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EDITED BY WM. M. OVERTON AND CH. MAURICE SMITH.1 CITY OF W A8I1IWGTOM. OCT0 B ER 9,1853 J OI H E\C1IAKGES. #?."Wk have bees so short a time in opera tiou that it hats not yet been possible to perfect all our arrangements. Our exchange list has not, thus far, been properly regulated?but our directions to those having control of that depart ment of the paper, have been to send the Sen ium I to all papers that have manifested any dis position to exchange with its?particularly, and as a matter of right, to all papers in which our prospectus was published. The Portsmouth, \ a. Daily Transcript com plains of having received but one number of the Sentinel, and makes some coarse, harsh and uncalled for remarks in relation to il. Its rudeness, however, we pardon, as we feel that it can only injure itself by indulging in it. TO OIK SlUStUlUKllK. Subscriber to the Tri-Weekly and the Weekly Sentinel have up to this time been furnished with the Daily. Now that we have issued the Tri-Weekly, we will supply our weekly subscri bers with that until the latter is issued. We beg leave to call attention to our Tri Weekly paper. It will suit a large number of our friends in the country and in distant cities. It will contain all the best matter published in the Daily. We will thank our numerous friends and well-wishers throughout the cquntry to stir themselves a little in our behalf. We shall labor diligently and faithfully, and hope to de nerve and to enjoy the reward of labor. NON>lNTERFKKGN('E IIY FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS. THE WAR Or TIIK SHELLS. 1 he interference of Ktiropean powers iu Amer ican affairs, either by new colonization or In diplomacy, may be c onsidered as at ait end. so far as the will of the people of the United States can settle the question. Parties and men mav differ as to the details?hut the emphatic an nouncement of the last inaugural met with a quick response from the American heart, when it denounced such interference as "wholly in admissible. Our particular' views upon this question have been proclaimed already?and we do not now pro|>ose to dwell upon them. Hut if we are prepared to oppose by protest, and if need 1*>, to resist by arms, European in terference in the general affairs of the continent, for how much stronger reason, should we meet the foreign invader of our domestic concerns, not by conciliation or diplomacy, hut by force! The jealousy of foreign intermeddling with our home interests is instinctive in the heart of even true American?and has been inculc ated with an earnestness, which has made the instinct a holy sentiment, by every President from Wash ing to the present Chief of the Executive depart ment. I his feeling has, of Jate years, been once stilled by the baleful breath of fanaticism. As we have never seen it the subject of commen tary by the press, we propose to publish this leaf from the volume of our past history; and to expose to a merited condemnation some ol those who permitted fanaticism to control the duce, as the fatal Grecian horse into the Trojan city, the influence of an alien enemy, upon the rights and interests of the southern States of the Union. We do not desire to re-open the controversv iu respect to the Territories, in which the free soil organization, especially in New York, in I8J8, insisted upon attaching the Wilmot in hibition of slavery forever, and was only de feated bv the resolute and patriotic course of the Dickinsons the (.asses?the Douglases of the north. \\ e do not propose, except inci dentally, to show who were .the lUaorijanizcrs ?jf the democratic party then, and would have ruptured the Union upon that question, except for the men who are now denounced br the3e pseitdo friends of order, as the promoters of party dissension, and as unworthy of partv trust. We only intend to show that while some, who now claim to be the "Simon Purcs,"and the orthodox expounders of democracy iu the dio cese of New York, were inviting the aid of a van quished enemy in l heir sectional crusades against the southern States, those we have named, as worthy of all honor, combined with the south in a patriotic phalanx tocru.-h the home faction, and to spurn with contempt the intrusion of its foreign ally. We shall show, that northern whigs and democratic free-soilers, combined in a strange coalition, to pledge to a foreign gov ernment the public faith ol" the countrv, to carry out the schemes of free-soil ism, in the exclusion of slavery from the ceded territories; and that this was done with the evidence staring them in the face, that the foreign government had not demanded it as a condition, but had cheer fully given up every such idea. Our readers are aware that, upon every vote npon the Wilmot proviso, proposed asan amend ment to the "three million bill," the State of New York was divided?Gov. Dickinson Wine against it and Getil. Dix voting for it. By the aid of such