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THE PBH.Y WORKER Published br the DAILY WORK HR PUBLISHING CO. Ull W. Washington Bird., Chicago, m. Phone Monroe 4711 ——————————————— - ... ■ —* SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall (In Chloage only): By mall (outelde of Chicago): 11.00 per year $4.50 six months 90.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months SI.OO three months Address all mall and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1111 W. Washington Blvd., Chloage, Illinois J. LOUIS ENODAHL j ~ WILLIAM F. DUNNB f " " ,r " MORITZ J. LOEB Business Manager Entered aa second-class mall September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi cago, 111., under the act of March 3, 1871. 899 Advertising rates on application. Pacifist Propaganda for World Court Pacifist clubs, church societies, liberal societies and all the motley crew of peace propagandists are mobilized under the leader ship of the agents of the House of Morgan for the purpose of en snaring the United States into the world court. Morgan’s interest in the court is known. It is the same motive that impelled his most noted servant, Woodrow Wilson, to advocate the league of nations. Bank capital, with heavy investments in Europe, wants to bring direct political pressure to bear upon the debtor nations. The world court and the league as they now stand may easily become in struments for concerted European resistance against what is com ing to be contemptousiy known as “dollarocracy”—the autocracy of the dollar, which means the power of Wall Street. The Morgan gov ernment must combat any tendency in that direction. By entering the court the agents of American imperialism can help formulate its decisions in the interest of Morgan. The stage in Washington is set for this government, which is the agent of bank capital, to endeavor to enter the league, via the world court, while maintaining the illusion of bourgeois democracy. So Morgan and bis henchmen, knowing the average American pacifist is merely a lime-lighter, an inordinate publicity seeker, know that if they finance his organizations and promise him a trip to Washington on a lobbying expedition under the guise of pacifism he will fall for it and fall hard. This, combined with the propaganda of bought ami paid for newspapers, will create the illusion of popular demand for the court. An examination of the personnel of the pacifist crew ndw in full cry in the ranks of the jackal pack of imperialism reveals the same line-up of the rag tag and bob-tail of petty bourgeois intelligentzia that followed in the wake of the late Woodrow Wilson when that lackey of Morgan was formulating beautiful pacifist slogans to con ceal his war preparations. Surely even the senators who are trusted lackeys of Morgan must despise these loathsome vermin as they sprawl around the capitol building with their half-baked manifestos and tons of drivel ling propaganda. The role, of the pacifist apologist for the world court is that of scab upon the regular flunkeys of Wall Street. Membership Expects Action The general executive board of the Amalgamated Clothing Work ers’ Union will be in session in a day or so in compliance with the constitutional provisions for quarterly meetings. This session is of more than ordinary concern to the membership in view of the crisis that is rapidly developing in that organization. Wage cuts, under the guise of victories, are the basis for resent ment against the officialdom of the Amalgamated. When the brazen efforts to turn a palpable retreat into victory meets the resentment of the membership and when the membership dares protest the officials resort to gangsterism, to sluggings and thuggery. This situa tion is the prelude to a repetition of the fight ttaa&vgag waged against the Sigman machine in the International Ladi(fs’’f(|jarment Workers’ Union. An identical conflict is being developed by Sidney Hillman and his machine. V £ P-; The membership is watching the meeting of the O. E. B. and they expect a repudiation of gangster tactics, of terrorizing opposition can didates and those who support progressive measures in elections. Furthermore the question of the Amalgamated bank and the dis charge of Joseph Sliafir because he dared to fight for progressive measures in the A. F. of L. convention must be definitely settled or both the bank and the leadership of the organization will be totally discredited. If Hillman is as astute as his supporters would like him to ap pear he will clean out the anti-union elements in his organisation while he still has the power to do so, instead of provoking a situation similar to that now facing Nigman in the I. L. G. W. U. Either the general executive "board will put a stop to it now and save its face or the organization itself will stop it in the course of a convention that will make the name of Hillman as despised of all unionists as is that of Sigman. Sigman’s predicament today is the certain future of Hillman unless he acts and acts quickly to put a stop to the terrorism of his agents in the Amalgamated. Loreism in Action Every passing day vindicates anew the action of the last conven tion of the Workers (Communist) Parly in excluding from its ranks that detestable opportunist, right winger and reviler of the Com muuist International, Ludwig Lore. Now that he is out the party his real position is clear to all. The convention of the Amalgamated Food Workers now going on in New York City furnishes an example of Lorei'sm in action. The henchmen of this discredited renegade united with the right wing elements in the union in order to defeat a resolution in favor of the workers establishing a labor party. We said at the time he first opposed the labor party slogan that the reason he was afraid of such a party was because there is so little difference between him and the right wingers in the labor movement that he was afraid he would completely