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Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, October 05, 1853, Image 2

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Washington ^tntinel.
EDITED BY ,
WM. M. OVERTON AND CH. MAURICE SMITH.
CITY OF WASHINGTON'.
OCTOBER 5, 1853. ,
IS THKUK A COAL1TIOS 5 ?A MAL1U
MAST 8CGOB8TIO*.
An apology is. perhaps, due to our readers
for writing so frequently on the subject of
York polities: but every one who glances at
the press of t!ic country will see that it is the
Trent t-?pie of interest. Local at lirsi, it has at
K-ngth assumed a general character. It is the
Treat " Aaron's rod that swallows up all other
rods."
Every effort that combined malignity and
ingenuity can devise is called into requisition
to throw the onus of those divisions on the
party who.?e great chief is thai pure and aide
patriot, Dauiel S. DickinsoA. Unsoundness on
the subject of southern institutions is indirectly
charged on them, when their record in that re
gard is unsullied by a heresy and unstained by
a treason. A factious disposition to break up
our national democratic organization is unquali
fiedly assumed as ground of complaint against
them, when they are the very men who all
along have maintained the strictest and purest
organization. Hostility to the President is
alleged against then), when they did all that true
democrats eould do to elevate him to the high
office which he occupies ; and who since that
time have heartily and undeviatingly sustained
his administration.
The last and the feeblest charge against them
is, that they are seeking to form a coalition
with the whigs. Various circumstances are re
lied on to make this charge good, not one of
which is entitled to a feather's weight.
What is the meaning of this last allegation?
Doe3 it mean that Mr. Dickinson and those
who act with him. are not sound democrats ?
If so, it is too absurd for notice. Or. is it meant
that he and his friends are seeking a temporary
alliance with whigs, in order to achieve success
in the coming contest? If so, there is not one
jot or tittle of evidence to prove it. Mere ru
mors and newspaper squibs are cited. Yet
those very rumors and squibs go no further
than to suggest that the whigs have it in con
templation to vote in the coming election with,
the national democrats, whose Stale policy is
more suited to their view-!, than that of the
free-soil and Seward parties. A few words will
place this whole matter beyond all cavil.
Does this charge mean that the national de
mocracy of New York have surrendered one
single principle? No. Does it mean that they
intend going over to their old adversaries, the
whigs ? No. D is not attempted to be shown
that they contemplate supporting a whig plat
form and a whig ticket. They have a platform
and a ticket of their own. They were adopted
at Svracuse. There is no element of whiggery
in their platform. No attempt, either open or
disguised, was made in their convention to ally
themselves with whigs. They acted in good
faith. They are true, honest, unflinching dem
ocrats.
If any attempt to effect a union has been
made, it has not been made by the democrats.
If the whigs agree in the State policy of the
old line democracy, and dissent from the State
policy of the seceding * ing, the free-soilers, it
is not unlikely that they will support the ticket
of the former. By so doing they would no more
nnwhig themselves than they would by voting
with the democrats on a question of adjourn
ment. or on a resolution to apjK>int a day of
thanksgiving.
Jf tli whigs, not from any political sympathy
or affiliation with the tational democrats?not
from any manner of agreement in respect to
federal politics?for here they are as far asun
der as the poles?but from motives of State
policy, choose to vote their ticket, are the
latter to drive them off? Are they to say we
do not u sire yonr help?
Ifthe result which is contemplated should take
pV.ce. aul the national whigs, choosing between
what they regard as two evils, should support
lL > true democratic ticket, it will involve no
Beverar.ee of party ties: it will involve no aban
donment of party principles. It is in vain for
Miy man or any press to argue to the contrary.
As well might the President be charged with
whig proclivities because thousands of national
whig? preferred him to General Scott. The
pood sense of the country will not thus be
trifled with.
To show the impotent malice and the abso
lute folly of this effort to cast suspicion on that
noble band of New York democrats who have
always battled for their party and their country,
by insinuating or asserting that they are court
ing alliance with the whigs, it is only necessary
to refer to two things.
l*irst. J he resolutions introduces! into, the
"old men's Whig General committee of New
York." These resolution* distinctly announce
whig principles. They also contain vehement
and violent denunciations of the administration.
Secondly. The resolutions of the national
democrats, adopted at Svracuse, contain the
Tory essence, and breathe the very spirit of true
national democracy. They also express the ut
most devotion to the President, and unbounded
confidence in his political integrity.
Then, is it not ridiculous to talk about a
coalition between the tsro partirs? It is sim
ply absurd.
But this subject present s itself in another as
pect. Suppose tin.- democratic party of New
York to be divided into two parties, the " free
soilers," and the "national democrats." Sup
pose the whigs to be divided in a similar man
ner. Suppose the uational whigs to be weaker
than their free-soil adversaries, and. consequent
ly to have l>efore them the certainty of defeat?
would it be wonderful, would it be criminal, if
retaining all their whig principles and tenets,
they should to strangle that monster free-soil
ism, rote for the ticket of the national democra
cy, and that only in a purely State election.
We know nothing of such a plan as that we
hare juSfc mentioned.aud which has metwithsucb
prompt and indignant denunciation. There is
no evidence whatever of if. We do not be
lieve it is a plan at all, But we take the bull
br the horns, and boldly a*4 honestly assert,
if there be such a plan, with our understanding
of it, there is neither treason nor criminality in
it. They cannot say to men who talieve them |
more honest than their adversaries?you shall |
uot vote our ticket even in a State election.
Thev have a right to vote as they please.