northern democrats as Mr. Dickinson, the Wilmot proviso was defeated as a hue. Foiled iu every such effort?the anti-slavery faction turned with disgust from the counsels of their otcn country, and sought to.attain their purposes through the (Ujenry of Mi xieo. The mode in which this was done we will now pro treed to explain. in February, 184P, President Polk sent to the Senate what was known as the Trist treaty, with the document* explanatory of the negotiation leading to it. in a letter from Mr. Trist to the Secretary of State, dated September 1, ,1*17, he states that the question of the exclusion of sla very had been mentioned by the Mexican ne gotiator as desirable. Mr. Trist thus strongly Mates his emphatic and patriotic response: " I concluded by assuring them that the bare ?mrutum of tlm subject in any treaty to which the ( nited Slate*, were a party was an absolute im possibility ; that no President of the United .Stales would dare to present any such treaty to the Sen ate; and that it it were mi their power to oflcr me the whole territory described in our projet in creased ten/old in value, and in addition to that, covered a foot thick ail over with pure jrold. upon the ouijfle condition that slavery slil.iild be ex eluded therefrom, I could not entertain the offer tot a moment, uor think even of communicating it to Wushimrton^ The matter ended in their being fully satisfied tliat this topic was one not to be touched, and it was dropped with good leeltug on IhiiIi sides."' This letter demonstrates that, in the opinion of the negotiators of both parties, the proposal to exclude slavery by a treaty stipulation with a foreign government was abhorrent to every true American?that no demapd was made by Mexico for it, and that every such idea was wholly abandoned by the Mexican negotiator, and with good feeling upon his part. It was on account of this reply that no pro vision in the treaty sent in by Mr. Polk looked to the exclusion of slavery. Il is scarcely ne cessary to add that Mr. Polk never would have sent to the Senate a treaty containing such a provision?a provision subjecting the domestic concerns of the States to the supervision of our enemy, and humiliating to the heroes of the south, upon the fields of Mexico, by placing them under the care and siireeilUtnce of a pow erless and vanquished people 1 Hut what Mr. Triat dared not do, what Mex ico dare J not ask, what the one peremptorily refused, and the other willingly relinquished? an American proposed upon the floor of the Senate of the Union ! What Mexico gave without qualification, he proposed to take with conditions?conditions suggested by fanaticism, and proposed in entire violation of the duty of an American patriot. Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, (whig,) pro posed to add to the uth article of the treaty this proviso?substantially the " Wilmot pro viso '? Proritlrtl, There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude iu the territories hereby ceded, otherwise than in punishment of crimen, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." To the honor of the Senate, and the dishonor of the vote in the affirmative, this proposal, instead of receiving the required number of two-thirds of the Senate, was defeated by more than that number. It is not singular that in the ranks of the affirmative should be found the name of Mr. Clayton, the negotiator of the Central Ameri can treaty in the cabinet, and its defender in the Senate, or that of Mr. Corwin, the champion of Mexico during the war, and the opponent of the acquisition, by treaty, which has given us an empire 011 the Pacific, or that of Mr. Dayton, the endorser of General Scott in the Baltimore whig convention, or of "honest John Davis." Nor is it surprising that, upon such a question, the whole northern whig vote cast was thrown into the scale against the south, and in opposi tion to the interests and honor of the country. Nor is it, on the other hand, wonderful that upon such a proposition there should be found in the negative such inen .as Cuss, DonffUi#, Bright, and last, though not least, the patriotic Dickinson, whom those, then untrue to the Constitution and the country, now seek to pro scribe as a faction ist. It is a matter of profound satisfaction that the entire free State democracy voted in the negative except three, of whom one was the late distinguished Senator from New York, the leader of the Van Buren party in 1848, and the abolition candidate for governor at that elec tion, and the present head of the so-called "soft shell" faction, the Hon. John A. Dix. Here then was an attempt to bring assistance from abroad to home fanaticism in its unhal lowed war upon the constitutional rights of one half of the States of the Union; for, suppose the proposal had been carried, the faith of the country would have been thus plighted to the government ceding the territory, that slavery smnnu oe perpetually excluded from IT. iiad