Newspaper Page Text
EDITED BY , WM. M. OVERTON AND CH. MAURICE SMITH. CITY OF WASHINGTON'. OCTOBER 5, 1853. , IS THKUK A COAL1TIOS 5 ?A MAL1U MAST 8CGOB8TIO*. An apology is. perhaps, due to our readers for writing so frequently on the subject of York polities: but every one who glances at the press of t!ic country will see that it is the Trent t-?pie of interest. Local at lirsi, it has at K-ngth assumed a general character. It is the Treat " Aaron's rod that swallows up all other rods." Every effort that combined malignity and ingenuity can devise is called into requisition to throw the onus of those divisions on the party who.?e great chief is thai pure and aide patriot, Dauiel S. DickinsoA. Unsoundness on the subject of southern institutions is indirectly charged on them, when their record in that re gard is unsullied by a heresy and unstained by a treason. A factious disposition to break up our national democratic organization is unquali fiedly assumed as ground of complaint against them, when they are the very men who all along have maintained the strictest and purest organization. Hostility to the President is alleged against then), when they did all that true democrats eould do to elevate him to the high office which he occupies ; and who since that time have heartily and undeviatingly sustained his administration. The last and the feeblest charge against them is, that they are seeking to form a coalition with the whigs. Various circumstances are re lied on to make this charge good, not one of which is entitled to a feather's weight. What is the meaning of this last allegation? Doe3 it mean that Mr. Dickinson and those who act with him. are not sound democrats ? If so, it is too absurd for notice. Or. is it meant that he and his friends are seeking a temporary alliance with whigs, in order to achieve success in the coming contest? If so, there is not one jot or tittle of evidence to prove it. Mere ru mors and newspaper squibs are cited. Yet those very rumors and squibs go no further than to suggest that the whigs have it in con templation to vote in the coming election with, the national democrats, whose Stale policy is more suited to their view-!, than that of the free-soil and Seward parties. A few words will place this whole matter beyond all cavil. Does this charge mean that the national de mocracy of New York have surrendered one single principle? No. Does it mean that they intend going over to their old adversaries, the whigs ? No. D is not attempted to be shown that they contemplate supporting a whig plat form and a whig ticket. They have a platform and a ticket of their own. They were adopted at Svracuse. There is no element of whiggery in their platform. No attempt, either open or disguised, was made in their convention to ally themselves with whigs. They acted in good faith. They are true, honest, unflinching dem ocrats. If any attempt to effect a union has been made, it has not been made by the democrats. If the whigs agree in the State policy of the old line democracy, and dissent from the State policy of the seceding * ing, the free-soilers, it is not unlikely that they will support the ticket of the former. By so doing they would no more nnwhig themselves than they would by voting with the democrats on a question of adjourn ment. or on a resolution to apjK>int a day of thanksgiving. Jf tli whigs, not from any political sympathy or affiliation with the tational democrats?not from any manner of agreement in respect to federal politics?for here they are as far asun der as the poles?but from motives of State policy, choose to vote their ticket, are the latter to drive them off? Are they to say we do not u sire yonr help? Ifthe result which is contemplated should take pV.ce. aul the national whigs, choosing between what they regard as two evils, should support lL > true democratic ticket, it will involve no Beverar.ee of party ties: it will involve no aban donment of party principles. It is in vain for Miy man or any press to argue to the contrary. As well might the President be charged with whig proclivities because thousands of national whig? preferred him to General Scott. The pood sense of the country will not thus be trifled with. To show the impotent malice and the abso lute folly of this effort to cast suspicion on that noble band of New York democrats who have always battled for their party and their country, by insinuating or asserting that they are court ing alliance with the whigs, it is only necessary to refer to two things. l*irst. J he resolutions introduces! into, the "old men's Whig General committee of New York." These resolution* distinctly announce whig principles. They also contain vehement and violent denunciations of the administration. Secondly. The resolutions of the national democrats, adopted at Svracuse, contain the Tory essence, and breathe the very spirit of true national democracy. They also express the ut most devotion to the President, and unbounded confidence in his political integrity. Then, is it not ridiculous to talk about a coalition between the tsro partirs? It is sim ply absurd. But this subject present s itself in another as pect. Suppose tin.- democratic party of New York to be divided into two parties, the " free soilers," and the "national democrats." Sup pose the whigs to be divided in a similar man ner. Suppose the uational whigs to be weaker than their free-soil adversaries, and. consequent ly to have l>efore them the certainty of defeat? would it be wonderful, would it be criminal, if retaining all their whig principles and tenets, they should to strangle that monster free-soil ism, rote for the ticket of the national democra cy, and that only in a purely State election. We know nothing of such a plan as that we hare juSfc mentioned.aud which has metwithsucb prompt and indignant denunciation. There is no evidence whatever of if. We do not be lieve it is a plan at all, But we take the bull br the horns, and boldly a*4 honestly assert, if there be such a plan, with our understanding of it, there is neither treason nor criminality in it. They cannot say to men who talieve them | more honest than their adversaries?you shall | uot vote our ticket even in a State election. Thev have a right to vote as they please. These groundless complaints of a coalition come with a good grace, indeed, from the free soilers who, in erecting the Buffalo platform, and fiipjHirting the nominees of that con vention, severed