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THE LINE OF THE 13 PLENUM IN THE STRUGGLE IN TAMPA By N. SPARKS THE mass struggles now going on in Tampa, Fla., against the attack of the bosses and the local government show a splendid militancy. The 72-hour strike of the tobacco workers In protest against the frame-up and continued im prisonment of the 17 members of the Tampa Tobacco Workers Industrial Union and the Com munist Party emhraced over 7,000 workers. The storekeepers throughout Ybor City (the Spanish section of Tampa) closed up for the entire 72 hours, a number in sympathy, others under threat of a boycott. During the strike, 3.000 school children struck and paraded through the streets. This splendid struggle which is hauling the greatest effect In preventing the bosses from putting through their schemes for wage-cuts and speed-up in the cigar factories, is unques tionably the result of the line of the 13th Plenum of our Party. The revolutionary movement among the Tampa tobacco workers is not new. For years the Tampa workers have supported with finances and with sympathy the Daily Worker and Labor Unity (organ of the Trade Union Unity League), and have shown the finest solidarity with the strikes led by the T.U.U.L. in cither parts of the country. The revolutionary movement in Tampa, however, although based entirely on the shop workers, did not bear an organized character. But a few months ago an organizer was sent into Tampa, and a short time later special efforts were made to bring the line of the 13th Plenum direct to the Party units and to the non-Party workers in Tampa, The task of putting into effect the line of the Plenum ("Face to the shops!” “For the organ ization of mass struggles against the offensive of the capitalists!”) meant first of all the over coming of both the right and "left” opportunist tendencies in the Tampa section—opportunist tendencies existing partly due to the fact that the movement was not benefiting by the active leadership of the Communist Party. First, a tendency among some elements of unwillingness to develop mass struggles altogether, and to ori entate upon agitation in the Labor Temple rather than upon organiation in the shops; second: no campaign (at that time) against wage-cuts and mass lay-offs; third: passivity and inaction on the most burning question—unemployment; fourth: a conscious neglect of work among the women cigar workers: fifth: white chauvinism— a tendency to “leave the Negroes alone until we get stronger’—falling to realize that united or ganization and struggle of white and Negro workers strengthens the working class as noth ing else; sixth: language sectarianism—a most dangerous tendency to keep the movement a Spanish movement, to neglect the work among the native American workers who are being used by the bosses more and more to replace the Spanish-speaking workers in the factories at lower wages, and who would give the movement a more solid base in Tampa. (It was pointed out that it was precisely because we were doing nothing against wage-cuts and unemployment that the bosses were not using terror and the movement was “peaceful”). TAX PAYERS IN REVOLT IN PHILA. INSPIRED by the various local hunger marches and especially by the National Hunger March to Washington, the tax* payers in Philadelphia have organized marches of their own. On Mon day about a thousand tax payers stormed the City Hall and the session of the City Coun cil. Seeing the mass protest and indignation of the tax payers, the City Council abruptly ad journed its session and left the meeting room. Why The Tax Payers Revolt? The corrupted politicians of the City Council have increased the city budget by twelve million dollars. This therefore presents the City Coun cil with the problem of raising j 9 million dollars above its income. To raise this money the City Council proposes to raise taxes on property by 35c per each SIOO of assessed valuation of prop erty. The present tax rate is $2.77% per SIOO. If this increase in the tax rate would be carried through, then it would be $3.12 per hundred. In addition the City Council also proposes to Increase the tax on water by 50 per cent. Due to the present unemployment tens of thousands of workers are not in a position to pay sieir taxes nor the Interest on mortgages on their property. T£e result is that every month thousands of workers homes are being sold by the sheriff. For the month of Decem ber 2,000 homes will be sold for failure to pay taxes. For a period of 12 months, 50,000 sheriff sales took place. The worker tax payers know that If the tax rate is Increased more of their homes will be sold. Because of this situation the tax payers who are in majorty workers and peoples of small means are revolting. Tax the Poor—But Bo not Tax the Rich The economic crisis, the sharp decline in the value of real estate, the closing down of num erous banks, began seriously to effect the petty bourgeoisie and the small business men. The big real estate operators and capitalists are try ing to utilize this mass movement to avoid higher taxes on their property and income. The move ment so far is in the hands of republican poli tician* and big textile manufacturers who