lose his identity. But his gang identify themselves with the right wingers on every possible occasion outside a labor party. Being sectarians, they op pose any broad mass movement, such as would develop thru a lubor party. They consider themselves, alone, as the leaders of labor on the political field, while they flirt with the right wing in the unions. This mechanical division is one of the characteristics of opportunism. But not even the right wing will long tolerate this discredited careerist. The rank and file of the Amalgamated Food Workers will soon learn that Loreism means an abandonment of the struggle against capitalism and impotent vegetating in the swamp of left social-democratic sectarianism. After Locarno, which was to assure the peace of the world, we had the storming of Damascus, the Auglo-Turkish fight over Mosul oil and the Greek-Bulgar affair, lu spite of this Spain now wants the blessings of Locurno extended to other nations. Forward to Party Unity and Mass Work “Mgaaaa rpHE central executive committee of "*■ th6 party has set as the most Im portant task before the party the uni fication of the party and the throw ing of the strength of our organiza tion Into mass work. Every party member who gives thotful consideration to the party sit uation will*' agree that the achieve ment of this goal is the greatest need of the party at the present time. Starting in 1922 and developing with an upward curve in the year 1923, and part of 1924, the party car ried on successful work among the masses of the workers in this country. The party was the center of the cam paign which held the Interest and had the support of hundred's of thousands of workers and exploited fanners. It participated in the actual struggle of the workers and greater part of the energy and strength of the party was thrown into these struggles. As a consequence the party mem bership grew and with it the Influence and prestige of the party. One need only look at the figures showing the new members who came into our party to find the proof that the party was on the road to becoming the liv ing, virile influence in the labor move ment of this country. This situation had not existed for at least a year before the national convention of the party. In place of throwing its energies outward, the strength of the party was directed to the inner party struggle. The party undoubtedly has come out of this In ner struggle stronger In its Commun ist understanding with a clearer con ception of its role in the class strug gle. The struggle was a necessary phase in the process of the bolshe vization of the party, even tho during the period of this struggle the party lost influence and prestige among the masses. Now, however, we must again di rect our energies outward. We must again throw the greater part of the strength and energy of the party in to the struggles of the workers. The party has reached the point where it cannot stand continuation of an inner struggle such as shook It to Its very The Crimes of Wall Street Imperialism in Cuba rnHE circular printed below was re- L ceived yesterday from Havana by the United States section of the All- America Anti-Imperialist League. As it is dated November 28, one might suppose that mail service between Cuba and the United States is very, very slow. It is, and particularly at the present time. The brutal facts set forth in the circular will perhaps explain why it was held up some where in transit. The mystery is that it was allowed to arrive at all What the circular establishes be yond the shadow of a doubt is that the imprisonment of Julio A. Mella and the twelve Cuban labor leaders at the dictation of the American sugar in terests is not an isolated incident but is part of a whole reign of terror on the island instituted by American im perialism with the aid of the servile Machado govrnment. The savage grip of American imperialism Is tighten ing everywhere! Deportations of “anti-American elements’ from Cuba Panama and. Costa Rica; the strike breaking military occupation of the City of Panama by American troops; Military Governor Russell’s abroga tion of presidential elections in Haiti; General Wood's latest arbitrary acts against the independence movement in the Philippines; the maneuvers of Pershing in the Tacna-Arica district of South America —these are only a few of the things that characterize the development of American impe rialist policy in the test two months. In making public this circular of its Cuban section, the All-America Anti-Imperialist League calls upon all workers to attend the anti-imperialist protest meeting to be held at North & Western Aves, Chicago, tomorrow evening at 7:30 o’clock. * * • Circular of the Cuban Section of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League Regarding the Origin and Mag nitude of the Crimes Now Be ing Committed Against the Cuban Proletariat. TN this circular the Cuban section of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League proposes to inform all the peoples of the Americes regarding the outrages now being committed in Cuba —and of the causes which led to the imprisonment of our general secretary, Julio Antonio Mella, and numerous labor leaders—of the threat of a shut-down against the national university and of the dissolution of tabor organizations. Early in August, there assembled in the city of Camaguey a convention of the Confederation of Labor, represent ing 200,000 organized workers. On the 22nd day of the same month the Cuban section of the All-America Anti- Imperialist League staged a great de monstration at Mars Field, Havana. In the labor convention it was decid ed. among other things, so start a campaign to organize the r sants; in the demonstration the 510gu,,.. Issued dealt with the approaching economic crisis, laying full blamo at the door >f American imperialism. About the same time, the Union of Factory Workers declared a strike for higher THE DAILY WORKER center