who is stationed in Riga says that Russia is vodkaizing working class visitors into the belief lhat the Soviet Union is progressing. We wonder if they have also Todkaized France into officially repudiating the efforts of Britain to sent a joint note to Moscow asking for an official statement on the alleged relations between the Soviet government and the Communist International. The Illinois committee that essayed to elect LaFolette have a debt of f 10,000 hanging around their necks. They held a picnic in Biverview to wipe it out. UOO women and children attended. We will leave the rest to your imagination. But Green is too busy on his knees fawning on the master class and barking at tlie Communists. He may get something in his pockets from the bosses by going on his knees to them, but he will only get the boot in the posterior from the working class. When a bridge worker who had been unemployed for several weeks got a job he was so weak with hunger that he missed his foot ing and fell to his death. This did not happen in Bolshevik Russia, but in capitalist Philadelphia. An official of the Carnegie Trust company in Pittsburgh, Pa., lost ten millions. No, no, the money did not belong to himself. He is a banker. Hylun and llenrst are in alliance against Tammany Hall. This! will provide some excitement, but in the end the workers will find that whichever side wins they lose. -—- New England textile industries are combining. What about the textile union taking a hint? j Party Trade Union Work - - «>»'■■ ON many different occasions the Communist International, in Its various communications to our party, has stressed the necessity of our de voting more attention to the trade un ion work. In the decision of the En larged Executive Committee on the American question, it says: “In America the regular work of party members in the trade unions must be considered now as the fun damental work on which depends the success of the party in most of the other Helds, and especially the strug gle for a Labor Party. Therefore, any tendency to neglect or minimize the importance of this work must be ener getically combatted.” THE Comintern found it so neces sary to stimulate the Workers Party on the question of Communist work in the trade unions, that it, in conjunction with the Profintern, has addressed a joint letter to our party on this general subject. This letter bristles with instructions to devote more and more attention to activity in the mass economic organizations of the workers. It says: “It is of extreme importance to the life and growth of the Workers Party that its members as a whole realize better the necessity of more intensive work in the trade unions. The labor unions are the basic mass organiza tions of the workers. They wage war against the employers on one of the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. The capture of the leadership of the labor union masses in their struggle is necessary not only for the strengthening of the Workers Party at the present time but also for the ultimate victory of the revolutionary struggle. The cap ture of the labor unions is our first and foremost task.” And again: “The Party must use disciplinary measures to compel its members to join the labor unions and to become active in them. It must be firmly fixed in the mind of every party member Trade Union Work . _ a i*** / rom the common llttUV VA lllVAll Y TUI IV - - - and the Profit From the Executive Committee of the Communist International ahd the Executive Committee of the Red International of La bor Unions. TT is of extreme importance to the life and growth of the Workers Party that its members as a whole realize better the necessity of more intensive work in the labor unions. The labor unions are the basic mass organizations of the workers. They wage war against the employers on one of the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. The capture of the leadership of the labor union masses in their struggle is vital ly necessary not only for the strength ening of the Workers Party at the present time, but also for the ulti mate victory of the revolutionary struggle, jyjje capture of the labor union* is our ffYst an? fOTefftSSflask. That the Workers Party as a whole does not yet thoroly realize the ex ceptional importance of trade union activity is clear from the fact that only 40 per cent of the party mem bership are members of labor unions, and even of these only very few are active in the latter work. If the unions are weak and are dominated by the reactionaries, it ( is the business of the Communists to strengthen them and to wage a relentless fight against the leadership and the policies of the reactionaries. In those places and in dustries where no labor unions exist Ttig ffltßlßUulst must take the initia tive ahd organize unions. We must not sit with our hands folded and wait until the labor bureaucracy finds it nei essar.v to fnfm unions The organ izatEmor the masses into labor unions is the historical task of the Commun ist movement in America. T'HE party must use disciplinary A measures to compel its members to join the labor unions and become active in them. It must be firmly fixed in the mind of every party member that no worker in an industrial coun try like America can be a real Com munist unless he is an active labor unionist. The party must take a de termined stand against any sign of slackness in labor union activity. The work in the labor unions must be re garded as the basis which will deter mine the success of the party in most other spheres of work. The Workers Party must render the utmost assistance to the Trade Union Educational League. Wherever the party has brnnches the latter must regard it as their duty to set up and maintain local branches of the League, Party members who are trade union ist* must actively engage in the work of the League. In the League as a .whole and in eafTr separate labor pinion organization the party members j'nust be united into a Communist sac-l tlon and on all questions act unani mously and as one body. rpHK Workers Party must also do 4 everything within its power to pre vent Itself becoming isolated from the masses. It must resist the tenden cies to reduce tbe Trade Union Edu- , ration a f League to the position of an THE DAILY WORKER that no worker in an industrial coun