every party tie, repudiated every party principle, and strangled every hon est sympathy. To relieve themselves from odium, they attempt to cast it on others, and with characteristic audacity thcv cite them selves as authority, and rely on testimony that they had fabricated for the occasion. That evidence is inadmissible, aud can have no fur ther weight with the public than to prove a de liberate and matured purpose to commit vio lence and treason. MR. CALHOUN'S LETTER TO MR. KINCi. We pubiish this morning the celebrated let ter which Mr. Calhoun, when Secretary of State, addressed to the late Mr. King, then minister to France. We have received many communications from the South and west, and some from the north, asking for copies of this letter; and we have thought it best to republish the letter itself, and to ask our readers to give it a candid and attentive perusal. When Mr. Calhoun's letter to Mr. King was first published, the temper of the public mind at the north was such that it could not command that impartial consideration to which it was so eminently entitled. But now the condition of things has been altered; and under democratic auspices a sound national feeling pervades the country, which will give to the words of the great Carolina statesman a fairer consideration thau thev have hitherto commanded. In our fir>t issue we mentioned the hostility which England bore to this country; and we specified the means she has employed to make that hostility elfective. We also mentioned in our article on "foreign relations," that slavery was one of the principal sources of our great commercial power. The reader will find that our views in this regard are fully sustained by Mr. Calhoun ; and that the whole subject is presented in that close condensed logic which was so eminently characteristic of one of the ablest and purest men that the republic can borfW of. We know full well that bitter and violent pre judices exist towards Mr. Calhoun in many quarters of the country. But the knowledge of those things cannot deter us from doing justice to one whose name we never hear mentioned without a feeling of reverence. It was our privi lege to know Mr. Calhoun in our early youth ; and from that time to his death. His kindness and frankness and affability to young men is known to the whole country. To us he was alwavs kind, and frank and affable ; and while we differed with some of his views we were al ways impressed with the upright purity of the statesman aud the noble aud generous senti ments of the man. When we heard the bells tolling that an nounced that John C. Calhoun was no longer among the living, we felt as if some heavy ca lamity had l>efallen the country; and the na tion which had never done him justice heard in those tolling bells a voice that spoke of injus tice and ingratitude. We publish to-day his letter to Mr. King. Tt was written when the great question before us, and before the world, was the annexation of Texas. It gives, in the terse and graphic lan guage peculiar to its author, a clear exposition of the motives that actuated England in her crusade against slavery, and of the power we derive from the institution of slavery. It was written eight years ago; but yet its deep phi losophy is as applicable now ns it was applica ble then. We again commend it to our read ers, as well because of its powerful sentences as for the reverence we feel for the noble patriot who penned it. Calhoun went first; Clay and Webster fol lowed him to that bourne from whence no tra veller returns. These are names which no true son of the republic will mention without respect. Peace be to their ashes. They were faithful in their generation; and succeeding generations will do them justice, or 1k> faithless to them selves. The names of the great are a legacy; and their exaniplp an inheritance richer than jewels and gold. Press of the Country has pone rally welcomed our advent into the editorial family with marked kindness and cordiality. We value, beyond measure, the high compli ments that have literally been showered on us. We are gratified to be able to sav that but two or three deviations from this kindly tone have fallen under our eye. These we will bear with out complaint. Yet we are not conscious of having failed in courtesy towards any of our brethren of the Press. We are curtail) that we have done injustice to none. From our heart we wish that abundant success may crown their labors and reward the hourly sacrifices of pleasure and of fttaUiitf fo which their profes sion subjects them. Jt is pleasant to be on pood terms with the numerous journals that daily come to us?to see in them the cviderjccs of fellowship and good feeling. It may seem invidious to distinguish where ] all have been so kind, but we cannot forbear from expressing to the gentleman who conducts the liichiKbrjl )\rhi'/, our sense of his lil>eral and friendly course towacdji i)a. He has the good sense to see and the pood heart to hiui tb#t political differences should not interfere with privftt* friendship pr arrest a pleasant inter change of editorial courtesies. HOB. N1HK WALSH. We are gratified to learn, by advice# from New York, that this gentleman is in a fair wav of recovering from his recent accident. It had b?*n feared that his injuries were of a nature so serious as would forbid his attendance at the next meeting of Congress, uu<] we now re joice, with his numerous friends ail over the country, at the prospect of his pretence here, vindicating with his eloouence and ability the great catue of the national democracy, The services of such a man could illy be spared at this juncture. Late accounts from Texas state that lh<? Mexican troops are thronging the Kio Grande, aii/J that the quartermaster has received orders to prepare Imrra^/Jfs aijd subsistence for 10.000 1". 8. troops at Matagorda THE PACIFIC RAILROAD. It is a generally-conceded democratic doc trine that the general government haa no power " to build a road from the Mississippi Valley to the Pacific, regardless of the rights and juris diction of the States." In this connexion, may we ask: 1st lias the government a right to build the road through a territory for national purposes when national necessities do not demand it ? 2d. Has the government a right to build such a road through a territory for local pur poses in advance of the settlement of that ter ritory, and, consequently, without consulting the wishes and interests of those who may be come its inhabitants? 