California, under this Mexican decree, regis tered by the American Senate, been admitted as a free State, and hud subsequently by law permitted slavery, what would have been the result? Mexico would have demanded of the federal government to enforce the treaty within a State, by putting an end to slavery. Thus either slavery would have been abolished in a State by federal authority, or there would have been a breach of the condition of the cession of the territory, upon which the territory of the State would have been forfeited to its original owner. Thus would a sovereign State of the Union have been subjected to the insolent demand for abolition by a foreign power, made through the federal government. This monstrous proposal, thus conceding far more than the Monroe doctrine was ever designed to meet in the interference of foreign powers in concerns domestic in their character?pledg ing the honor of the country to register and en ?force the foreign will against the reserved rights of a State of the Union, and dangerously in volving the concession of a power in the federal government over slavery in the States?this proposal of attempted treason to the Constitu tion and to the I'nion, stands in a merited and dishonored solitude upon the records of the country. Free-soilism, abolition, where their schemes Ijegin and end in ottr omi council chambers, are as nothing, when compared with the introduction of the dangerous foreign ele ment in the conduct of our internal policy. The country and its affairs are and must ever remain unsafe in the hands of men who prosti tute power to the purposes of fanaticism, and intrigue with foreign governments to attain their improper ends at home. Hut when such men rise with an effrontery, which is only commensurate with their past, though not forgotten, public offences?and with a complacency, which fort-es upon the mind the remembrance ot the famous Buffalo gathering, by which the defeat of the party was secured in the election of (Seneral Taylor?when such men denounce as a factious renegade from the true democracy of the empire State, the man, who, with a rare consistency, has preferred the con stitutional union of the States to a miserable fanaticism?rand has maintained the rights of the south under this union against free-soilers and abolitionists at home, and their allies abroad, then it becomes the duty of every man, and of every press in the |ai?, to HOHm, ^ alarm, to denounce the enemies and sustain the true friends of party organization and of our country. Free-soilers seek, by recurring to the past course of Governor Dickinson, to disparage him and discredit his noble consis tency. We have not sought this controversy. The breach was made at Syracuse. Dickinson decried> ''is past course impeached by anonymous eorres|K?ndents, and his opponents sustained, while he is damned with a modicum of faint praise. 1| history is summoned to tes tify for the sofh against, the Imrtl*r, we, too, must and will use it in the defence of the lat ter.; and if its recorded truths shall bear with j severity upon the former, we shall seek an apology in the remark, " They would have it so." But it becomes the more necessary for another reason. It Ls obvious, from the course of En gland, France, and Spain, that a foreign conspi racy to make Cuba valueless as a part of this Union, by making it a Jamaica or St. Domingo, is probable in the future, if it does not exist at present. The facts, which we have mentioned iu this article will put the country upon their guard against trusting our foreign interest to those men whose patriotism is limited by the more powerful suggestion of a wretched fanaticism, and who might reconcile their consciences to the surrender of our foreign policy to the de mands of a sectional organization at home. We say again, as we have said before, let the country applaud its true friends and reward them; and condemn and punish its open foes, or those, who, under the mask of party fidelity and genuine patriotism, conceal motives and feelings as dangerous to the peace of the democratic organization as it is to the honor i and safety of the Union. The Southern I?ress, We arc told by veritable historians that Kin# Canute had his throne placed on the verge ol the seashore as the tide was rolling with resist less force, and that he very complacently said unto the ocean, " Ocean, the land on which I sit is mine, and thou art a part of my domin ions ; therefore, rise not?obey my commands, and presume not to wet the edge of my robe." But King Canute, no doubt much to his chagrin, found that imperial power and royal arrogance were of no avail against the course of the ?Mf mighty waters. Sliakspeare tell us that you "may call spirits from the vasty deep." Indeed, we are told that witches came at the bidding of Macbeth, and passed away like shadows when he bade them. Spirits from earth, air, and water, were at the beck and call ot the enchantci Pros pern. These two