want to avoid a higher tax on their property, and for this purpose they utilize the discontent and revolt of the small tax payers. It must be clear to the workers, that we must be against higher taxes upon the workers and peoples of small means. However we must de mand a higher tax on property and incomes of the rich in order to feed the unemployed. Build a Workers Tax Payers League In face of this situation, it becomes necessary for the workers and small merchants to build a movement against high taxes of their own. This movement is not to be under the control of republican politicians and various neighbor hood business men’s associations, but under the direct control of the workers and workers’ or ganizations. The various Chamber of Commerce and busi ness associations who now pretend to be against the Increase, were the ones who were respon sible for placing the higher-tax Republican City Council into power. Precisely because the po liticians are afraid that the workers and the small merchants may organize a movement of thetr own in the struggle against higher taxes, to tax the rich and not. to tax the poor, that they have tried to assume leadership of this movement in order to behead it riir workers mot see this policy of the boners h*rTM » » Nter blew Toeeite f Published by the Comprodelly PebHehiag Co., Ine., dally except Sunday, at East 13th St., New York City, N. Y. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7865. Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mall all ehecka tc the Dally Worker, SO East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. It is clear that these right-wing errors con stituted the main danger in Tampa, In addi tion there were “leftist” tendencies towards in dividualism, "left” sectarianism, anarcho-syn dicalism, etc. No one can doubt that the present struggles could have developed only through a determined attempt on the part of the Tampa comrades to overcome these opportunist tendencies. The more organized character of the work and the orientation towards the shops led in the last couple of months to the launching of the Tampa Tobacco Workers’ Industrial Union and is un doubtedly responsible for the firmness of the present struggle. The importance and value of the unemployed work can be gathered from the fact, that when the workers’ committee went to the mayor for a permit far the Nov. 7 meeting, he demanded that above all they "stop these unemployed demonstrations.” It w*buld be foolish to claim, however, that m such a short time all these deviations have been overcome. It is precisely in the course of strug gle, however, that opportunist tendencies can be decisively overcome, and it is also precisely in the course of struggle that opportunist tenden cies constitute the greatest danger and must be fought with the utmost ruthlessness. It is in this connection that it might be well to mention the letter sent by leading comrades in Tampa to the Havana (bourgeois) Diario del Matino, ‘We need not quarrel about whether it is fitting to use such phrases as “your esteemed journal” since they are after all more or less conventional, but it is unquestionably incorrect to state in the name of the Communist Party that we are “wily fighting for our constitutional rights,” a statement which might be made by any bourgeois liberal. The Communist Party fights for all the basic rights of the workers, some of which—the right of free speech, of free assemblage,etc—are contained in the constitu tion. but it knows what a mockery such "con stitutional rights” are under capitalism, and it is necessary to bring out the class position; to show that the Party fights for much more than "con stitutional rights"—that it fights against wage cuts, for unemployment insurance and. for im mediate relief, for defense of the Soviet Union. It was for these demands that the Nov. 7 meet ing was organized. It is when the workers want to use their constitltiona! rights for their class aims that the bosses reply with fascist attacks, shootings, frame-ups and raids, and this should have been brought out in the letter. To say less than this is unquestionably opportunist—regard less of whether the bourgeois journal would print our letter or not. The lying provocation, of the Tampa police and the false charges of "assault with intent to kill,” on which they are holding 17 workers in prison as a result of the police and fascist at tack on the Nov. 7 demonstration, should draw the special attention of the Tampa comrades to “leftist” errors of individualism and playing with revolutionary phrases. The position of the Com munist Party on armed demonstrations is well known. To quote from an article by Comrade Alfred in the September Communist Interna tional : “The slogan of an armed demonstration means the same thing as the general slogan of the arming of the proletariat. To raise the slogan of an armed demonstration without any anticipation of a speedy transformation into an armed revolt and before the pre-conditions for a successful revolt exist, is to be guilty of playing with revolution (our bold fade—N. S.). If cer tain impatient elements demand the arming of demonstrators, it is necessary to Joe* carefully to see whether