These groundless complaints of a coalition
come with a good grace, indeed, from the free
soilers who, in erecting the Buffalo platform,
and fiipjHirting the nominees of that con
vention, severed every party tie, repudiated
every party principle, and strangled every hon
est sympathy. To relieve themselves from
odium, they attempt to cast it on others, and
with characteristic audacity thcv cite them
selves as authority, and rely on testimony that
they had fabricated for the occasion. That
evidence is inadmissible, aud can have no fur
ther weight with the public than to prove a de
liberate and matured purpose to commit vio
lence and treason.
MR. CALHOUN'S LETTER TO MR. KINCi.
We pubiish this morning the celebrated let
ter which Mr. Calhoun, when Secretary of State,
addressed to the late Mr. King, then minister
to France.
We have received many communications from
the South and west, and some from the north,
asking for copies of this letter; and we have
thought it best to republish the letter itself,
and to ask our readers to give it a candid and
attentive perusal.
When Mr. Calhoun's letter to Mr. King was
first published, the temper of the public mind at
the north was such that it could not command
that impartial consideration to which it was so
eminently entitled. But now the condition of
things has been altered; and under democratic
auspices a sound national feeling pervades the
country, which will give to the words of the
great Carolina statesman a fairer consideration
thau thev have hitherto commanded.
In our fir>t issue we mentioned the hostility
which England bore to this country; and we
specified the means she has employed to make
that hostility elfective. We also mentioned in
our article on "foreign relations," that slavery
was one of the principal sources of our great
commercial power.
The reader will find that our views in this
regard are fully sustained by Mr. Calhoun ; and
that the whole subject is presented in that
close condensed logic which was so eminently
characteristic of one of the ablest and purest
men that the republic can borfW of.
We know full well that bitter and violent pre
judices exist towards Mr. Calhoun in many
quarters of the country. But the knowledge of
those things cannot deter us from doing justice
to one whose name we never hear mentioned
without a feeling of reverence. It was our privi
lege to know Mr. Calhoun in our early youth ;
and from that time to his death. His kindness
and frankness and affability to young men is
known to the whole country. To us he was
alwavs kind, and frank and affable ; and while
we differed with some of his views we were al
ways impressed with the upright purity of the
statesman aud the noble aud generous senti
ments of the man.
When we heard the bells tolling that an
nounced that John C. Calhoun was no longer
among the living, we felt as if some heavy ca
lamity had l>efallen the country; and the na
tion which had never done him justice heard in
those tolling bells a voice that spoke of injus
tice and ingratitude.
We publish to-day his letter to Mr. King. Tt
was written when the great question before us,
and before the world, was the annexation of
Texas. It gives, in the terse and graphic lan
guage peculiar to its author, a clear exposition
of the motives that actuated England in her
crusade against slavery, and of the power we
derive from the institution of slavery. It was
written eight years ago; but yet its deep phi
losophy is as applicable now ns it was applica
ble then. We again commend it to our read
ers, as well because of its powerful sentences as
for the reverence we feel for the noble patriot
who penned it.
Calhoun went first; Clay and Webster fol
lowed him to that bourne from whence no tra
veller returns. These are names which no true
son of the republic will mention without respect.
Peace be to their ashes. They were faithful in
their generation; and succeeding generations
will do them justice, or 1k> faithless to them
selves. The names of the great are a legacy;
and their exaniplp an inheritance richer than
jewels and gold.
Press of the Country has pone
rally welcomed our advent into the editorial
family with marked kindness and cordiality.
We value, beyond measure, the high compli
ments that have literally been showered on us.
We are gratified to be able to sav that but two
or three deviations from this kindly tone have
fallen under our eye. These we will bear with
out complaint. Yet we are not conscious of
having failed in courtesy towards any of our
brethren of the Press. We are curtail) that
we have done injustice to none. From our
heart we wish that abundant success may crown
their labors and reward the hourly sacrifices of
pleasure and of fttaUiitf fo which their profes
sion subjects them.
Jt is pleasant to be on pood terms with the
numerous journals that daily come to us?to
see in them the cviderjccs of fellowship and
good feeling.
It may seem invidious to distinguish where ]
all have been so kind, but we cannot forbear
from expressing to the gentleman who conducts
the liichiKbrjl )\rhi'/, our sense of his lil>eral
and friendly course towacdji i)a. He has the
good sense to see and the pood heart to hiui
tb#t political differences should not interfere with
privftt* friendship pr arrest a pleasant inter
change of editorial courtesies.
HOB. N1HK WALSH.
We are gratified to learn, by advice# from
New York, that this gentleman is in a fair wav
of recovering from his recent accident. It had
b?*n feared that his injuries were of a nature
so serious as would forbid his attendance at
the next meeting of Congress, uu<] we now re
joice, with his numerous friends ail over the
country, at the prospect of his pretence here,
vindicating with his eloouence and ability the
great catue of the national democracy, The
services of such a man could illy be spared at
this juncture.
Late accounts from Texas state that lh<?
Mexican troops are thronging the Kio Grande,
aii/J that the quartermaster has received orders to
prepare Imrra^/Jfs aijd subsistence for 10.000 1". 8.
troops at Matagorda
THE PACIFIC RAILROAD.
It is a generally-conceded democratic doc
trine that the general government haa no power
" to build a road from the Mississippi Valley to
the Pacific, regardless of the rights and juris
diction of the States." In this connexion, may
we ask:
1st lias the government a right to build the
road through a territory for national purposes
when national necessities do not demand it ?
2d. Has the government a right to build
such a road through a territory for local pur
poses in advance of the settlement of that ter
ritory, and, consequently, without consulting
the wishes and interests of those who may be
come its inhabitants?