during the Xasj year. The fu ture of the party depends now upon the success of the leadership In heal ing the wound* caused by the faction al struggle directing ite energies into mass work. ft was the consciousness of this sit uation which was the compelling force which tarot the action of the political committee to formulate A basis on which the groupings In the party could be wiped out and the whole party go forward in increasing the Influence, prestige and membership of the party. The Basle For tinlflcation. THE basis for united work, a united leadership and a united party was laid in the resolutions of the Parity Commission whichf-wire unanimously adopted by the national convention. With a clear political 4lne established, the ground for factional groupings disappear. No Communist can approve of the existence of groups or factions when there is agreement on policy between the members of these groups and factions. party established such an agreement in its fourth na tional convention dbro adoption of the Parity Commission resolutions and thus created the conditions for end ing factional groupings and struggle within the party. Sis upon the basis of the convention that the central executive obmtmlttee urges all comrades to unite, to ‘turn the resolu tion into living influences in the class struggle by work to carry them into effeot among the masses In the shops, in the trade unions, among the Negro workers, against Imperialism, work among women, and so forth. The fourth convention resolutions included that for the reorganization of the party on the basis of shop nuclei and street nuclei and the build ing of language fractions in place of the language sections which had ex isted in the party. The carrying in to effect of reorganization, with which the central executive committee is proceeding energetically and which it has already achieved in some cities, requires the unification of all .Com munist elements In our party. The reorganization has developed opposition in some quarters. Lore, who while In the party did not dare to raise his voice against reorganiza tion, now openly scoffs at proposals wages. The employers in their turn, organized and declared a lockout, at the same time entering a formal com plaint with the government, charging the leaders of the union with injecting poisonous matter into the products of their factories. The government, determined to ob struct the development of the Con federation of Labor and disturb the propaganda of the Cuban section of the anti-imperialist league, began a persecution of labor leaders and of the speakers at the antFlftiperialist meet ing. The persecutions began in the last few days of August, giving as a basis the alleged actsi»of sabotage re ferred to above. g The secretary of 'the Communist Party, who had spoken at the anti imperialist meeting, whs arrested and many party documents were confis cated —minutes of vhrious meetings, plan of organization, list of members, and a little map of the city of Havana. A Crude Frame-up. With this scant material, the police elaborated their frame-up. They added to the charges of poisoning that of conspiring against the security of the state, on the flimsy pretext that on the map of Havana found among Mella’s papers a red mark had been placed over the building occupied by the National Bank of Cuba. This red mark, like many similar ones on the map, had served merely to acquaint the secretary, who was a stranger in Havana, with the: location of the streets. On the basis of tjis “evidence,” to gether with the ordinary manifestos Decembrists Put to Death in Russia in 1825 (Continued from page 1) faces were serious as if they were thinking about a very important mat ter. . . "They were preparing themselves to die. They looked, to the sky for the last time, but With such a look that we ail started to shiver. They did not like the; sacks over their heads. Riiyev said when they started to pull on the sack ‘What is this for?’ When everything was reply the nooses were "put on their necks and the floor upon which they stood started to sink. That is how it was arranged. The middle three ropes broke and the condemned fell thru the traps onto the ground below. The ones on the ends remained hunging, Pyostel and Kukhovsky. The three middle men had fallen from a height P- *. Pestel K. F. Ryleyav P. S. Kachovaky M. A. Beatujav-Rumin C. N. Muravlav to build the party on shop nuclei and street nuclei basis and his views find an echo in some, fortunately small, groups In our party. Support of the reorganization as a phase of the bol shevizatlon of the party should be an other force drawing together for the struggle against the opposition to re organization, all the comrades in the leadership of the party and the mem bership that is enthusiastically fight ing to build our party on a true Bol shevik basis. The Trade Union Question. SOME comrades in the party have raised the question of the tactics to be employed in our trade union work as an Issue to throw a monkey wrench Into the work of unification and mobilization for mass work. There Is no basis for such an atti tude. The central executive committee has not proposed any basic change of our policy in the trade union work. These are established In the conven tion resolution and in the letter of the Comintern and Profintern to out party. The central executive com mittee proposes an energetic fight to put these policies into practice. The only question which has been raised Is a question of tactics in car rying out the basic policies which have been established for the party. In order to prevent the question of tactics which must be employed in building a broad left wing movement in the unions from becoming a new issue for factional groupings in the party, the central executive commit tee has provided that the resolution adopted by the C. E. C. shall be sub mitted to the Comintern and the Pro fiintern for approval before it will be carried