try like America can be a real Com munist unless he is au active labor unionist. The party must take a de termined stand against any sign of slackness in labor union activity. The work in the labor unions must be re garded as the basis which will deter mine the success of the party in most other spheres of work.” Why all this repeated insistance by the Communist International for in creased activity by the Workers Party in the trade unions? The answer is found in the facts that only about one third of our party members are at the same time members of the trade un ions, and of this trade union member ship only a very small portion are really active in the trade unions. Xilfti is to say, the Workers Party is doing only a fraction of the work that it should in the trade union's, and this fact is well known to the Comintern, which is determined to correct the situation, and to throw all avatlable forces of our party into this basis work. It is one of the greatest errors qf the Central Executive Committee rain ority group that they do not take to heart these repeated Instructions from the Comintern on the question of trade union Work, and join whole heartedly with the Central Executive Committee in a campaign to improve the situation in ffrfs vital respect. This is due to a fundamental lm-ir of ap preciation of the importance of work in the proletarian mass economic or ganizations. C)ne of the most serious weaknesses of the minority as a whole ■s Us underestimation of party work in trade, unions. TYHIS underestimation and lack of -*- understanding of trade union work has long characterized the minority leadership and has manifested itself in various ways. When the minority group controlled the Central Executive Committee, and before the present fac tional situation developed, the indif ference of this group towards trade union work showed itself by surren exclusive of the Communists a their closest sympathizers, irre spective of whether such tendencies af@ a result of pressure from outside or of pressure on the part of the party member anxious to keep out non-par tisans. The party must strive to con vert the League into an extensive Left Bloc Organization, lining up all the revolutionary and progressive ele ments in the labor unions against the | reactionary bureaucracy*. The Communist strategy in the la bor unions must be to unite, thru the j medium of the Trade Union Educa tional League, all the left wing ele ments against the old officialdom and their policies. Every struggle of the workers and all everyday activities must be directed to this object. One of the important features of the work in the labor unions is without fail to utilize the elections of trade union of ficers and of the delegates to the lo cal, district, national and A. F. of L. conventions. Among the so-called progressive elements there is a grow ing tendency to develop an opposition against the reactionary labor union bureaucracy and to put up their own ticket in opposition to them at elec tions. This tendency must be stimu lated and developed by the Workers Party as a means of bringing ihe work ers under its influence. In every elec tion, both in local unions, central trades councils and in the internation al unions, the Communists, where they are not sufficiently strong to se cure the election of their own candi dates, must unite with the progres sives and support joint candidates on the basis of the united front. It should be remembered that the officialdom of the American Federation of Labor and of the international unions does not represent a single reactionary mass. The closer the labor union official is to the shop and the dues-payer, 'the more subject is he to the direct influ ence of the masses of the workers. Among these elements there are many who are disgusted with the policies of the heads. This discontent, tho not yet organized, nevertheless represents opposition to the old course. The party must give every possible assis tance to the progressive elements in their struggle against the reactionary bureuucracy. The league must strive to establish u united front with these elements on the basis of a concrete program of action. The league should be actively sup ported by the party in prosecution of the league program endorsed at the Third Congress of the R. I. L. U. Particular attention should be given to the foiowing points: 1. Strike* and W»ge Movement*. FPHE party must actively engage in every strike and Wage movement. It must also rouse the masses to take up Ruch movements. It must skillful ly utilize these movements for politi cal ends. It must have a program of demands for each mass movement of this kind and the Communists must fight for the leadership in the strug gle. The wage cutting campaign car ied out by the capitalists must be op | io*ed by a counter-campaign of strike*. dering this activity almost entirely into the hands of those who now make up the majority of the Central Ex ecutive Committed. From the foun dation of the Workers Party, and dur ing- the lari months of the under ground party, tile Pepper-Ruthenberg group left the working out and appli cation of trade union policies almost completely in our hands. The objec tive ait nation was highly favorable, with the workers then engaged in the greatest series of strikes in American history. Our campaigns prospered and the Trade Union Educational League made rapid headway. It imme diately became the leader of the whole left wing in the trade union move ment. The Pepper-Ruthenberg group gave this work their blessing from afar. They webe Uncritical, usually adopting unanimously without discussion all the propositions of the Industrial De partment. Yes, despite this policy of non-participation in trade union work, we found the minority delegation at Moscow during the last hearing on the American question graciously tak ing the credit for all the work that was done. They declared that the party work was highly effective in the trade unions and then took to them selves the full credit for it simply be cause it was performed when they were in the majority in the party. But the truth is that the only real credit they can claim, if credit is due for such, is for not hindering the work at that epoch. They had almost nothing to do with its actual performance. A FTER the dispute in the Central . Executive Committee in August, 1923, regarding the Federated Farmer Labor Party policy, which was the be ginning of the present factional situ ation, the weakness of the minority on trade union work manifested itself in new forms. For one thing, the min ority found it necessary to have a trade union policy. No longer could it surrender completely this important branch of party work to our group. The minority then began to dabble jn mapping out trade union policies. The 2. Class Collaboration. i tTIHE party must conduct a relentless war against all class collaboration .plans, such as the labor banks, insur* ance companies, the B. & O. Plan, etc., which are being foisted upon the workers by the reactionary bureau cracy. This campaign must be op posed by a militant struggle for a class war policy. The party must steadily expose the incapability, cor ruption and treachery of the reaction-: ary bureaucracy. On the question of labor banking, our policy must be to oppose the establishment of new banks on the present basis and to de mand that the existing banks be reor-! ganized on co-operative lines, that they break with Wall Street and re frain from locking up strike funds in various investments. 3. Organization of the Unorganized. TN every labor union the party must -*• raise the question of the organiza tion of the unorganized. The party should also utilize its shop nuclei for the organization of the unorganized and to obtain the leadership in all their sruggles. Where labor unions exist the policy of the party must be to strengthen them. Where there are no unions the party must take the initiative and form unions. 4.' Amalgamation. tTIHE campaign for amalgamation of the craft unions into industrial or ganizations must be vigorously prose cuted. The amalgamation movement must be put on a more concrete basis in view of the desperate resistance which the labor bureaucracy is put ting up against it. This movement must be linked up with the everyday struggle of the workers and their everyday demands. In order to widen and extend the amalgamation move ment, plans should be elaborated for closer co-operation among the unions in the various industries and locali ties. At the same time a drive should be launched for amalgamation of the unions on a national scale. 5. Canadian Autonomy. A N active campaign should be con ducted for the affiliation of all the independent unions to the American Federation of Labor, including the railway brotherhoods, the Amalgamat ed Clothing Workers, the revolutionary unions, etc. Where affllaitions to the American Federation of Labor re quires the development of the Amalga mation movement, such a movement should be actively supported. The demand should also be raised among the American unions for giving auton omy to their Canadian sections, in ac cordance with the principles laid down in the program of the league. 6. The Shop Commitee Movement. fTIHE party should vigorously push forward the movement directed to wards the development of shop com mittees, not only in the organized, but in the unorganised industries as well. The shop committee movement repre sents a power Instrument for the or ganization of the unorganized working masses and tb« Workers' Party should first fruits of this were presented to the last convention of the party in the form of an industrial program. The outstanding features of this program were proposals to drop the slogans of amalgamation and organize the unor ganized. Ori ! the question of amalga mation, the minority program said: “Neither the workers of the unor ganized industries nor the hundreds of thousands of organized workers are interested in any organizational im provement of the existing craft unions. Our vigorous campaign for amalgama tion was in place for the period of prosperity and it helped to stir up great sections of organized labor.” To this mistaken proposal of drop ping the campaign to consolidate the unions, the minority added the equal ly serious error of proposing to dis continue our active work for the or ganization of the unorganized. They declared that our slogan, “Organize the Unorganized”, “was a proper slo gan during a period of complete em ployment, increase in wages, and de crease in hours.” As a substitute for these two basic campaigns the minor ity proposed to center the industrial work around the organization of the unemployed, altho unemployment had manifestly not taken on a sufficiently mass character to make this program practicable. Since the party conven tion the efforts of the minority to de velop a trade union program have been mhrked by the most serious op portunistic deviations, which will be discussed in a later article. A FTER the factional situation de- veloped the minority's minimizing of trade union work showed itself in a tendency to attack and belittle the comrades and organizations engaged in activities in the trade unions. The August Thesis of 1923 made a long attack upon the party members who were active' in the trade union move ment. This lead has since been fol lowed, with the result that in large sections of the party the feeling has been developed that in some way or other work in the trade unions is not vital and that party members who take the lead in that work are not | not fail to utilize it. 7. The Work Among the Negroes. | workers are becoming an ever more important factor in in dustry. The employers are doing everything possible to utilize them in the struggle against the whites, thus exploiting both the whites and the ne groes. The labor bureaucracy falls into this trap set by the employers and sets up all sorts of barriers to | prevent the Negroes joining the | unions. This tendency must be re | lentlessly fought against. The Work ers Party must demand the admission |of the Negroes to the respective unions, and see to it that they receive j equal protection with the whites. Where the leaders refuse to admit Negroes into the unions, special Ne gro labor unions should be formed in that particular industry. 