there is not an attitude of panic behind the demand.” What is the role of the present political prek test strike movement in Tampa? The political protest strike was undoubtedly the correct tactic to like to mobilize the masses against the frame up. Owing to certain historical conditions, and the close association of the Spanish-speaking workers with the anti-imperialist revolutionary movement of Latin-America, they are more con scious politically, more familiar with forms of political action than most American worker*. But can we say, since a political protest strike is a more advanced stage than a purely economic strike, that the movement is more advanced, 1* more revolutionary in Tampa than in the rest of the country, that it has advanced "beyond the stage of economic strikes”? No, it would be im possible to say this. This would be a "leftist” error of the worst kind. The movement in Tampa cannot be carried forward indefinitely on the basis of a series of protest strikes. It has not yet rooted itself sufficiently in the every day life of the workers. Hie workers have not yet learned from experience that even the small est struggle against the boss or for a crumb of unemployment relief can wily be won through revolutionary organization under the leadership of the Trade Union Unity League and the Com munist Party. Above all, the movement is still limited largely to the Spanish-speaking workers and has not yet drawn in the native American workers and the Negroes. To have refused to utilize the tactic of the political protest strike would have been the height of dogmatic stupidity. But the key to the entire situation now. the point by which the mass movement will either grow or die down, is the linking np of the straggle with the econ omic demands the bringing of the economic demands to the forefront, and developing a broad, mass-strike movement, against wage cats and speed-up in the shops, uniting it with the militant struggle of the unemployed work era for unemployment Insurance and immediate relief and embracing the native American white and Negro workers. This is the only way In which the struggle can attain a secure and per manent base in Tampa and defeat the terror of the bosses and the government. The Tampa factories are now about to close down for a month or so for their customary yearly stocktaking. The workers of Tampa must prepare now to find the factories re-opening with hand-work replaced by machinery, with the bosses attempting to replace the Spanish-speak ing workers by American white and Negro and women workers at lower wage*, with a. general wage-cut— id other word* with a sharp inten sification of the whole process which the homes have been carrying on gradually during the past couple of years. The oniy way to prepare for this is increased organisation, tmnrtmg the Tamija Tobacco Workers' Industrial Union in preparation for strike action, aborts all, we re peat again, increased organization among the native Americans, the Negroes and the women. Whether a political or an economic strike, strikes must be cat-ried on under the leadership of a re*l Drifted Front Strike ffeHtunittah aocnr rxircd nr rlplr-ni/., rmm the rectories te» CROWNING IMPERIALISM’S HANGMAN * rBPRC *- Negotiations of the New Union Agreements in the Building Trades ot N.Y. and Vicinity T By A. PETERSON. PART L ribs’, 133 Z existing union agreements in the building trades of New York and vicinity ex pire and negotiations for new agreements are new la progress. As usual, In these A. F. of L. unions, these negotiations are going on behind Closed doors in the true spirit of class collabora tion, for "the welfare of the industry.” While the A. F. of L. building trades craft unions have constant jurisdictional fights, the bosses in the building trades are well organized on on industrial scope into tha Building Trades Employers’ Association. And It is this employ ers’ association, together with the real estate investors, the bankers who have a great money interest in buildings. It is this capitalist family, in collaboration with the union officials in the building trades, who shaped the policies for the previous union agreements. It is they who are now shaping the policies for the new union agreements for the carpenters, bricklayers, plum bers and other crafts. Union Officials Help Cut Standards of Living. From the official information to us carpen ters at our local union meetings through the minutes of the Carpenters’ District Council we see the following: The employers’ association (the Master Car penters’ Association) is for a direct wage-cut; (the rumors are that this wage-out is to be 35 per cent). Brother .Hanson, in the name of the Carpenters’ District Council, proposed a three day working week with the present scale of wages ($13.20). This is as stated officially In the minutes; unofficially, we union carpenters are already givtm hints by union officials that the carpenters’ District Council is going to sub- Opportunities for Organizing ' the Farmers By A. LERNER. VBI continued deepening of the economic crisis * is farcing the poor farmers more and more to real militant action in order to get relief. In thorn districts of the country where the