3d. Would it square honestly with the ad mitted doctrines Of the democratic party to advocate the building of Mi.* great road through our territories, upon the plea that it is neces sary ai a u military defence." Now, we believe that this road can be built, and will be built, in less time and with more general and universal satisfaction by the co operation of the States ar.d individuals. The experience derived from the past proves the utter inability and inefficiency of the general government in completing a great work of in ternal improvement, to say nothing of the dan ger of exercising that power. The great Cum berland road was for thirty-six years a constant drain upon the treasury, and but little more than half is finished ; and Congress has been, and is now and will be for years, pressed down with all sorts of claims from people along its line, and contractors, which, if entertained, would materially diminish our surplus revenue. Let the government keep within constitutional limits, and the people will see to take care of themselves. ' The National Democrat which has embark ed with great earnestness, and not less ability, in the New York canvass, presents its readers with the following choice extracts from the speeches of some of the free-soil leaders in New York: The Free-soil Harmonist*. " The impudent leaders who have pot up a liogus ticket for the purpose of defeating the regularly nominated true democratic ticket, exhibit n want of principle only peculiar to themselves. 4i In lv|s. um6ng hundreds of like assertions, John Van Buren solemnly declared. 'If Ievercast u vote for slavery, may I die forsaken of man, and accursed by God.' '?John Cochrane, the man who now speaks by 'authority,' then declared that 'the Opposers of the Wilmot proviso should be gibbeted here and damned hereafter.' '?Martin Grover, on the soft ticket for Attorney General, then said, 4 If I were asked to endorse the 10th section of the fugitive slave law, under any hocus-pocus operation whatever, I would never consent to it. I had rather associate with a thief than with a compromise-sustaining dough-face.' 4- In 1853. how is it with these selfsame political ingrates? Why, Van Buren, Cochrane. Grover, and all. hurrah for the fugitive slave law; and Cochrane said at Syracuse, that they all came there to endorse it!" 0@T*Thk Richmond Times calls our atten tion to an article which we copied from the X. V. National Democrat a few days since, and savs, " we are unwilling to believe that the Editors of the Sentinel wish to be understood as endorsing the language of the New York paper." We assure the Editor of the Times that we would endorse nothing that touched his charac ter or implicated his honor. Editorial courtesy would forbid so wanton and unprovoked an ag gression. We but copied an article which con tained a specific reference to the Times, whilst it applied to the whig press generally the terms that the Times complains of. B?^?With reference to the American Japan expedition, we find the following in the Weser Gazette: '? It is stated that the Russian government has resolved to resist the attempts of the Americans against Japan, and that the Russian squadron which recently sailed for those seas was intend ed for that purj>ose. The Russian government has sent for Professor Siebold, who resides on the bank of the Rhine, to obtain from him every information relative to Japan, and as to the best means to be adopted to defeat the attempts of the United States. M. Siebyld js well ac quainted with Japan, having resided there many years. The I hitch government is said to be pleased with this determination of the cabi net of St. Petersburg, as the Americans also threaten the Dutch archipelago, nnd us, morc over, the English press express themselves in favor of the Americans, and have lately begun to throw discredit on the Dutch rule in the East Indies.1'?N. Y. Herald. Will there be >Var in Huropc ! There seems to be a settled opinion in this country that Russia will maintain the stand she has taken, and that -the Sultan being unable to restrain the enthusiasm of his infidel subjects, the Turks will precipitate a war. We do not think so. The pear of the Hellespont is not yet ri |?o enough to fall into the mouth of Russia; and too many other hungry mouths arc opened for the Fume delicate morsel. The Emperor may refuse to accept tJjo Sultan's modifications of the Vienna note, but still these will remain a hundred ways for wily European diplomacy to wriggle itself out of the entanglement. Our London papers are to the 16th ult., but the Times or th? 17th, as we learn by telegraph from London to Liverpool, asserted th>;re was no reason to donbt that Turkey woulci in sub stance yet accept the note as originally drawn up at Vienna, by the representatives of the four great powers. There is always an "if" ora "but'; hir itase representatives to use as a knot hole, through which to cre^p. It is not the interest of any European power?Russia in. eluded?to go to war; either of them would gain [i loss bv the experiment. Peace is their policy: w#i ??<?jr fuin. and the unehainer of all the democratic hopes and lejju^licnn aspira tions which have lx>en imprisoned ttn past. A general war between European crowned heads would be the signal for Kossuth, Mazzini, nnd the other leaders in the cause of jnan'f emancipation to re-appear on the stage of action. 'I he loiyh cjf Cossack may set Enrope in a blaze, but though the Nant s >ril} arise, the spirit of democracy, soaring aloft, over the funeral pyre of despotism. Neither of the n??