3d. Would it square honestly with the ad
mitted doctrines Of the democratic party to
advocate the building of Mi.* great road through
our territories, upon the plea that it is neces
sary ai a u military defence."
Now, we believe that this road can be built,
and will be built, in less time and with more
general and universal satisfaction by the co
operation of the States ar.d individuals. The
experience derived from the past proves the
utter inability and inefficiency of the general
government in completing a great work of in
ternal improvement, to say nothing of the dan
ger of exercising that power. The great Cum
berland road was for thirty-six years a constant
drain upon the treasury, and but little more
than half is finished ; and Congress has been,
and is now and will be for years, pressed down
with all sorts of claims from people along its
line, and contractors, which, if entertained,
would materially diminish our surplus revenue.
Let the government keep within constitutional
limits, and the people will see to take care of
themselves. '
The National Democrat which has embark
ed with great earnestness, and not less ability,
in the New York canvass, presents its readers
with the following choice extracts from the
speeches of some of the free-soil leaders in
New York:
The Free-soil Harmonist*.
" The impudent leaders who have pot up a liogus
ticket for the purpose of defeating the regularly
nominated true democratic ticket, exhibit n want
of principle only peculiar to themselves.
4i In lv|s. um6ng hundreds of like assertions,
John Van Buren solemnly declared. 'If Ievercast
u vote for slavery, may I die forsaken of man, and
accursed by God.'
'?John Cochrane, the man who now speaks by
'authority,' then declared that 'the Opposers of
the Wilmot proviso should be gibbeted here and
damned hereafter.'
'?Martin Grover, on the soft ticket for Attorney
General, then said, 4 If I were asked to endorse the
10th section of the fugitive slave law, under any
hocus-pocus operation whatever, I would never
consent to it. I had rather associate with a thief
than with a compromise-sustaining dough-face.'
4- In 1853. how is it with these selfsame political
ingrates? Why, Van Buren, Cochrane. Grover,
and all. hurrah for the fugitive slave law; and
Cochrane said at Syracuse, that they all came
there to endorse it!"
[email protected]*Thk Richmond Times calls our atten
tion to an article which we copied from the
X. V. National Democrat a few days since, and
savs, " we are unwilling to believe that the
Editors of the Sentinel wish to be understood
as endorsing the language of the New York
paper."
We assure the Editor of the Times that we
would endorse nothing that touched his charac
ter or implicated his honor. Editorial courtesy
would forbid so wanton and unprovoked an ag
gression. We but copied an article which con
tained a specific reference to the Times, whilst
it applied to the whig press generally the terms
that the Times complains of.
B?^?With reference to the American Japan
expedition, we find the following in the Weser
Gazette:
'? It is stated that the Russian government has
resolved to resist the attempts of the Americans
against Japan, and that the Russian squadron
which recently sailed for those seas was intend
ed for that purj>ose. The Russian government
has sent for Professor Siebold, who resides on
the bank of the Rhine, to obtain from him every
information relative to Japan, and as to the
best means to be adopted to defeat the attempts
of the United States. M. Siebyld js well ac
quainted with Japan, having resided there
many years. The I hitch government is said to
be pleased with this determination of the cabi
net of St. Petersburg, as the Americans also
threaten the Dutch archipelago, nnd us, morc
over, the English press express themselves in
favor of the Americans, and have lately begun
to throw discredit on the Dutch rule in the
East Indies.1'?N. Y. Herald.
Will there be >Var in Huropc !
There seems to be a settled opinion in this
country that Russia will maintain the stand she
has taken, and that -the Sultan being unable to
restrain the enthusiasm of his infidel subjects,
the Turks will precipitate a war. We do not
think so. The pear of the Hellespont is not
yet ri |?o enough to fall into the mouth of Russia;
and too many other hungry mouths arc opened
for the Fume delicate morsel. The Emperor
may refuse to accept tJjo Sultan's modifications
of the Vienna note, but still these will remain a
hundred ways for wily European diplomacy to
wriggle itself out of the entanglement. Our
London papers are to the 16th ult., but the
Times or th? 17th, as we learn by telegraph
from London to Liverpool, asserted th>;re was
no reason to donbt that Turkey woulci in sub
stance yet accept the note as originally drawn
up at Vienna, by the representatives of the
four great powers. There is always an "if" ora
"but'; hir itase representatives to use as a knot
hole, through which to cre^p. It is not the
interest of any European power?Russia in.
eluded?to go to war; either of them would
gain [i loss bv the experiment. Peace is their
policy: w#i ??<?jr fuin. and the unehainer of
all the democratic hopes and lejju^licnn aspira
tions which have lx>en imprisoned ttn
past. A general war between European
crowned heads would be the signal for Kossuth,
Mazzini, nnd the other leaders in the cause of
jnan'f emancipation to re-appear on the stage
of action. 'I he loiyh cjf Cossack may set
Enrope in a blaze, but though the Nant s >ril}
arise, the spirit of democracy, soaring aloft,
over the funeral pyre of despotism. Neither of
the n??- Cfnt tiowers of Europe in our opinion
danJ a9 wwar at prison*, pnd there are potent
reasons to keep fhem of the snme mimi fpi %
Jong time to come.
line Hoi-Kef).?'Hut Pijfsbufg papers say that
among all the horses at the Pennsylvania fa if thp
span exhibited by Mr. J. Morgan, of Washington
county, was the first. In build, si*e. and move
ments. they were certainly the best naes on tin
ground. They drew the second premium; they
should have had the first and no mistake.