Commu nist Party is actively engaged in agrarian work these struggles are being concretely directed against the local government authorities, the landlords and the bankers. In Houghton County. Michigan, a leaflet was issued by six Committees of Action calling a demonstration for Dec. 1 on the occasion of a meeting of county officials. The farmers de manded a guarantee that mortgage foreclosure farm sales would not take place, that back pay ments on mortgages be cancelled, that mortgage and interest payments owning due should be postponed, and that the rich timber and mineral lands of the Copper Trust, heretofore almost tax-free, should be heavily taxed. The farmers, having become wary of the demagogy of the of ficials, demanded immediate action, declaring that they can no longer “live on vague promises.” In Onotagon County, a demonstration of 300 farmers organised by the United Farmers League prevented a sheriffs sale of a farm on Nov. 24. In Alger County, at a session of the “Unem ployment Commission of the Board of Super visors" on Nov. 17, 60 fanners demonstrated for the rank and file workers. The comrades liT Tampa must pay the greatest attention to the lesson* of the recent strikes led by the Trade Unien Unity League, the Pennsylvania-Ohio mine shrike, the two Lawrence strikes, etc. The grsateet emphasis must be laid on actual or ganisation. that the tendency be overcome to rely merely on agitation. Under the leadership ot the Trade Union Unity League and the Com munist Party, carrying forward the line of the 13th Plenum, the Tampa workers, with the splen did militancy they have already shown, will strengthen thetr revolutionary organizations. flßk* alt ifee Attack of the bosses sod toOSLonec ttreprietm wfljuqr nor It cmerwya *. i%i. Daila.^orker' CnU Port, US A. mtt to this wage-cut proposition. The business agents’ meeting proposed a two-shift week, each shift to work two and a half days. It is char acteristic that these union misleaders are silent about the 6-hour day proposition. It is worth while to figure out v/hat standard of living the union carpenter would get at best under these proposals by the carpenters’ so called “union leaders.” Building Is seasonal work, and, according to the figures of the U. S. department of labor, released at the height of the building boom, the average a building trade worker put in was 34 W’eeks in a year. Now let us figure it out at best, Thirteen dollars and twenty cents a day, 2% days a week, makes $33 a working week; $33 for 34 weeks during the year makes a total of $1,122 a year in wages; divide it on the 52 weeks in the year, it makes $21.65 a week wage Income—which means to live below the stand ard of living as recognized even by the depart ment of labor And this is the best interpreta tion, not the actual probability. A Policy Which Means More Starvation. In the real estate section of the N. Y. Times, Nov. 22, 1931, there Is a column of publicity on the arguments presented by the Employers’ As sociation: “Organized efforts to effect wage-cuts in all branches ol the industry have culminated in the proposals from the Building Trades Em ployers’ Association to the labor organizations, etc. — “Among the arguments presented, according to Christian, G. Norman, of the Building Trades Employers’ Association, were the lower prices prevailing in building materials, rent and corn- relief under the leadership of their Committee of Action. In Toivola, a mass meeting of farm ers held on Nov. 15, drew up a list of demands and instructed a Committee of Action to present these demands to the next meeting of rthe Houghton County supervisors. In Mountrail County, No. Dakota, where the fanners are actually famine-stricken, a meeting of the county commissioners on Oct. 6 found the town filled with farmers who came to demon strate for relief at the call of the United Farm ers League. In Plenty wood. Montana, 1,000 farmers came in trucks from three counties for a meeting called by the United Farmers League to expose the fake relief measures of the local Red Cross. They paraded in the Sheridan County court-house, and at the head of this parade there were carried two red flags. In Avondale, local bankers and business men are so frightened by the response to meetings called by the United Farmers League that they are taking measures to prevent the U. F. L. from securing a hall for its meetings. These are but a few indications of the rising revolutionary temper of the small and middle farmers. Where the United Farmers League and the Agrarian Depts. of the Party districts are functioning, these actions are organizationally being turned into account. What splendid re sults might we not have achieved had the U. F. L. or the Party been present last year in Eng land, Ark., and Henryetta, Okla., and in lowa recently when the poor dairy farmers of that state put up actual armed resistance to the militia sent to enforce the Tuberculin Test which killed their cows without compensation? All of these Incidents call for a more active and concrete approach by the Party districts to work among the poor farmers. Every district must establish a functioning Agrarian Dept., ■whose job it is to build (according to the char acter