latter, not very well au thenticated instances of the influence of man's power over the spirit world, have impressed some imaginative persons with a sort of belief that they can exert the same power and per form the same poetical and captivating mi racles. Hut among all the difficult and impossible things, the most difficult and the most impossi ble is to arrest the tide of human feeling and human passion. It can no more be dammed up, confined, and limited, than the waters of the great ocean can be controlled and ob structed.' When the masses, impelled by com mon feelings, sympathies, and convictions, be gin to act, and to act with vigor and resolution, it is in vain for any one man, or for a handful ot men, to attempt to stay them. To oppose re sistance to them is to court destruction and to accomplish self-immolation. At such times men must follow. If they play the laggard, they will just simply be stowed away as lumber. They will be regarded as neither flesh, fish, nor fowl, or yet good red herring. These remarks have been drawn from us by the effort of a few presses of the south to pre vent the people of the south from taking any part in the New York feuds. Their motives are no doubt good, but their policy is bad. It is a foregone conclusion. These difficulties have already become matters of general and pervad ing interest. Politicians and presses every where?north, south, east, and west have taken e'Vannot'^ielp ourselves. The smith is trith the national democrats. The current has set in swift and strong, and no man and 110 press can say with any effect?"Thus far shalt thou go and no farther." The south does not regard this controversy as an administration quarrel, lbr both divisions helped to elect General Pierce. Whilst on this subject, we cannot refrain from expressing our surprise and our mortifi cation at an article which appeared in the Rich mond Examiner of the 7th inst. We extract from it a few sentences. (The italics are our own.) The Examiner says : '? The 1 hards,' encouraged by southern assaults upon their adversaries, invite whigs?I? ii.lmoRK whigs?Erie-emancipatiou-Ietter whigs into their council. That is the coalition whieh scents to be concocting at the north against the administration | against the heart, soul, and centre of national democratic organisation. We say to the demo cratic press and party of the south, it is not pru dent, safe, or just to indulge in hasty and bitter criminations against the snjrporters of the adminis tration in Nri" Yuri." "The 'hards,' eneonraged by southern as saults upon their adversaries!" We respect fully submit to the Examine?, if the south is with the "hards," is it not fair to suppose that they are true to the south ? And does it be come a southern journal to take sides with the.ir i " adversaries," who have never been true to the south ? Again, the Examiner sjieaks of a coat it ion Ik? tweeii the tp/nV/.v and the national democrats "injnin.il the administration.' 'W here, we em phatically ask, is the evidence of this coalition? We have searched in vain for it. But it seems J that there is not only a coalition, but that it is j "against the administration." So grave and serious a charge should not be made without due deliberation and ample authority; for it puts the south and the national democracy of the north in antagonism to President Pierce, and the last sentence of the cxtract, which con tains 1x>tIt an admonition ami a statement of fact, leaves the Examiner without the ranks of the south and the national democracy, where it surely does not wish to place itself. Moreover it very indiscreetly makes out the "supporters of the administration" in New York, par excel lence. the Van Buren party. Now, we have all along believed that both ; divisions of the New York democracy voted for General Pierce, and have sup|*orted his admin | istration. We live to learn?and wo some | times learn some very unpleasant things. 1 fprg Wk pkkckivf. from our exchanges that the subject of agriculture is attracting great at tention in every part of our country. Fairs are being held, which are attended by large num bers of persons. Stock, fowls and products of all kinds are exhibited, and large premiums are awarded in many instances. Some of the most learned and eminent men of the nation have delivered the addresses on these occasions. Agriculture is at last the basis of wealth ami prosperity. The most honest, intelligent, and | substantial men of the country are engaged in ' it. We are gratified to see the interest that is everywhere felt in this important subject. Speed | the plough. | MR. OUTHB1B TO MR. BHONNON. Rumors have been before the public for Home days, touching a letter from Mr. Guthrie, the Secretary of the Treasury, to Mr. Bronson, the collector of the port of New York. We present below a copy of that production. It speaks for iteelf; and no comment from us is needed. Washington, Oct. 3, lSf?3. Dear Sir: Since the conversation we hud upon the