- Cfnt tiowers of Europe in our opinion danJ a9 wwar at prison*, pnd there are potent reasons to keep fhem of the snme mimi fpi % Jong time to come. line Hoi-Kef).?'Hut Pijfsbufg papers say that among all the horses at the Pennsylvania fa if thp span exhibited by Mr. J. Morgan, of Washington county, was the first. In build, si*e. and move ments. they were certainly the best naes on tin ground. They drew the second premium; they should have had the first and no mistake. ! extraordinary I'.et.?A son of Mr. Jamp* f'p bert, shout 13 years of age, caught in the Dela ware river, on Saturday last, an eel measuring in length three feet three inches, nine inches in cir cumference, and weighing si* pounds. The little firllow had unite a fight with his eelship before he succeeded in capturing him.? frniton 0affile, IHore tStrong Minded Women.?Four young girls were arrested on Saturday, stealing dry Kood* from a store on Columbia st. They were sent to the Penitentiary for fiO days,?JV. Y. Bv* A MR. CALHOUN TO MR. KING. Department of State, Washington, August 12, 1844. Sir: 1 have laid your despatch No. 1 before the President, who instructs me to make known to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assur ance of friendly teelings towards the United States. The President in particular highly aj> pieciates the declaration of the King, that in no event would any steps be taken by his gov ernment in the slightest degree hostile, or which would give to the United States just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact that our previous information was calcu lated to make the impression that the govern ment of France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the an nexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her government to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from your despatch that the information, as far as it relates to France, is, in all probability, without foundation. You did not go further than you ought in assuring the Kiug that the object of annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the American people were in its favor, and that it would certainly be annexed ut no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period. Every day will tend to weaken that combination of po litical causes which led to the opposition of the measure, and to' strengthen the conviction that it was not only expedient, but just and neces sary. You were right in making the distinction between the interest of France and England in reference to Texas?or rather, 1 would say, the apparent interests of the two countries. France cannot possibly have any other than commer cial interest iu desiring to see her preserve her separate independence ; while it is certain that England looks beyond, to political interests, to which she apparently attaches much impor tance. But, in our opinion, the interest of both against the measure is more apparent than real; and that neither France, England, nor even Mexico herself, has any in opposition to it, when the subject is fairly viewed and considered in its whole extent and in all its bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace, the extension of commerce, and se curity, are objects of primary policy with them, it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown that the policy on the part of those powers which would acquiesce in a measure so strongly de sired by both the United States and Texas, for their mutual welfare and safety, as the annexa tion of the latter to the former, would be far more promotive of these great objects than that which would attempt to resist it. It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the long, artificial, and inconvenient lino which di vides them, and then to take into consideration the extraordinary increase of population and growth of the former, and the source from which the latter must derive its inhabitants, in stitutions, and laws, without coming to the con clusion that it is their destiny to be united, and, of counfe, that annexation is merely a question of time and mode. Thus regarded, the question to be decided would seem to be, whether it would not be better to permit it to be done now, with the mutual consent of both parties, and the acquiescence ol these powers than to attempt to resist and defeat it. If the former course be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preser vation of peace, great extension of commerce by the rapid settlement and improvomfcnt of Texas, and increased security, especially to Mexico. The last, in reference to Mexico, may be douoted: but I hold it not less clear than the other two. It would In? u great mistake to suppose that this government has any hostile feelings to wards Mexico, or any disposition to aggrandize itself at her expense. The fact is the very re verse. It wishes her well, and desires to see her set tled down in peace and security; and is pre pared, in the event of the annexation of Texas, if not forced into conflict with her, to propose to settle with her the question of boundary, and all others growing out of the annexation, on the most liberal terms. Nature herself has clearly marked the boundary between her and Texas by natural limits too strong to be mis taken. There are few countries whose limits are so distinctly marked; and it would be our desire, if Texas should be united to us, to rcc them firmly established, as the most certain means of establishing permanent peace between the two CQi)il trips, and strengthening and ce menting their friendship. 8uuk would be the certain consequence of permitting the annexa tion to take place now, with the acquiescence of Mexico : but very different would be the case if it should be attempted to resist and defeat it, whether the attempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attempt of the kind would, not improbably, lead to a conflict be tween us and Mexico, and involve consequences* in reference to her and the general peace, long to lie deplored oil ?U sides, and difficult to be repaired. But should that no*, be the case, and the interference of another power defeat the an nfxfttiou for the prcsem, without the interrup tion of peace, it would ljut postpone the conflict, and render it more fierce and bloody whenever it might occur. Its defeat would be attributed to enmity and ambition on the part of that power by whose interference it was occasioned, and excite deep jealousy and resentment on the part of qur pepnle, who would l>e ready to seize the first favorable opportunity tp effect Ijy force, what was prevented from being done peaceably by mutual consent. It is not difficult to see how greatlv such a conflict, come when it might, would endanger the general peace, and how much Mexico might be the loser by it. Jn the mean time, the condition of Texas would be rendered uncertain, her settlement and prosperity in consequence retarded, and her commerce crippled, while the general peace would be rendered much more insecure. It could n/>t but greatly affect us. If the annexa tion of Texas should be permitted to lake place peaceably now, (as it would, without the inter ference of other powers,) the energies of our people would, for a long time to come, be di rected to the peaceable pursuits of redeeming, rind bringing within the pale of cultivation, im