of agriculture in the district) trade union organization of agricultural wage workers, ten ants’ leagues, croppers' unions, or Committees of Action of small and middle fairness aeoojsd aBBS? anecifie daaandr ee BtoBW ...... snmuuiri'HMi lunst By mall everywhere; One year, »«; six months, M; twe ssewCha, 111 eweepttng Ratwaiha of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year. 1$; six months, It.St, modifies generally, possible increases in con siruction which might take place with wage re visions, and unequal competition faced by those paying the regular scale from builders able to obtain workers at lower rates.” The lower prices prevailing in building ma terials have served well the interest of these big shots from the Employers’ Association to pile more profits into their pockets. In spite of the general crisis, in spite of their cry about the high prevailing rates of union wages, the finan cial section of the N. Y. Times, June 11, report* for the Thompson Starrett Co. for the year ended April 23, 1931, net profits for the fiscal year higher than in the previous years. It is a net sum of $1,785,703. Similar are the reports in the Moody investment records for the Fuller Co. and the others of these btg shots. In order to fool the building trades workers they are making the careful statement that a revision in wages (wage-cut) might possibly bring increases in construction. (Possibly! Our union officials seem to be more shameful fakers to tell us that an adjustment at working condi tions with the Building Employers’ Association will stimulate construction.) The real facts are that these big shots who control the policies of this employers’associa tion have in their interest the discouragement and elimination of building construction. Let us look at some of these big builders who are the controlling factors In the employers’ asso ciation. The Manhattan Leasing Co. in years past built blocks of great apartment houses in all sec tions of Manhattan and the Bronx, sold them on easy payments by financing the first, second and third mortgages. Now in this crisis they get these same houses back by the hundreds by foreclosures and become the greatest land lords In Greater New York. As builders of new houses, they confine themselves to an Insignifi cant number in the Bronx. But their main at tention is concentrated on the alteration work in the foreclosed apartment houses. This work is, by the way, done by non-union labor, be cause our officials did not encourage the or ganization of the unorganized In the building trades. Now, as landlords, this company has surely no interest in encouraging building construction while many of the apartment* in the hundreds of the houses they acquired are vacant. The liabilities and circulation capital of Thompson Starrett and the others of their kind (as stated in the Moody’s Investments Informa tion), proves that there are at present more landlords and rent collectors than promoters of new construction in New York and vicinity. And these big shots have a good, substantial in terest in banking institutions. To what an extent this limitation of new building construction is actually going on in Manhattan Borough Is proven in the following announcement made by Samuel Fassler, superin tendent of buildings, an Dec. 3, 1931: “The filed plans for project on new buildings for Manhat tan Borough for the current month is $1,501,100, as compared with $21,662,280 in the same month of 1930,” which means a drop almost to zero. The curtain was raised higher in Brooklyn and Queensboro, where the newspaper* brought to us recently the fact that: “Hie employer*' as sociation, real estate investors and group V of the savings banks associations of New York had a conference in the Williamsburg Saving Bank to consider a three years’ holiday for apart ments and office buildings. "On the basis of statistics on vacancies in apartment and office buildings in the borough, states the report of this conference, it was de cided to discourage the general building of apartment houses and office buildings In Brook lyn and Queens for a period of one year."— (Trues N. Y. Times of Oct 18, 1931.) The above examples show that the interest of these institutions is to discourage building construction In order to safeguard their incomes from rent collecting; for that reason they are interested also to eliminate the elements who are now forced to go or with bmldtag OOWtollD fa osier to mat ... " to**, mto 4R*>-V ' % JOMB A Very Good Idea It Is suggested only for New Tort, but w« *N no reason why other cities where the Unsnv* ployed Councils are organized should not it up—and probably beat New York’s Unero ployed Council. Let’s see what happens: “Dear Comrade Jorge:—l have just been NH by an idea. Will you help me to put It toAi action? It is simply this: “I want to see all members of the Uncwpluyß# Councils get free dental services, which, I stg sure, most of them are in need of. Therefor* I offer my service® to the Unemployed Craned of Greater New York, and call upon all dentist*) who are members or sympathizers of the Oman munist Party to do likewise. • v - ‘‘The unemployed workers must be taken cot* of. Perhaps some Communist physician* nay be able to w6rk out a/plan for free service along similar lines. The unemployed workers cannot afford even the fees of so-called ‘free’ clinics. ... Until such time as other dentists In ot)Mt boroughs come along, I am ready to help mem. bers of the Councils of all boroughs. All I ask is that such workers (and members of their fam- BRING A NOTE SIGNED BY THE SEC RETARY OF THE PARTICULAR COUNCIL HE OR SHE BELONGS TO.