!
extraordinary I'.et.?A son of Mr. Jamp* f'p
bert, shout 13 years of age, caught in the Dela
ware river, on Saturday last, an eel measuring in
length three feet three inches, nine inches in cir
cumference, and weighing si* pounds. The little
firllow had unite a fight with his eelship before he
succeeded in capturing him.? frniton 0affile,
IHore tStrong Minded Women.?Four young
girls were arrested on Saturday, stealing dry
Kood* from a store on Columbia st. They were
sent to the Penitentiary for fiO days,?JV. Y. Bv*
A
MR. CALHOUN TO MR. KING.
Department of State,
Washington, August 12, 1844.
Sir: 1 have laid your despatch No. 1 before
the President, who instructs me to make known
to you that he has read it with much pleasure,
especially the portion which relates to your
cordial reception by the King, and his assur
ance of friendly teelings towards the United
States. The President in particular highly aj>
pieciates the declaration of the King, that in
no event would any steps be taken by his gov
ernment in the slightest degree hostile, or which
would give to the United States just cause of
complaint. It was the more gratifying from the
fact that our previous information was calcu
lated to make the impression that the govern
ment of France was prepared to unite with
Great Britain in a joint protest against the an
nexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce
her government to withdraw the proposition to
annex, on condition that Mexico should be
made to acknowledge her independence. He
is happy to infer from your despatch that the
information, as far as it relates to France, is,
in all probability, without foundation. You
did not go further than you ought in assuring
the Kiug that the object of annexation would
be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving
your opinion that a decided majority of the
American people were in its favor, and that
it would certainly be annexed ut no distant day.
I feel confident that your anticipation will be
fully realized at no distant period. Every day
will tend to weaken that combination of po
litical causes which led to the opposition of the
measure, and to' strengthen the conviction that
it was not only expedient, but just and neces
sary.
You were right in making the distinction
between the interest of France and England in
reference to Texas?or rather, 1 would say, the
apparent interests of the two countries. France
cannot possibly have any other than commer
cial interest iu desiring to see her preserve her
separate independence ; while it is certain that
England looks beyond, to political interests, to
which she apparently attaches much impor
tance. But, in our opinion, the interest of both
against the measure is more apparent than real;
and that neither France, England, nor even
Mexico herself, has any in opposition to it,
when the subject is fairly viewed and considered
in its whole extent and in all its bearings.
Thus viewed and considered, and assuming
that peace, the extension of commerce, and se
curity, are objects of primary policy with them,
it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown that
the policy on the part of those powers which
would acquiesce in a measure so strongly de
sired by both the United States and Texas, for
their mutual welfare and safety, as the annexa
tion of the latter to the former, would be far
more promotive of these great objects than that
which would attempt to resist it.
It is impossible to cast a look at the map of
the United States and Texas, and to note the
long, artificial, and inconvenient lino which di
vides them, and then to take into consideration
the extraordinary increase of population and
growth of the former, and the source from
which the latter must derive its inhabitants, in
stitutions, and laws, without coming to the con
clusion that it is their destiny to be united, and,
of counfe, that annexation is merely a question
of time and mode. Thus regarded, the question
to be decided would seem to be, whether it
would not be better to permit it to be done now,
with the mutual consent of both parties, and
the acquiescence ol these powers than to attempt
to resist and defeat it. If the former course be
adopted, the certain fruits would be the preser
vation of peace, great extension of commerce
by the rapid settlement and improvomfcnt of
Texas, and increased security, especially to
Mexico. The last, in reference to Mexico, may
be douoted: but I hold it not less clear than
the other two.
It would In? u great mistake to suppose that
this government has any hostile feelings to
wards Mexico, or any disposition to aggrandize
itself at her expense. The fact is the very re
verse.
It wishes her well, and desires to see her set
tled down in peace and security; and is pre
pared, in the event of the annexation of Texas,
if not forced into conflict with her, to propose
to settle with her the question of boundary, and
all others growing out of the annexation, on
the most liberal terms. Nature herself has
clearly marked the boundary between her and
Texas by natural limits too strong to be mis
taken. There are few countries whose limits
are so distinctly marked; and it would be our
desire, if Texas should be united to us, to rcc
them firmly established, as the most certain
means of establishing permanent peace between
the two CQi)il trips, and strengthening and ce
menting their friendship. 8uuk would be the
certain consequence of permitting the annexa
tion to take place now, with the acquiescence
of Mexico : but very different would be the case
if it should be attempted to resist and defeat it,
whether the attempt should be successful for
the present or not. Any attempt of the kind
would, not improbably, lead to a conflict be
tween us and Mexico, and involve consequences*
in reference to her and the general peace, long
to lie deplored oil ?U sides, and difficult to be
repaired. But should that no*, be the case, and
the interference of another power defeat the an
nfxfttiou for the prcsem, without the interrup
tion of peace, it would ljut postpone the conflict,
and render it more fierce and bloody whenever
it might occur. Its defeat would be attributed
to enmity and ambition on the part of that
power by whose interference it was occasioned,
and excite deep jealousy and resentment on the
part of qur pepnle, who would l>e ready to seize
the first favorable opportunity tp effect Ijy force,
what was prevented from being done peaceably
by mutual consent. It is not difficult to see
how greatlv such a conflict, come when it
might, would endanger the general peace, and
how much Mexico might be the loser by it.
Jn the mean time, the condition of Texas
would be rendered uncertain, her settlement
and prosperity in consequence retarded, and
her commerce crippled, while the general peace
would be rendered much more insecure. It
could n/>t but greatly affect us. If the annexa
tion of Texas should be permitted to lake place
peaceably now, (as it would, without the inter
ference of other powers,) the energies of our
people would, for a long time to come, be di
rected to the peaceable pursuits of redeeming,
rind bringing within the pale of cultivation, im
provements, ana civilization, tjiatlarge portion
of the continent lying between Mexico 6n one
side, and the British possessions on the other,
which is now, with little exception, a wilderness
with a sparse population, consisting, for the
most putt, of iv#nd(,^ng Indian tribes.