provements, ana civilization, tjiatlarge portion of the continent lying between Mexico 6n one side, and the British possessions on the other, which is now, with little exception, a wilderness with a sparse population, consisting, for the most putt, of iv#nd(,^ng Indian tribes. It is our destiny to occupy that vast fusion ; to intersect it witfi roads and canals; to fill it with cities, towns, villages, and farms; to ex tend over it our religion, customs, constitution, and laws ; and to present it as a peaceful and splendid addition to the domains of commerce and civilization. It Is our policy to increase, by growing and spreading out into unoccupied regions, assimilating all we incorporate: in a won!, to increase by accretion, and not, through conquest, py tjio pddition of masses held to gether by the cohesion ot force, w o nymum c&n f>e more unstated to the latter process, or l>etter adapted to the former, than our admirable fed eral system. If it should not be resisted in its course, it will probably fulfil its destiny without disturbing ourneighl>ors, or putting in'jeopavdy the general peace; but if it be opposed by for eign interference, a new direction would be given to our energy, much less favorable to narrjionv with our neighbors, and to the gene ral pea^e of the wotld, The change would l>e undesirable to ns, and much less in accordance with what I have as sumed to be primary objects of policy on the part of France, England and Mexico. But, to d*tc?nd to particulars : it is certain that while England, l!lc,o France, desires the independence of Texas^ with the view to com mercial connexions, it is not less so, that one I of the leading motives of England for desiring it, is the hope that, through her diplomacy and influence, negro slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by consequence, in the United States, and throughout the whole of this conti nent. That its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent is an object ardently de sired by her, we have decisive proof in the de claration of the Karl of Aberdeen delivered to this department, and of which you will find a copy among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texan treaty. That she de sires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this department with Mr. Pakenham, also to be found among the documents, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one of the objects of abolishi-ng it there is to facilitate its abolition in the United States, and throughout the con tinent, is manifest from the declaration of the abolition party and societies, both in this coun try nnd in England. In fact, there is good reason to believe that the scheme of abolishing it in Texas, with the view to its abolition in the United States and over the continent, orig inated with the prominent members of the par ty in the United States; and was first broach ed by them in the (so called) World's Conven tion, held in London in the year 1810, and through its agency brought to the notice of the British government. Now, 1 hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme, which England Iiojkjs to accom plish through Texas, if she can defeat the an nexation ; but that her interest, and those of all the continental powers of Europe, are di rectly and deeply opposed to it. It is too late in the day to contend that hu manity or philanthropy is the great object of the policy of England in attempting to abolish African slavery on this continent. I do not question but humanity may have been one of her leading motives for the abolition of the African slave-trade, and that it may have had a considerable influence in abolishing slavery in her West India possessions?aided, indeed, by the fallacious calculation that the labor of the negroes would be at least as profitable, if not more so, in consequence of the measure. She acted on the principle that tropical pro ducts can be produced cheaper by free African labor and East India labor, than by slave labor.* She knew full well the value of such products to her commerce, navigation, navy, manufac tures, revenue, and power. She was not ig norant that the support, and the maintenance of her political preponderance depended on her tropical possessions, and had no intention of diminishing their productiveness, nor any an ticipation that such would be the effect, when the scheme of abolishing slavery in her colo nial possessions was adopted. On the contrary, she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with faiuvti- i cisnt. Experience has convinced her of the fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in all her objects. The labor of her negroes has proved far less productive, without affording j the consolation of having improved their con dition. The experiment has turned out to be a cost- j ly one. .She expended nearly one hundred mil- j lions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated slaves. It is estimated that the increased price paid since, by the people of Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical pro ductions, iu consequence of the measure, is equal to half that sum ; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the slave trade; making, together, two hun dred and fifty millions of dollars as the cost of the experiment. Instead of realizing her hope, the result has been a sad disappointment. Her tropical products have fallen oft' to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her owu wants ! and those of nearly all Europe with them, as I formerly, she has now, in some of the most im- I portant articles, scarcely enough to supply her own. What is worse, her own colonies are actually consuming sugar produced by slave labor, brought direct to England, or refined in bond, and exported and sold in her eolonioa nn i cheap or cheaper than they can be produced there : while the slave trade, instead of diminish- i iug, has been in fact carried on to a greater ! extent than ever. So disastrous has been the result, that her fixed capital vested in tropical ! possessions, estimated at the value of nearly five hundred millions of dollars, is said to stand , on the brink of ruin. But this is not the worst. While this costlv scheme has had such ruinous effects on tlip tropical productions of Great Britain, it has given a powerful stimulus, followed by a cor responding increase of products, to those conn tries which have had the good sense to shun her example. There has been