into effect. The party can await the decision by the Comintern and Proflntern on this question with calm assurance that the party will fol low the right road. Efforts to create division on this issue under these circumstances are influenced by other motives than the best interests of the party and should not be tolerated by the party. The Attitude Towards Comrade Foster fTIHE view has been expressed In the party that the unity resolution of the central executive committee is di rected against Comrade Foster and that the majority which has been of the Communist Party, trade unions and the Cuban section of the All- America Anti-Imperialist League, the indictments were draw'n up—heaping together the activities of Communists and anarchists, so as to give the ap pearance of a “united front” against the government. A number of work ers were indicted with Mella. Bail was refused the accused at first but finally, after considerable pres sure, they were liberated under a provisional bail of SI,OOO each. The Union of Factory Workers was declared illegal. At the same time a wholesale deportation of foreigners was carried out, including all those who had expressed “anti-American opinions.” Notwithstanding indifference of the public in the face of these police outrages, the police felt it necessary to justify their conduct, and on Sep tember 17 arranged the explosion of a few small bombs in various parts of the city, with such ill effect that even the bourgeoisie refused to become panic-stricken and no one paid any attention to the matter. The student leader, Julio Antonio Mella, out on bail, redoubled his ac tivities in the anti-imperialist league, in the Communist Party and in the trade union centers, as well as among the students of the national university. The Hand of the Sugar Trust. The economic crisis in Cuba was now at its height, aggravated con siderably by the low price paid to the “colonos” for their sugar which did not cover the cost of production. The “colonos,” accordingly, organized and and were bruised to the point of bleed ing. The sack fell off of Riiyev and blood was seen over his eye brow arid behind the loft ear. He was sitting shriveled up, as he had fallen from the scaffold, ’What bad luck’ said he.” “‘Hang him, hang quicker,’" holler ed Kutusov, cursing. The floor again was raised and the nooses again thrown on their necks. But they were not supposed to be hanged a second time. This was Ku tusov’s fault. "When they started to hang them a second time”—writes a contempor ary in his memories, “Riiyev said. ‘How hard it is to die twice,’ and Bes tuyev said ironically, ‘And they could not even make a noose properly.’ “When they were hanged a second time the executioner pulled them by formed on the baste of the unity re solution has as Its purpose a strug gle against Comrade Foster and against his Influence in the party. There are no facts to Justify such a statement. The leadership of the central executive committee which consists of more than a three-fourths majority would welcome nothing more than that Comrade Foster and those who still stand with him should for get their factional differences and join with them to carry on their part in the leadership of the party and help to develop a militant campaign of mass work by the party on the basis of the resolutions of the national con vention. The unity resolution declares that It Is necessary thru argument and pur auaslon to win those comrades who are isitill persisting in taking a posi tion of opposition and continuing a factional fight, for the unification of the party and for the mass work of the party. This has been and will be the policy of the central executive committee. The reports of the membership meetings and the district executive committees where the unity resolu tion was discussed, show that the over whelming majority of the party sup ports the line taken by the central executive committee, and is ready to co-operate with it in liquidating factionalism and making the party a living, fighting organization in the class struggle. Every effort must be made to win the twenty per cent of the party which still per sists, both In the C. E. C. and the membership In maintaining a faction al opposition, for this line, in the practical carrying out of the work of the C. E. C. Favorable Conditions for Building the Party. The work of the central executive committee for the unification of the party and developing Its work among the masses comes at a time when the eoonomlc and political conditions pre sent a most favorable opportunity for the success of our work. There are many indications that the working class Is turning from its meek submission to the attack of the capitalist exploiters to vigorous resistance and even towards aggres sive action. Evidence of this is to be found in the struggle of the anthra- refused to continue cutting cane. In order to bring pressure upon them in the interest of the Wall Street com bines, President Machado took im mediate action. Determined at all cost to prevent the activities of labor leaders on behilf of the “colonos,” the government resurrected the forgot ten incident of the bomb explosions of September 17, suddenly revoking the bail of all those accused of having violated the law regarding explosives. On November 27, Mella and twelve la bor leaders were imprisoned. Un doubtedly a contributing cause of the arrest of Mella was his activity against American imperialism among the students of the national university, whose strong stand against American interference in the affairs of Cuba had "embarassed” the president in his re lations with Ambassador Crowder. As will be seen from the facts given above, the indictment and the im prisonments are the result of a long period of preliminary maneuvers, hedged around with imaginary and fantastic plots, carried out with the authorization of a manifestly partial judiciary, the arrests were preceded by repeated threats