subject of the unlortimate division in the dem ocratic party in New York, I l'eel more and more convinced that the present disorganization cannot tail to endanger the success of the principle* of the parly there, and to prove injurious elsewhere. Bui the separation is effected. A conviction has forced itself upon my mind that, by democrats pledged to each other upon a common platform of principles, the division could and ought to have been prevented. You are aware that the principles of the Balti more convention, aud the policy intimated in the inauxurul address, the President and his constitu tional advisers stand pledged to before the world. They have been and are united as one man upon these principles and that policy, and had reason to Ik-Iu-vc that all gentlemen who consented to ac cept office under the administration stood pledged to the smue principles and |>olicy. As the President understands the principles avowed as the platform of the party at Baltimore, nil democrats who joined in upholding and carry ing out the same were entitled to be recognised as worthy of the confidence of the united party, ami consequently eligible to ollicia'l station. That all could not obtain office was manifest, and that the distribution could not be exactly equal amongst the ditlerent sections of the parly was equally certain. Yet the distribution was intended to be so made as to give just cause of complaint to no one section, and it is believed that this intention lias been carried out, not only by the President himself, but l?y most of his ap. pointees, in respect to the offices under the latter. It lias so happened that your appointments have been very generally made from that portion of the party to which you adhere. This you thought best calculated to secure union and harmony. That desirable objeej has failed to be obtained, and the other portion of the party feel that they have not been fully recognised by you, aud, as things now stand, may not do justice to your motives. 1 call your attention to this subject, and to the fact that the President and his cabinet, with entire una nimity, recognise that portion of the party as democrats distinctly avowing and firmly main taining the principles of the Baltimore platform, and entitled to be recognised by appointment to official stations in your department. Allow me to express the expectation that you will so recog nise them in the only way that will carry convic tion with it. I have not hitherto deemed it necessary to make any particular inquiry us to the section of the de mocratic party to which persons nominated for po sitions in the custom-house at New York belonged prior to the reunion of the party in 1M9?which reunion was supposed to have been thorougly ce mented in the great and triumphant contest iu lSGii. But as the present excited state of feeling among political friends who acted together in 185t2, and who now stand unequivocally upon the same platform of principles in New York, is?sugge?tive of a discrimination of which the administration will not approve. 1 shall send a copy of this letter to the naval officer and the surveyor of the Port, in order ihnt there may be no misapprehension as to the policy which the President will require to be pursued. 1 am, very respcctl'ully, James Guthrie. G. C. Broitson, esq.. Collector, New York. Copies of the al>ove letter were sent to the naval officer and surveyor, with the following note: Washington, Oct. 3, 1853. Dear Sir: I enclose herewith a copy of a letter this day addressed to the lion. G. C. Bronson. It will explain itself, and show you what the Presi dent expects in relation to the distribution of pa tronage iu the respective offices of the New York custom-house, to which you will conform your action in any future nominations you may have occasion to make. i am, very respectfully, James Guthire. Tills: OUTRAGE ON AMERICAN SHIP MASTERS. We cull attention to the details of the out rage committed at the Chincha Islands on American shipmasters and citizens. From all accounts, it was a most wanton and high handed outrage, and calls loudly for redress and reparation. But, as we said in our paper of yesterday, we feel very confident that oar government will do all that is necessary in the premises. It has shown a hold American spirit in every instance oi foreign aggression. It. will wrap the protecting folds of the Ameri can Hag around our citizens, whether at home or abroad?whether in Smyrna or in the Chin cha Islands. The Jmxbtkated Magazine of Art.? Mr. Joe Shillington has heen kind enough to supply us with the October number of this work. We have not had the time to examine it thoroughly, but, from a glance at the engrav ings, we are satisfied Jt will liecome a valuable acquisition to the lovers of art. The engrav ings are fine, and the table of contents very inviting. Young America.?The Tyler, Texas, Tele graph, of the 10th, says: A good deal has been said of late about the precocity of American