vested, it is es timated by them, in tqe production of tropical products, since 1808, in fixed capital, nearly $ 1,000,000,000, wholly dependent on slave labor. In the same period, the value of their products has been estimated to have risen from about $72,000,000 annually, to nearly $220,000,000; while th'p whqlp pf "t|?e fixed capital of Great Britain, vested in cultivating tropical products, both in the East and West Indies, is estimated at only about $830,000,000, and the value of the products annually at about $50,000,000. Toprp: sent a still more striking yiewof three articles of tropical products,(sugar, coffee, and cotton,) the British possessions, including the West and East Indies, i>nd Mauritius, produced, in 1842,of sugar only 3,993,771 pounds, while Cuba, Bra zil, and the United States, excluding other countries having tropical possessions, produced 9,600,000 pounds; of coffee, the British pos sessions produced only 27,303,003, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201,590,125 pounds; and of potton, the Britjsh possessions, including shipments to China, only 137,443,140 pounds, while the United States alone produced 7'JO, 479,275 pounds. The above facts and estimates have all been drawn from a British ]>eriodical of high stand ing and authority,* and arc believed to be en titled to credjt, This vast increase of the capital and produc tion on ihe part of those nations, who have continued their former policy towards the ne gro race, compared with that of Great Britain, indicates a corresponding relative increase of the means of commerce, navigation, manufac tures, wealth, and power. It is no longer a question of doubt, that the great Rource of the wealth, prosperity and j?ower of the more civi lized nations of the temperate zone, (especially Europe, whejre the qrts have made the greatest advance,) depends, in a great degree, on the exchange of thvir products with those of the j tropical regions. So great has been the ad vance made in the arts, both chemical and me chanical, within the few last generations, tjiat all the old civilized nations Can, with but a small part of their labor ami capital, supply their respective wants; which tends to limit within narrow bounds the amount of the com merce between them, and forces them all to seek for markets in the tropical regions, nnd the more newly settled portions of the globe. Those who can best succeed in commanding those markets, have the best prospect of out strippingthe others in the career of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power. ? This la seen and felt fyy British statesman, nnd has opened their eves to the errors which they have committed. The question now with them is, how shall it be counteracted? What has been done cannot be undone. The ques- 1 tion k, by what me^ns can Ctuit Britain re- | gain nnd Iteep a superiority in tropical cultiva tion, commerce, and influence? Or, shall that , be abandoned, and other nations l?e suffered to acqujre the supremacy, even to the extent of atipplyjng British markets, to the destrue- | tiolr rtf the capital already w ll>?ir prp- 1 duction ? These art* the questions which now profoundly occupy the attention pf her states men, nnd have the greatest influence over her councils. In order to regain her superiority, she not ' RltrkirmKl'i Nicmlm1 for .Inn*, 1*44 j only seeks to revive autl increase her own ca I parity to produce tropical productions, but to 1 diminish and destroy the capacity of those who ! huve so far outstripped her in consequence of her error. In pursuit of the former, she has I owt her eyes to her East India possessions?to I central and eastern Africa?with the view of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the slave trade itself, under the I specious name of transporting free laborers 1 from Africa to her West India possessions, in i order, if possible, lo compete successfully with tho.se who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. But these all afford but uncertain and : distant hopes pf recovering her lost superiority. I Her main reliance is on the other alternative? j to cripple or destroy the productious of her j successful rivals. 'J'liere is but one way by l which it can lie done, and that is by abolishing | African slavery throughout this continent; and j that she openly avows to be the constant ob ject of her policy and exertions. It matters not how, or from what motive, it may be done ?-whether it be by diplomacy, influence, or force; by secret or open means; and whether the motive be humane or selfish, without regard i to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself, ! should it l>e accomplished, would put dowu all ! rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy | in supplying her own wants and those of the rest of the world ; and thereby more than fully I retrieve what she has lost by her errors. It j would give her the monopoly of tropical pro ductions, which 1 shall next proceed to show. What would be the consequence if this ob ject of her unceasing solicitude and exertions should lie effected by the abolition of negro sla very throughout this continent, some idea may be formed from the immense diminution of pro ductious, as has been shown, which has fol lowed abolition in her West India possessions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared to what would be the effect if she should succeed in abolishing slavery in the United States, .Culm, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peaceably, by the steady and firm opera tion of the parent country, armed with com plete power to prevent or crush at once all in surrectionary movements on the part of the ne groes, and able and disposed to maintain to the j full the political and social ascendency of the j former masters over their former slaves. It is j not at all wonderful that the change of the re- 1 lations of master and slave took place, under such circumstances, without violence and blood- i shed, and that order and peace should have | been since preserved. Very different would be the result of abolition, should it be effected by her influence and exertions in the possessions of other countries on this continent?and espe cially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropieal products of America. To form a correct con ception of what would be the result with them, we must look, not to Jamaica, but to St. Do mingo, for example. The change would be followed by unforgiving