It is our destiny to occupy that vast fusion ;
to intersect it witfi roads and canals; to fill it
with cities, towns, villages, and farms; to ex
tend over it our religion, customs, constitution,
and laws ; and to present it as a peaceful and
splendid addition to the domains of commerce
and civilization. It Is our policy to increase,
by growing and spreading out into unoccupied
regions, assimilating all we incorporate: in a
won!, to increase by accretion, and not, through
conquest, py tjio pddition of masses held to
gether by the cohesion ot force, w o nymum c&n
f>e more unstated to the latter process, or l>etter
adapted to the former, than our admirable fed
eral system. If it should not be resisted in its
course, it will probably fulfil its destiny without
disturbing ourneighl>ors, or putting in'jeopavdy
the general peace; but if it be opposed by for
eign interference, a new direction would be
given to our energy, much less favorable to
narrjionv with our neighbors, and to the gene
ral pea^e of the wotld,
The change would l>e undesirable to ns, and
much less in accordance with what I have as
sumed to be primary objects of policy on the
part of France, England and Mexico.
But, to d*tc?nd to particulars : it is certain
that while England, l!lc,o France, desires the
independence of Texas^ with the view to com
mercial connexions, it is not less so, that one
I
of the leading motives of England for desiring
it, is the hope that, through her diplomacy and
influence, negro slavery may be abolished there,
and ultimately, by consequence, in the United
States, and throughout the whole of this conti
nent. That its ultimate abolition throughout
the entire continent is an object ardently de
sired by her, we have decisive proof in the de
claration of the Karl of Aberdeen delivered to
this department, and of which you will find a
copy among the documents transmitted to
Congress with the Texan treaty. That she de
sires its abolition in Texas, and has used her
influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the
same document, with the correspondence of
this department with Mr. Pakenham, also to be
found among the documents, furnishes proof
not less conclusive. That one of the objects of
abolishi-ng it there is to facilitate its abolition
in the United States, and throughout the con
tinent, is manifest from the declaration of the
abolition party and societies, both in this coun
try nnd in England. In fact, there is good
reason to believe that the scheme of abolishing
it in Texas, with the view to its abolition in
the United States and over the continent, orig
inated with the prominent members of the par
ty in the United States; and was first broach
ed by them in the (so called) World's Conven
tion, held in London in the year 1810, and
through its agency brought to the notice of the
British government.
Now, 1 hold, not only that France can have
no interest in the consummation of this
grand scheme, which England Iiojkjs to accom
plish through Texas, if she can defeat the an
nexation ; but that her interest, and those of
all the continental powers of Europe, are di
rectly and deeply opposed to it.
It is too late in the day to contend that hu
manity or philanthropy is the great object of
the policy of England in attempting to abolish
African slavery on this continent. I do not
question but humanity may have been one of
her leading motives for the abolition of the
African slave-trade, and that it may have had
a considerable influence in abolishing slavery
in her West India possessions?aided, indeed,
by the fallacious calculation that the labor of
the negroes would be at least as profitable, if
not more so, in consequence of the measure.
She acted on the principle that tropical pro
ducts can be produced cheaper by free African
labor and East India labor, than by slave labor.*
She knew full well the value of such products
to her commerce, navigation, navy, manufac
tures, revenue, and power. She was not ig
norant that the support, and the maintenance
of her political preponderance depended on her
tropical possessions, and had no intention of
diminishing their productiveness, nor any an
ticipation that such would be the effect, when
the scheme of abolishing slavery in her colo
nial possessions was adopted. On the contrary,
she calculated to combine philanthropy with
profit and power, as is not unusual with faiuvti- i
cisnt. Experience has convinced her of the
fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in
all her objects. The labor of her negroes has
proved far less productive, without affording j
the consolation of having improved their con
dition.
The experiment has turned out to be a cost- j
ly one. .She expended nearly one hundred mil- j
lions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of
the emancipated slaves. It is estimated that
the increased price paid since, by the people of
Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical pro
ductions, iu consequence of the measure, is
equal to half that sum ; and that twice that
amount has been expended in the suppression
of the slave trade; making, together, two hun
dred and fifty millions of dollars as the cost
of the experiment. Instead of realizing her
hope, the result has been a sad disappointment.
Her tropical products have fallen oft' to a vast
amount. Instead of supplying her owu wants !
and those of nearly all Europe with them, as I
formerly, she has now, in some of the most im- I
portant articles, scarcely enough to supply her
own. What is worse, her own colonies are
actually consuming sugar produced by slave
labor, brought direct to England, or refined in
bond, and exported and sold in her eolonioa nn i
cheap or cheaper than they can be produced
there : while the slave trade, instead of diminish- i
iug, has been in fact carried on to a greater !
extent than ever. So disastrous has been the
result, that her fixed capital vested in tropical !
possessions, estimated at the value of nearly five
hundred millions of dollars, is said to stand ,
on the brink of ruin.
But this is not the worst. While this costlv
scheme has had such ruinous effects on tlip
tropical productions of Great Britain, it has
given a powerful stimulus, followed by a cor
responding increase of products, to those conn
tries which have had the good sense to shun
her example. There has been vested, it is es
timated by them, in tqe production of tropical
products, since 1808, in fixed capital, nearly
$ 1,000,000,000, wholly dependent on slave labor.