youth, but all that we have seen of them is completely outstripped by a Mexican "boy"' of San Antonio, lie attempted to give in his vote at the late election, but, from his youthful appearance, his vote was challenged, and it was proven on oath that he was but thirteen years of age. The Ledger says that he has a wife and a child one year old, and, for the sake of gratifying curiosity, the editor of that paper was led to consult a physician 011 the subject, ami was assured that this <4boy" could not have been exceeding eleven years at the time of his marriage. A Bathing Scene.?An exchange states that during the past summer, at a town 011 the banks of the Susquehanna, the heat had been over powering all day, and, night being come, num bers'of people of both sexes sought coolness in the waters of that beautiful stream. A terrible thunder storm arose whilst the river was popu lated with bathers, and then commenced a gen eral ttauvc-<jiii-)>eut. The wind bore away the clothing in every direction, and every one, to gain his or her own habiliments, joined in an impetuous race, clad in a single garment. This one, where he had left his coat found only a corset., and where that young girl sought her fresh toilette and her sweet tulle bonnet, she discovered a pair of pantaloons or an old sack. Many were obliged to enter the town in the most bizarre costume, and some even without any. The next morning the clothes that had been collected were divided as equitably as |>ossiblc. Historical Account ok Hymen.?Hymen was a beautiful youth of Athens, who, for the love of a young virgin, disguised himself, and assisted at the Kleusinian rites; and at this time he, together with his beloved and divers other young ladies of that city, were surprised and carried oft'by the pirates, who, supposing him to lie what be appeared, was lodged with his mistress. In the dead of night, when the rob bers were all asleep, he cut. their throat*. Thence making hasty way boek to Athens, he bargained with the parents that he would re store them their daughter and all her compan ions, if they would consent to their marriage; which, proving very happy, it became the cus tom to invoke the name of Hymen at all nuptials. JB&f" " Speaking of upecd," naid n wag the other day, " I reckon they travel on the Hudson River Railroad. 1 stepped in the cars at Albany, got fairly !"'?trd ?' JludsonJiKhted mycigar at i'on^li keepsie, spit it out at J'eekskill, and it hit a inai) qt Sing Sing." fiSt* " There in a Iwnevolent gentleman in Bos ton who (riven twenty-five rents lor religious pur pose* every lime In? swears. He ha# already damned a new steeple On the Presbyterian (.'hurrh, and is now engaged in "eustiinir up ' a donation to the Home Missionary Society. From the New York tierald. The Turk lull Question. The latest advices from Constantinople are of the 12th of September. According to those of the 8th, the greatest excitement still pre vailed. A petition was in circulation, and had obtained a great number of-signatures, calling upon the ministers either to make war or to conclude an honorable peace. The feeling of the Turks is, that having col lected a large army from the most distant parts of the empire, a declaration of peace and con sequent disbaudment of these troops would be almost as bud us un irruption of the enemy. It was not supposed that, in the present state of affairs, any collision would ensue on the Dan ube. Without further provocation, the Rus sians would scarcely cross the Danube at this late season, and Omer Pasha's operations nre mainly, if not entirely, on the defensive. It is in Asia that a collision is most to be apprehended, as there the Turks, surrounded by a sympathizing Mussulmun population, have only to give the signal to raise around the stand ard of Islamism all the warlike populations of Kurdistan, Lazistan, Daghistau, ami also ofCir cassiu. In Constnntinople incendiary plucards con tinue to be circulated. Several caricatures have also appeared against England. In one of those the emperor of Russia is represented -as breaking into Buckingham palace; Prince Albert rushes out to defend his house and fam ily ; but Lord Aberdeen holds hiin back, de claring the outrage not to l?e a casus belli. The English names of the ships-of-war have also been modified into Turkish by-words ex Siressing anything but respect towards the English. All sorts of alarming rumors were flying thick and fast. Among other very doubtful news that had l?een sent to Paris was a report that a deputation of the Vic ma?or united bodies of priests, lairi/crs, and men of letters?had called on the Sultan either to declare tear against Jius sia, or to abdicate the throne. The time allowed for his answer was to the feast of K urban Bui ram, oti the 14th. The peace party, however, would be satisfied with a demonstration from the combined fleets, and the dismissal of the Minister of War. A general feeling prevailed at Constantinople that the Sultan