hate between the two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle between them for the superiority. One or the other would have to be subjugated, extirpated, or expelled; and desolation would overspread their territories, as in St. Domingo, from which it would take centuries to recover. The end would be, that the superiority in cultivating the groat tropical staples would be transferred from them to the British tropical possessions. They are of vast extent, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope possessed of an unlim ited amount of labor, standing ready, by the aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which would be occasioned by destroying the tropical productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other countries cultivated by slave labor on this continent, so soon as the increased price, in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the successful competition of that labor which keeps the prices of the great tropical staples so low, as to prevent their cultivation with profit in the possessions of Great Britain, by what she is pleased to call free labor. If she can destroy its competition, cho wo?W hnvr- n monopoly in those productions. She has all the means of furnishing an unlimited supply; vast and fer tile possessions in both Indies, boundless com mand of capital and labor, and ample power to suppress disturbances, and preserve order throughout her wide domains. It is unquestionable, that she regards'the ab olition of slavery in Texas as a most important st??p towards this great qlyect of policy, so much thp nun of her solicitude and exertions; and the defeat of the annexation of Texas to onr Union as indispensable to the abolition of sla very there. She is too sagacious not to sea. what a fatal blow it would give to slavery in the United States, i\nd how certainly its aboli tion with us would abolish it over the whole continent, and thereby give her a monopoly in the productions of the great tropical staples, and the command of the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of the world, with an estab lished naval ascendency and political prepon derance. To this continent the blow would be calamitous beyond description. It would de stroy, in a great measure, the, cultivation and production of the great tropical staples, amount ing annually in value to nearly $.'500,000,000? the fund which stimulates and upholds almost every oilier branch of its industry, commerce, navigation and manufactures. The whole, by their joint influence, are rapidly spreading pop ulation, wealth, improvement and civilization over the whole continent, and vivifying, by their overflow, the industry of Europe; thereby increasing its population, wealth, and advance ment in the ^rts, in power, and in civilization. Such must be the result, should Great Brit ain succeed in accomplishing tho constant object of her desire and exertions?the aboli tion of negro slavery over this continent: and towards the effecting of which, she regards the defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union so important. Can it be possible that govern ments so enlightened and sagacious as those of France and the other great continental powers, can be so blinded by the plea of philanthropy as not to sec what must inevitably follow, be her motive what it may, should she succeed in her object? It is little short of mockery to talk of philanthropy, with tho examples before us of the effects of abolishing negro slavery in her own colonies, in St. Domingo, and the north ern States of our Union, where statistical facts, not to l>e shaken, prove that the freed negro, after the experience of sixty years, is in a far worse condition than in the other States, where he has been left in his former condition. No: the effect of what is called abolition, where the numl>er is few, is not to raise the inferior race to the condition of freemen, but to deprive the negro of the guardian care of his owner, sub ject to all the depression and oppression lie longing to his inferior condition. Hut, on the other hand, where the number is jrrcat, and bears a large proportion to the whole popula tion, it would be still worse. It would be to substitute for the existing relation a deadly strife between the two races, to end in the sub jection, expulsion, or extirpation of one or the other: and such would be the ease over the greater part of this continent where negro slavery exists. It would not end there; but would in all probability extend, by Its exam file, the war of races over all South America, deluding Mexico, and extending to the Indian as well as to the African race, and make the whole one scene of blood and devastation. Dismissing, then, the stale and unfounded plea of philanthropy, can it be that France and the other great continental powers?seeing what must be the result of the policy, for the accomplishment of which England . is con stantly exerting herself, and that the defeat of the ancxation of Texas is so important towards its consummatJon?are prepared to back or countenance her in her efforts to effect either? What possibly motives can they have to favor ; her cherished policy? Is it not better for them j that they should be supplied with tropical pro ducts in exchange for their labor, from the ' Unit?*d States, Hrazil, Cuba, and this continent [ generally, tlian to be dependent on one great monopolizing power for their supply? Is it not better that they should receive tnein at the low prices which competition, cheaper means of production, and nearness of market, would furnish them by the former, than to give the high prices which monopoly, dear labor, and great distance from market would impose? la it not letter that their labor should be ex changed with a new continent, rapidly increas ing iu population and the capacity for consum ing, and which would furnish, in the course of a few generations, a market nearer to them, and of almost unlimited extent, for the pro ducts of their industry and arts, than with old and distant regions, whose population has long since reached its growth? The above contains those enlarged views of policy which, it seems to me, an enlightened European statesman ought to take, in making up his opinion on the subject of the annexation of Texas, and the grounds, as it maybe in ferred, on which England vainly opposes it. They certainly involve considerations of the deepest importance, and demanding the great est attention. Viewed in connexion with thejn, the question of annexation becomes one of me lirst magnitude, not only to Texus and the Uni ted States, but to this continent and Europe. They are presented that you may use them 011 all suitable occasions, where you think they may be with effect; in your correspondence, where it can be done witli propriety or other wise. The President relies with confidence 011 your sagacity, prudence, and zeal. Your mis sion is one of the first magnitude at all tinges, but especially now; and he .feels assured noth ing will be left undone on your part to do jus tice to the country and the government in ref erence to this great measure. I have said nothing as to our right of treat ing with Texas, without consulting Mexico. You so fully understand the grounds 011 which we rest our right, and are so familiar with all the facts necessary to maintain them, that it was not thought necessary to add anything in reference to it. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. C. CALHOUN. William It. Kino, Esq., &c. From Markell&r'a "Droppings from the Heart." Let'* Sit Down and Talk Together. Let's sit down and talk together Of the things of olden day, When we, like lambkins loosed from tether, Gayly tripp'd along the way. Time has touch'd us both with lightness, Leaving furrows here and there, And tinging with peculiar brightness Silvery threads among our hair. Let's sit down and talk together; Many years away have passed, And lair and lbul has been the weather Since we saw each other last. Many whom we loved are living In a better world than this; And some among 11s still are giving Toil and thought for present bliss. Let's sit down and talk together; Though the flowers of youth are dead. The ferns still grow among the heather, And for us their fragrance shed. Life has thousand blessings in it Even for the aged man ; And Gon has hid in every minute Something wo may wisely scan. Let's sit down and talk together ; Boys we were,?we now are men; We meet awhile, but know not whether We fihall meet to talk again. Parting time has come : how fleetly Speed the moments when their wing* Are fann'd by breathings issuing sweetly From a tongue that never stings ! ("1 ENEKAL. AGENCY.?Taylor & Collins X will prosecute claim* of every description against the government, before the departments or Congress. Procure pensions, bounty lands, extra pay, and arrearages of pay. They will at tend to the buying and selling of real estate, the renting of houses, and a general collecting busi ness. They will also furnish parties at a distance with ??rh information as they may desire from the seat of government. Charges will be moderate'. REFF11E\CKS: Hon. Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War. Hon. Juines C. Dobbin, Secretary of the Navy. Nicholas Calliui, President Board Common Council, General John M. McCalla, Attorney at Law. James II. Caustin. W. C. Kiddell, State Department. Ofliceon F street, immediately opposite Winder's Building, Washington, D. C. Sep ?Cmod&w, OUR HOUSE, BY CHARLES G. THOMPSON, Thirteenth Street, Sep 21?If , RICHMOND, VA SUPERIOR COOKING RANGES.?I offer to the public one of the best cooking ranges ever used. It is known by the name of Rana & Hayes's Elevated Tubular Oven Range. The oven being'elevated always ensures a good draught, ami hakes at the bottom without trouble. All the boilers being set immediately over the fire ensures the boiling. The arrangement for roasting and boiling is jilso very complete. In addition to the cooking arrangements, it is made to answer the purposes of a hot air furnace, affording sufficient heat to warm a room 18 or 20 feet square in cold est weather. Several of these ranges have l>een put up here, nnd can be seen in operation if de sired. All the above ranges are warranted., W. II. HAR ROVER, Opposite Patriotic Rank. 1 have also n new Cooking Stove, to be used with either wood or coal, to which I wish to call particular attention. Its superior Imkingnnd roast ing arrangements are such that it makes it the best cooking stove in market. W. II. H. Sep '21?eod2w (m) BARGAINS, and no Mistakel-Wc have now in store, and receiving daily the most com plete assortment of Stoves that hasever beenofler ed for sale in this market, direct from Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Troy, and Boston. Our stock is too large to mention in detail; suffice it to say we have all the different patterns and latest improved cooking stoves, for wood or coal, com prising in part the following: the William Penn, Triumph Complete, Ray State, Banner, Enchant ress, Complete Cook, Old Dominion, Rlue Ridge, Globe, and numerous others. Also, Church, Store, Chamber, Dining-room, and Parlor Stoves, the latest and most beautiful in this city. To cash or punctual customers wo arc prepared to sell goods in our line at the lowest rate*. We solicit an ex amination, feeling assured that our stock, (which is one of tho largest in the city,) as regards quali ty and low prices, cannot be excelled, if equalled. WOODWARD & GUY, No. 4, north side Penn. av., bet. 10 5: 11th sts. Sep 12-1?Otif G1ENERAI. HOUSE FURNISHING I Store.?The subscriber desires to call the at tention of housekeepers and others to his large and well selected stock of housekeeping articles, em bracing almost everthing deemed requisite in housekeeping, which he is determine'd to sell as low as the samo articles can be purchased in any of the eastern cities. His stock at present consists, in part of? French and English China and Crockery Ware, in dinner. Dessert, Tea, and Toilet Sets. Cut and pressed Glassware. ** Gilt and mahogany frauic Mantel, Pier, and Toilet Glasses, Rronzed iron Hat-racks, Standards. Andirons, Fenders, Cnndelnbras. &c., Shovels and Tongs. Solar Lamps and Girandoles, Hall Lamp*. Plated Tea and Coffee Sets, Castors. Waitcs* ami Tea Trays, Cake Baskets. Covered Dishes, Card Receivers, Candlesticks, Urns, &*c. Stair Rods, Table Cutlery, Japanned Goods. Britannia Ware, block tin Tea and Coffee Urns. Chafing Dishes, Oyster Tureens. Dish Covers, ICgg Rollers, 6cc. Bohemian Glassware, iron framed Dressing Glasses. Terrs Colta Ware. Door Mnts. Baskets, Brushes, Woodware, Cooking Utensils. Jre. With a magnificent collection of Mantle and Table Ornaments and Fancy Articles generally, altogether forming the largest and cheapest as sortment ut House-Furnishing Good* ever offered for sale in this city. C. W BOTELER, Sep 21?2%w0w Iron Uali.