In the same period, the value of their products
has been estimated to have risen from about
$72,000,000 annually, to nearly $220,000,000;
while th'p whqlp pf "t|?e fixed capital of Great
Britain, vested in cultivating tropical products,
both in the East and West Indies, is estimated
at only about $830,000,000, and the value of the
products annually at about $50,000,000. Toprp:
sent a still more striking yiewof three articles of
tropical products,(sugar, coffee, and cotton,) the
British possessions, including the West and
East Indies, i>nd Mauritius, produced, in 1842,of
sugar only 3,993,771 pounds, while Cuba, Bra
zil, and the United States, excluding other
countries having tropical possessions, produced
9,600,000 pounds; of coffee, the British pos
sessions produced only 27,303,003, while Cuba
and Brazil produced 201,590,125 pounds; and
of potton, the Britjsh possessions, including
shipments to China, only 137,443,140 pounds,
while the United States alone produced 7'JO,
479,275 pounds.
The above facts and estimates have all been
drawn from a British ]>eriodical of high stand
ing and authority,* and arc believed to be en
titled to credjt,
This vast increase of the capital and produc
tion on ihe part of those nations, who have
continued their former policy towards the ne
gro race, compared with that of Great Britain,
indicates a corresponding relative increase of
the means of commerce, navigation, manufac
tures, wealth, and power. It is no longer a
question of doubt, that the great Rource of the
wealth, prosperity and j?ower of the more civi
lized nations of the temperate zone, (especially
Europe, whejre the qrts have made the greatest
advance,) depends, in a great degree, on the
exchange of thvir products with those of the j
tropical regions. So great has been the ad
vance made in the arts, both chemical and me
chanical, within the few last generations, tjiat
all the old civilized nations Can, with but a
small part of their labor ami capital, supply
their respective wants; which tends to limit
within narrow bounds the amount of the com
merce between them, and forces them all to
seek for markets in the tropical regions, nnd
the more newly settled portions of the globe.
Those who can best succeed in commanding
those markets, have the best prospect of out
strippingthe others in the career of commerce,
navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power.
? This la seen and felt fyy British statesman,
nnd has opened their eves to the errors which
they have committed. The question now with
them is, how shall it be counteracted? What
has been done cannot be undone. The ques- 1
tion k, by what me^ns can Ctuit Britain re- |
gain nnd Iteep a superiority in tropical cultiva
tion, commerce, and influence? Or, shall that ,
be abandoned, and other nations l?e suffered to
acqujre the supremacy, even to the extent of
atipplyjng British markets, to the destrue- |
tiolr rtf the capital already w ll>?ir prp- 1
duction ? These art* the questions which now
profoundly occupy the attention pf her states
men, nnd have the greatest influence over her
councils.
In order to regain her superiority, she not
' RltrkirmKl'i Nicmlm1 for .Inn*, 1*44
j only seeks to revive autl increase her own ca
I parity to produce tropical productions, but to
1 diminish and destroy the capacity of those who
! huve so far outstripped her in consequence of
her error. In pursuit of the former, she has
I owt her eyes to her East India possessions?to
I central and eastern Africa?with the view of
establishing colonies there, and even to restore,
substantially, the slave trade itself, under the
I specious name of transporting free laborers
1 from Africa to her West India possessions, in
i order, if possible, lo compete successfully with
tho.se who have refused to follow her suicidal
policy. But these all afford but uncertain and
: distant hopes pf recovering her lost superiority.
I Her main reliance is on the other alternative?
j to cripple or destroy the productious of her
j successful rivals. 'J'liere is but one way by
l which it can lie done, and that is by abolishing
| African slavery throughout this continent; and
j that she openly avows to be the constant ob
ject of her policy and exertions. It matters
not how, or from what motive, it may be done
?-whether it be by diplomacy, influence, or
force; by secret or open means; and whether
the motive be humane or selfish, without regard
i to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself,
! should it l>e accomplished, would put dowu all
! rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy
| in supplying her own wants and those of the
rest of the world ; and thereby more than fully
I retrieve what she has lost by her errors. It
j would give her the monopoly of tropical pro
ductions, which 1 shall next proceed to show.
What would be the consequence if this ob
ject of her unceasing solicitude and exertions
should lie effected by the abolition of negro sla
very throughout this continent, some idea may
be formed from the immense diminution of pro
ductious, as has been shown, which has fol
lowed abolition in her West India possessions.
But, as great as that has been, it is nothing
compared to what would be the effect if she
should succeed in abolishing slavery in the
United States, .Culm, Brazil, and throughout
this continent. The experiment in her own
colonies was made under the most favorable
circumstances. It was brought about gradually
and peaceably, by the steady and firm opera
tion of the parent country, armed with com
plete power to prevent or crush at once all in
surrectionary movements on the part of the ne
groes, and able and disposed to maintain to the j
full the political and social ascendency of the j
former masters over their former slaves. It is j
not at all wonderful that the change of the re- 1
lations of master and slave took place, under
such circumstances, without violence and blood- i
shed, and that order and peace should have |
been since preserved. Very different would be
the result of abolition, should it be effected by
her influence and exertions in the possessions
of other countries on this continent?and espe
cially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil,
the great cultivators of the principal tropieal
products of America. To form a correct con
ception of what would be the result with them,
we must look, not to Jamaica, but to St. Do
mingo, for example. The change would be
followed by unforgiving hate between the two
races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle
between them for the superiority. One or the
other would have to be subjugated, extirpated,
or expelled; and desolation would overspread
their territories, as in St. Domingo, from which
it would take centuries to recover. The end
would be, that the superiority in cultivating the
groat tropical staples would be transferred from
them to the British tropical possessions.