would make no further concession either to Russia or the Powers. There is also a rumor that the dispute be tween the French and English ministers at Constantinople had been revived, the French minister insisting that the fleets should come up to Constantinople, nud Lord Redeliffe strongly objecting to any movement at present. Besides all Ibis, a new and important fea ture, though one not unforeseen, has arisen iu the question. Austria begins more pointedly than before to show symptoms of her Russian leaning. A despatch from Vienna, September 20, received at Paris, states that " Austria does not altogether adhere to the proposition of the two western powers respecting the collective note to be given to the Porte, containing a guarantee against any future interference on the part of Russia between the Porte and its subjects." Letters from Vienna, of 1 Vtli September, state that on that day the representatives of the four powers again met in conference, when a propo sition to draw up a note to the Porte, giving to the Sultan such assurances respecting the force and meaning of the original Vienna note as would remove his objections, was discussed and rejected. The Independence lielt/e adds, that after this incident, the ministers of France and England declared that, before all things, it was necessa ry to work with energy to induce the Porte to accept the first note. Instructions had been sent to Lord Redeliffe and M. de la Cour to that effect. The Last Turkish Manifesto.?One of the Paris , correspondents mentioned some days since that a manifesto was expected to appear on August :50, in the official journal of Con stantinople, and that this document had ap peared Sept. 4th. Wo are not aware that it has been generally circulated, as we find it stated in letters from Constantinople that owing to the exeit/?no?t l?y tko publication it had been stopj>ed after several copies were struck off. It was added that the prohibition of publication was out of deference to the ambassadors at Constantinople, who were expecting dispatches from their govern ments. The manifesto (in Turkish) was re ceived in town on Sunday. The translation we subjoin, if not word for word, the same as the original, (which is, as usual, full of oriental am plifications,) is yet substantially a transcript of the document. The Sultan begins thus:? The Manifesto.?After the occupation of Wallachia and Moldavia by the Russians, the Sublime Porte protested before the four powers, in conformity with its ancient custom. Some days before the departure of Prince Menschikolf from Constantinople, the Sublime Porte had framed a note which, in consequence of its not having been accepted by the Russian ambassa dor, remained unexecuted. One of the terms of that note was the evacuation of the princi palities, after which an ambassador was to repair to St. Petersburg. The four powers in terfered, with the view of bringing the two parties iu dispute to an amicable arrangement, and with that object they framed a note, which was immediately communicated to them. That note was accepted by Russia in the same form in which it was drawn up, and we were in formed of this by the telegraph from Vienna as far as Belgrade, and thence by an extraordinary courier. By that act the four great powers gave proofs of their good will, and their friend ship for the maintenance of our integrity. The Vienna note, when examined with attention, showed some points which could not and which cannot be admitted either by his majesty the Sultan, who desires to maintain the right of his ancestors in this grave question, or by his min isters, who are bound by it. For some months past the government of his majesty has made great preparations with the object of maintaining its integrity, and such being the case, the note to which' wd have re ferred cannot be accepted ; and to resolve the pending question ft cannot accept other than the note modifiiHl by the Sublime Porte, and under the official guarantee of the four itowers. It is to that point the solution tends, and of this all its ambassadors have been informed. On the same question we have received a letter from his majesty the emperor of Austria, to which wo have replied after the same manner in which wo now express ourselves. Such is the actual state of the question, and as to the turn which it may take hereafter, in telligence of a more recent date will inform us. Awaiting the results which may take place, the Sublimu Porte will maintain the footing, with respect to its armaments, which it occu pies at this moment?and such is the decision of all." Tiik Last Russian Manifesto.?The Berlin Xeit, of August 18, publishes n dispatch from Count Ness el rode to Baron MeyendorfT, at Vi enna, dated St. Petersburg, August 26, O. S., (September 7, N. S.,y as fblows:? We have just received, together with your excellency's reports of the Kith (28th) of Au gust, the alterations which the Ottoman Porto has made in the draft of a note