of assassination against Mella —threats which were not to be taken lightly after the mys terious murders of the editor of El Dia (newspaper opposing the goyern ment), of the labor leader Varona (who organized the big 1924 strike in the sugar centrals controlled by the American companies) and of the Catalonian, Couxart (who was murder ed in the military fortress of La Cabana, Havana). the legs so as to have the noose tight er and the death follow sooner.” rpHE Russians always knew how to A die wonderfully evidently and ef fectively, but they did not know how to live. There were exalted ideals and a flaming literature and there was a blazing, flaming youth and eminent, people-loving intellectuals, but the life of the country was the same—-a life of slavery, mud, parasites, with a rapping on the snout and general ri baldry. , The heroism of the victims could not raise the life of Russia above the freezing point. Only the multitude collectively could produce a new heroism, an heroism of achievements, which de veloped in the later years all over Russia. cite miners, the demands of the rail road workefs for increased pay, the militant spirit and the growth of the left wing in the needle trades, the resistance of the textile workers ta wage cuts and the movement among them for trade union organization. Among the working farmers, a new wave of struggle against their exploit ers is developing. The rejection of President Coolidge’s proposal for th# farmers by great organizations of far mers, the new movement for the for mation of farmer-labor parties la Oklahoma, Arkansas, Texas and North Dakota, are Indications that the ex ploited farmer is again In a fighting spirit. The movement for the formation of a labor party haa received new im petus by the unanimous endorsement of the Furriers and International Ladles’ Garment Workers’ Union con vention. With the state and congres sional elections approaching in 1926, conditions are favorable for actual achievement in the organization by the workers of a party in some states which will fight for their class in terests, which will have mass sup port. Our party must take advantage of this favorable situation for the de velopment of its influence and estab lishing its leadership among the work ing masses and the exploited fanners. It can only do that If It mobilizes all Its strength In support of its cam paigns among the masses. If the party can again throw its energies into these campaigns, it will be on the high road of progress and we may look forward to an increase in Its prestige, its influence, anff the strengthening of its membership. The opportunity to achieve this lies be fore us. The question is whether we have the strength and leadership to achieve it. The condition for suc cess in seizing this opportunity and building our party Is the unification of our forces tor the work among the masses. It is because the unification of our party is the condition for our suc cess in building our party into a pow erful factor in the American labor movement, that the whole party should rally to the support of the line laid down by the central execu tive committee in its unity resolu tion. Meanwhile the government inter cepts all news from the provinces, preventing knowledge of the con sequences (probably bloody) of the active protest of the peasants in the sugar fields. It is known, however, that military "supervisors” have been named for the sugar centrals, with instructions to do their duty without too much recourse to persuasion. It is known also that the peasants have not given up the fight; they refuse to carry out orders that do not come from the “colonos,” who guarantee their wages and who are the ones who at the present moment are refusing to cut cane because of the miserable prices paid by the American com panies. Imperialist "Law and Order.” rpHE outrages we are describing in this circular may be explained.by the public declarations of General Machado in the United States, which he visited a month before taking of fice as president of the republic. At that time he stated that his govern ment would be a better "Platt amend ment” than the amendment itself. He promised the American interests that “law and order” would reign thruout the republic and no strike would last 48 hours without being repressed by force. For Machado, disorder consists in the righteous claims of the working class, in the campaigns against Amer ican imperialism among all sections of the population and in the activities of the students of the national univer sity in behalf of the liberation of their country. "Law and order” for Machado, just as for President Chiari of Panama, signifies security and development of American interests at the sacrifice of native victims, at the sacrifice of the economic independence of the state. If in Panama a simple rent strike of worker 'tenants could bring about the intervention of Yankee soldiers, we can expect that in the present situation in Cuba the bloodlust of Wall Street will not be satisfied with the indictments and Hrrests so far un dertaken by the Cuban government, but will insist upon still greuter out rages. In spite of the reprisals, the Cuban section of the All-America Anti-Im peraillst League will continue its activity in the natlonul university (as long as the university is allowed to remain open), in the labor organiza tions, etc. It will give full voice to it* program: Abolition of-the Platt amend ment which inukes Cuba a mere pro tectorate of the United States, aboli tion of the American naval base at Ouantanmo, campaign against the forced loans from Wall Street—partic ularly the 1100.000.000 loan now In project. We denounce before all the peoples of the Americas the outrages now being committed on Cuban soil. . Melja and the labor leaders are in jail by order of American Imperial ism. The students, workers and vital forces of the entire continent must demand their liberty.—Havana, Nov. 28, 1925.