They are of vast extent, and those beyond
the Cape of Good Hope possessed of an unlim
ited amount of labor, standing ready, by the
aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which
would be occasioned by destroying the tropical
productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil,
and other countries cultivated by slave labor
on this continent, so soon as the increased price,
in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the
successful competition of that labor which
keeps the prices of the great tropical staples so
low, as to prevent their cultivation with profit
in the possessions of Great Britain, by what she
is pleased to call free labor. If she can destroy
its competition, cho wo?W hnvr- n monopoly in
those productions. She has all the means of
furnishing an unlimited supply; vast and fer
tile possessions in both Indies, boundless com
mand of capital and labor, and ample power
to suppress disturbances, and preserve order
throughout her wide domains.
It is unquestionable, that she regards'the ab
olition of slavery in Texas as a most important
st??p towards this great qlyect of policy, so much
thp nun of her solicitude and exertions; and
the defeat of the annexation of Texas to onr
Union as indispensable to the abolition of sla
very there. She is too sagacious not to sea.
what a fatal blow it would give to slavery in
the United States, i\nd how certainly its aboli
tion with us would abolish it over the whole
continent, and thereby give her a monopoly in
the productions of the great tropical staples,
and the command of the commerce, navigation,
and manufactures of the world, with an estab
lished naval ascendency and political prepon
derance. To this continent the blow would be
calamitous beyond description. It would de
stroy, in a great measure, the, cultivation and
production of the great tropical staples, amount
ing annually in value to nearly $.'500,000,000?
the fund which stimulates and upholds almost
every oilier branch of its industry, commerce,
navigation and manufactures. The whole, by
their joint influence, are rapidly spreading pop
ulation, wealth, improvement and civilization
over the whole continent, and vivifying, by
their overflow, the industry of Europe; thereby
increasing its population, wealth, and advance
ment in the ^rts, in power, and in civilization.
Such must be the result, should Great Brit
ain succeed in accomplishing tho constant
object of her desire and exertions?the aboli
tion of negro slavery over this continent: and
towards the effecting of which, she regards the
defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union
so important. Can it be possible that govern
ments so enlightened and sagacious as those of
France and the other great continental powers,
can be so blinded by the plea of philanthropy
as not to sec what must inevitably follow, be
her motive what it may, should she succeed in
her object? It is little short of mockery to
talk of philanthropy, with tho examples before
us of the effects of abolishing negro slavery in her
own colonies, in St. Domingo, and the north
ern States of our Union, where statistical facts,
not to l>e shaken, prove that the freed negro,
after the experience of sixty years, is in a far
worse condition than in the other States, where
he has been left in his former condition. No:
the effect of what is called abolition, where the
numl>er is few, is not to raise the inferior race
to the condition of freemen, but to deprive the
negro of the guardian care of his owner, sub
ject to all the depression and oppression lie
longing to his inferior condition. Hut, on the
other hand, where the number is jrrcat, and
bears a large proportion to the whole popula
tion, it would be still worse. It would be to
substitute for the existing relation a deadly
strife between the two races, to end in the sub
jection, expulsion, or extirpation of one or the
other: and such would be the ease over the
greater part of this continent where negro
slavery exists. It would not end there; but
would in all probability extend, by Its exam
file, the war of races over all South America,
deluding Mexico, and extending to the Indian
as well as to the African race, and make the
whole one scene of blood and devastation.
Dismissing, then, the stale and unfounded
plea of philanthropy, can it be that France and
the other great continental powers?seeing
what must be the result of the policy, for the
accomplishment of which England . is con
stantly exerting herself, and that the defeat of
the ancxation of Texas is so important towards
its consummatJon?are prepared to back or
countenance her in her efforts to effect either?
What possibly motives can they have to favor ;
her cherished policy? Is it not better for them j
that they should be supplied with tropical pro
ducts in exchange for their labor, from the '
Unit?*d States, Hrazil, Cuba, and this continent [
generally, tlian to be dependent on one great
monopolizing power for their supply? Is it
not better that they should receive tnein at the
low prices which competition, cheaper means
of production, and nearness of market, would
furnish them by the former, than to give the
high prices which monopoly, dear labor, and
great distance from market would impose? la
it not letter that their labor should be ex
changed with a new continent, rapidly increas
ing iu population and the capacity for consum
ing, and which would furnish, in the course of
a few generations, a market nearer to them,
and of almost unlimited extent, for the pro
ducts of their industry and arts, than with old
and distant regions, whose population has long
since reached its growth?
The above contains those enlarged views of
policy which, it seems to me, an enlightened
European statesman ought to take, in making
up his opinion on the subject of the annexation
of Texas, and the grounds, as it maybe in
ferred, on which England vainly opposes it.
They certainly involve considerations of the
deepest importance, and demanding the great
est attention. Viewed in connexion with thejn,
the question of annexation becomes one of me
lirst magnitude, not only to Texus and the Uni
ted States, but to this continent and Europe.
They are presented that you may use them 011
all suitable occasions, where you think they
may be with effect; in your correspondence,
where it can be done witli propriety or other
wise. The President relies with confidence 011
your sagacity, prudence, and zeal. Your mis
sion is one of the first magnitude at all tinges,
but especially now; and he .feels assured noth
ing will be left undone on your part to do jus
tice to the country and the government in ref
erence to this great measure.
I have said nothing as to our right of treat
ing with Texas, without consulting Mexico.
You so fully understand the grounds 011 which
we rest our right, and are so familiar with all
the facts necessary to maintain them, that it
was not thought necessary to add anything in
reference to it.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient
servant, J. C. CALHOUN.
William It. Kino, Esq., &c.