8. Connections with the Workers of The Colonies. rpHE party, thru the league, should -*- set up close and permanent con nections with the labor unions in the Philippines, Haiti, Cuba and the other countries under the economic and po litical subjection of United States im perialism. The purpose of these con nections should be to render the ut most support to the workers in the colonies and semi-colonies in their po litical and economic struggle against the invaders. The Workers Monthly A Review rpoo little is said, too little is writ ten and much too little is done about so good a magazine as the Work ers Monthly. This is written without qualification. And no worker, Communist or other wise, would fail to agree after a close reading of the current August issue. It isn’t simply because of the at tractiveness of the magazine, because it’s “so easy on the eyes" from its decorative cover to the last page in it. True‘such artists as Fred Ellis, G. Pic coli, Maurice Becker, Don Brown and others have done much to make it at tractive, indeed —and the myriad of photographs add to the magazine’s beauty and worth. But because of the valuable contributions primarily, this issue (and this magazine In every Is sue) deserves a good deal more of at tention, Articles by Arne Swabeck on the Steel Industry, by William Z. Foster and Earl R. Browder on the needle trades and one by Alex Reid on the miners give the keynote to this issue. In these are the life of the working class and In these are struggle—(with bosses and labor fakers!) and here is also the Communist presentation of not facts alone —but also principles and program as guidance for future leadership. To the articles on industrial strug gles and working class political action are added a number of other most in teresting features. Moissaye Olgln’s article on Russia, is a personal account of activities under a workers’ govern ment that will give you vision of an other world. And the article on Ameri can concessions in Russia will bring this other world closer home to you. Communists in the full sense of the word. The impression has been cre ated that trade union work, as such, is to some degree syndicalistic. Many comrades seem to take a sort of prida in the fact that they play no part in the struggles of the trade union or ganizations. As for the Trade Union Educational League, it has been singled out for attack. Campaigns have been openly carried on against it by responsible party workers. In view of the difficult situation that the league has beea working under, with the right-wing bureaucracy shooting into it from all sides, such opposition from within our ranks has been particularly disastrous. Instead of correcting the glaring weak ness of our Party’s work in the trade unions, the policy of the minority tends only to increase it and to make the situation worse. In the long dispute that has con , tinued in the party since 1923, the question of the character of our trade union work and the emphasis to be placed on this branch of our activity, has been an underlying issue of basic Character, even tho the discussion haa »ot turned so directly on this point, sis the Parity Commission the two groups came to theoretical agreement regarding our tasks in the trade un ions. When they accomplish this in the execution of the practical work in these organizations, then the party will be far along on the way to unity. T)UT how can this understanding be brought about? Certainly not by : the majority group adopting the min j ority attftude towards work in the j trade unions. JThere is only one solu tion to the problem. This is by the minority’s fully and freely accepting ! the Comintern’s position that the ! work in the trade unions is a vital and fundamental task of the party, and then by giving their active co operation and participation in this work. With this accomplished, the Bol shevization of our party will proceed apace in all its aspects, and the party will rapidly assume a position of far greater power and influence in the labor movement as a whole. 9. International Trade Union Unity. fTIHE party must launch an active campaign in favor of international trade union unity. It must fight in even’ trade union for the endorse ment of the demand for a world unity congress and for the participation of the American Federation of Labor in it, on the basis of the R. L L. U. pro posal. It must also fight for the sup port of the Anglo-Russian committee as the first step towards trade union unity and for the affiliation of the var ious national unions to the respective industrial secretariats. The labor union work is of extreme importance to the consolidation of the Workers Party. Everything possible must be done to insure the success of this work. The various points of this letter must be closely studied and ac tively applied. If this is done, the party will widely extend its influence over the masses and be placed on a more solid basis. We call upon the entire party membership to put into effect the policies laid down in this letter. With Communist greetings, (Signed) A. W. KUUSINEN, Secre tary Executive Commitee Communist International. (Signed) A. LOZOVSKY, General Secretary of the Red Inter national of Labor Unions. Perhaps one article deserves special mention. “Twenty Years After” by Harrison George is surely one that would stand out in any issue of even as good a magazine as tne Workers Monthly. Here Is the history of the I. W. W. for twenty years in a nut shell —the history of struggle in this coun try and a spectacle of a withering or ganization that once personified strug gle to American workers. Another really unusual feature ap pears in this issue of the Workers Monthly. xLlke in the publication of the original draft of the Communist Manifesto, which appeared for the lirst time recently in the Little Red Library series, tho written as long as seventy five years ago, an article "The Organic Composition of Capital” writ ton by Karl Marx, is the first appear ance in this country of a letter in which Marx analyzes the roots of the difference with Ricardo and other bour geois economists. The appearance ot such treasures make the Workers Monthly doubly valuable to every worker. Many other features are In the Aug ust Issue of the Workers Monthly many other good ones ... many other things deserving much to be said about them. Without question, about every issue of the Workers Monthly (read It yourself if you doubt our word) too little is said, too little Is written and much too little is done. If you want to thoroughly un derstand Coinmunigm—study it. Hend for a catalogue of ail Com muniat literature. *>s .