—Maximilian Cohen, Dental Surgeon, 638 CarrolJ Street, Brooklyn, 10 a. m. to 8 p. m. except Fridays and Sundays.” Now there’s ah offer that the Unemployed Council ought to tie Into, and which should be matched by other dentists and a doctor or two in every borough. Any of these who don’t know where to register their offer with Unemployed organizations in their neighborhood, should drop a line stating what they can be counted on ft*, to the Unemployed Council of Greater New York, Carl Winter. Secy., 5 East 19th Street, winch we expect will inform the committees in their locality. Sut outside of New York, we think that the plan of such sympathizers and Party mtmbere giving what attention they can to members of the Unemployed Councils should be pushed. Not that It “settles the whole question,” because iti doesn't. Yet it will help some Let’s see wh®s can be done! Mr, Hubbard Is a Liar The Bridgeport, Conn., ’‘Herald” of Nov. 2* was forced to apologize for E. Kent Hubbard, president of the Connecticut Manufacturers' As sociation because Hubbard told a lie about the Putnam strikers. Like the Hoover secret service fairy tale as an "armed invasion” of Washington by the Hun ger Marchers. Hubbard cooked up something to give his fellow bosses the cold slilvers. He said that “a consignment of rifles and machine gum on its way to the strikers was halted in transit.” The “Herald” apologizes for tom by saying he was "misinformed” or "tried to be dramatic.” Hubbard himself says nothing, apologises for nothing. And we want to say that this kind of damn liars is the same kind who themselves are getting rifles and machine guns reedy to shoot down the workers. At the very least, tfc is an incitement' to the watch-dogs of the h-rrnrq the police—to attack the strikers ■>— l mas sacre them. We recall that In the Lawrence strike e# toll, the manufacturers made many chargee of namiting” against the strikers, and them wetto explosions, too. But e short while afterward. Jfc was found out that the head of the bosses’ sodation, a guy named Wood, had hired ger«- sters to do the dynamiting so he oould g onto the strikers. He was indicted for It end committed suicide. Will Mr, Hubbard kkußr follow Mr. Wood’s example? > •. •* —; Some “True Facts" . v . j of the A. F. of L. The “Cleveland Federattoturt,” the guunTufl sheet which the American Federation of Laba* is responsible for in Cleveland, Ohio, is running a series of articles entitled "True Facts of Com munism,” as distinguished, perhaps, from “falas facts” if you ever heard of such “facts." More brazen lying was seldom Indulged in. Take, for example, the following: "Communism has robbed the Bnsslsn of everything that makes life easy, comfortable and pleasant.” The Czar, far example, who slaughtered 3,000 workers in front of his winter Palace in 81 Petersburg on January 9, 1905, when they cams humbly and respectfully bearing pictures of the Czar and the so-called Holy Croat to petition the “Little Father” to make their honors glvw them a little more bread. Life was so "eosyi comfortable and pleasant" then! And now took at it! No Czar, no capitalist, no landlord! How in the devil can workers and farmers be riffg without paying rent to a landlord? Then look at this from the “True Facia", “Russia a hundred years age had a greater prosperity than it has today, in iwissiiMigf. in*, import and export.” That, we’ll say, about takes the hand-pafcstsd prize. To what an extent these lickspittles cd the American bosses in the ranks of the A. A of L. go in trying to sidetrack the workers’ at tention from the “prosperity” they are right now enjoying, the “easy, oomfortable and ples*> ant” time they are enduring right here I* to* capitalist country of the United States! Incidentally, this same “Cleveland Fedasnttow -Ist” carries advertisements, paid for, of scab scab hotels, scab laundries, scab clotbsa and what have you. And under its name plate tt ewe rles: “Local Advocate of the American Fedsro tlan of Labor.” Cleveland workers ot tha A. F. of L., why don’t you march down la rums to Hw office of these liars and do a little ei—niwg -a *•• • • : They Support Each Other: And no must V*. What we refer to is the way the officers of the former “enemy nations,” Germany and ore being toured around America now by Ameri can Legionnaires, end banqueted. A ptetaa* to the Philadelphia Bulletin of Nor. 11. shows on ex-German lieutenant, an American Anay eon tain who Is still in sendoe, an Austrian one officers and an ex-officer of the Cf. 8. Nary aB cuddled up together. Now, workers, them fel** lows are getting together against YOU. Some ctf these days there will be a revolution In Germany and on these fascists will tell you toot you bo* unmet* the German wctfcgi hr tbstr flgtak tor • Sari* Germany. Bat «hnr «« m to.