From Markell&r'a "Droppings from the Heart."
Let'* Sit Down and Talk Together.
Let's sit down and talk together
Of the things of olden day,
When we, like lambkins loosed from tether,
Gayly tripp'd along the way.
Time has touch'd us both with lightness,
Leaving furrows here and there,
And tinging with peculiar brightness
Silvery threads among our hair.
Let's sit down and talk together;
Many years away have passed,
And lair and lbul has been the weather
Since we saw each other last.
Many whom we loved are living
In a better world than this;
And some among 11s still are giving
Toil and thought for present bliss.
Let's sit down and talk together;
Though the flowers of youth are dead.
The ferns still grow among the heather,
And for us their fragrance shed.
Life has thousand blessings in it
Even for the aged man ;
And Gon has hid in every minute
Something wo may wisely scan.
Let's sit down and talk together ;
Boys we were,?we now are men;
We meet awhile, but know not whether
We fihall meet to talk again.
Parting time has come : how fleetly
Speed the moments when their wing*
Are fann'd by breathings issuing sweetly
From a tongue that never stings !
("1 ENEKAL. AGENCY.?Taylor & Collins
X will prosecute claim* of every description
against the government, before the departments
or Congress. Procure pensions, bounty lands,
extra pay, and arrearages of pay. They will at
tend to the buying and selling of real estate, the
renting of houses, and a general collecting busi
ness.
They will also furnish parties at a distance with
??rh information as they may desire from the seat
of government.
Charges will be moderate'.
REFF11E\CKS:
Hon. Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War.
Hon. Juines C. Dobbin, Secretary of the Navy.
Nicholas Calliui, President Board Common
Council,
General John M. McCalla, Attorney at Law.
James II. Caustin.
W. C. Kiddell, State Department.
Ofliceon F street, immediately opposite Winder's
Building, Washington, D. C.
Sep ?Cmod&w,
OUR HOUSE,
BY CHARLES G. THOMPSON,
Thirteenth Street,
Sep 21?If , RICHMOND, VA
SUPERIOR COOKING RANGES.?I offer
to the public one of the best cooking ranges
ever used. It is known by the name of Rana &
Hayes's Elevated Tubular Oven Range. The
oven being'elevated always ensures a good draught,
ami hakes at the bottom without trouble. All the
boilers being set immediately over the fire ensures
the boiling. The arrangement for roasting and
boiling is jilso very complete. In addition to the
cooking arrangements, it is made to answer the
purposes of a hot air furnace, affording sufficient
heat to warm a room 18 or 20 feet square in cold
est weather. Several of these ranges have l>een
put up here, nnd can be seen in operation if de
sired. All the above ranges are warranted.,
W. II. HAR ROVER,
Opposite Patriotic Rank.
1 have also n new Cooking Stove, to be used
with either wood or coal, to which I wish to call
particular attention. Its superior Imkingnnd roast
ing arrangements are such that it makes it the best
cooking stove in market. W. II. H.
Sep '21?eod2w (m)
BARGAINS, and no Mistakel-Wc have
now in store, and receiving daily the most com
plete assortment of Stoves that hasever beenofler
ed for sale in this market, direct from Baltimore,
Philadelphia, New York, Troy, and Boston. Our
stock is too large to mention in detail; suffice it
to say we have all the different patterns and latest
improved cooking stoves, for wood or coal, com
prising in part the following: the William Penn,
Triumph Complete, Ray State, Banner, Enchant
ress, Complete Cook, Old Dominion, Rlue Ridge,
Globe, and numerous others. Also, Church, Store,
Chamber, Dining-room, and Parlor Stoves, the
latest and most beautiful in this city. To cash or
punctual customers wo arc prepared to sell goods
in our line at the lowest rate*. We solicit an ex
amination, feeling assured that our stock, (which
is one of tho largest in the city,) as regards quali
ty and low prices, cannot be excelled, if equalled.
WOODWARD & GUY,
No. 4, north side Penn. av., bet. 10 5: 11th sts.
Sep 12-1?Otif
G1ENERAI. HOUSE FURNISHING
I Store.?The subscriber desires to call the at
tention of housekeepers and others to his large and
well selected stock of housekeeping articles, em
bracing almost everthing deemed requisite in
housekeeping, which he is determine'd to sell as
low as the samo articles can be purchased in any
of the eastern cities.
His stock at present consists, in part of?
French and English China and Crockery Ware,
in dinner. Dessert, Tea, and Toilet Sets.
Cut and pressed Glassware. **
Gilt and mahogany frauic Mantel, Pier, and
Toilet Glasses,
Rronzed iron Hat-racks, Standards. Andirons,
Fenders, Cnndelnbras. &c., Shovels and Tongs.
Solar Lamps and Girandoles, Hall Lamp*.
Plated Tea and Coffee Sets, Castors.
Waitcs* ami Tea Trays, Cake Baskets.
Covered Dishes, Card Receivers, Candlesticks,
Urns, &*c.
Stair Rods, Table Cutlery, Japanned Goods.
Britannia Ware, block tin Tea and Coffee Urns.
Chafing Dishes, Oyster Tureens.
Dish Covers, ICgg Rollers, 6cc.
Bohemian Glassware, iron framed Dressing
Glasses.
Terrs Colta Ware. Door Mnts. Baskets, Brushes,
Woodware, Cooking Utensils. Jre.
With a magnificent collection of Mantle and
Table Ornaments and Fancy Articles generally,
altogether forming the largest and cheapest as
sortment ut House-Furnishing Good* ever offered
for sale in this city.
C. W BOTELER,
Sep 21?2%w0w Iron Uali.

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