drawn tip at Vienna. Count Buol will only require to recall to mind the expressions of our communication of the 25th of July,(to form a clear idea oft he im pression these alterations have made on his majesty- the emj>eror. When I, in his majesty's name accepted that draft of a note which Austria, after having pre viously procured it to be approved and accepted by theVourts ofFranceand England,described to us as an ultimatum, that, she intended to lay be fore the Porte, arid on the acceptance of which the continuance of her friendly offices was to de|>end, I added in a despatch which you, Baron, were instructed to communicate to the Austrian cabinet, the following remarks and reservations:? I consider it to lie superfluous to remark to your excellency that, whilst we, in a spirit of conciliation, accept the proposal of accommoda tion agreed to at Vienna, and of sending a Turkish ambassador, we assume that we shall not have still further changes and fresh propo sitions to examine and to discuss, which may happen to be contrived at Constantinople under the warlike inspiration which seems at present to influence the Sultan and the majority of his ministry, and that, should the Ottoman govern ment also reject this last arrangement, we should no longer hold ourselves by the consent which we now give to it. Expressions so precise as these could leave the Austrian government no doubt as to our present decisions. I will not at the present moment enter into the alterations of the wordings which have been made at Constantinople. 1 have made them the subject of special remark in another despatch. I will, for the moment, conline myself to ask ing whether the emperor, after having for him self renounced the power to change even a word in that draught of a note, which was drawn up without his participation, can allow the Otto man Port alone to reserve to itself that power, and whether lie can suffer Russia to be thus placed in an inferior position t't.i <i via lurkey. We hold this to be inconsistent with the dignity of the emperor. Let us recall the whole series of events, as they took place. In the place of the Mensehikoff note, the acceptance of which, without alteration, we had stipulated as the con dition of our resuming our relations with the Porte, a different note was proposed to us. On this ground alone we might have refused to take it into consideration. And even after entering upon it we mighf have found occasion to raise more than one objection, to propose more than one alteration in the expressions, oil know, Baron, that from the moment we consented to give iu> our ultimatum, no note of any form whatever was what we desired, that we should have preferred another plan, another form of agreement. We did not insist on this plan : we have laid it entirely on one siilc. Why ? He cause, as soon as we should have made counter propositions, we should have exposed ourselves to the reproach of protracting matters?of in tentionally prolonging the crisis which is dis quieting Europe. Instead of this, as we wished to put an end to the crisis as soon as possible, we sacrificed our objections, both as regards the contents and the form. On the receipt of the first draft of a note, without waiting to learn if it had been approv ed in London or in Paris, we notified our ac cession to it by telegraph. Subsequently, the draft was forwarded to us in its final form ; and although it had been altered in a direction which we could not misunderstand, we did not retract our consent nor raise the smallest dif ficulty. Could greater readiness or a more conciliatory spirit be shown? When we thus acted we d'id so, as a matter of course, on the condition that a draft which the emperor ac cepted without discussion should be accepted by the Porte in a similar manner. We did so under the conviction tlmt Austria looked on it as an ultimatum, in which nothing was to be changed-.-?as the last effort of her friendly me diation, which, shjould it fail in consequence of the pertinacity of the Porte, would thereby of itself come to an end. We regret that it was not so. But the Vienna cabinet will admit that if we had not to do with an ultimatum, but with a new draft of a note, in which either of the parties concerned was at liberty to make changes, we should thereby recover the right, of which we had, of our own accord, deprived ourselves, of proposing variations on our part, of taking the proposal of arrangement into consideration, and not only changing the ex pressions, but also the form. Could such a result be intended by Austria? Could it be agreeable to the powers, who, by al tering and accepting her draft, have made it their common work ? It is their affair to con sider the delays which will result from this, or to inquire if it is for the interest of Kurope to cut them short. We see only one single means of putting an end to them. It is for Austria and the powers to declare to the Porte, frankly and firmly, that they, having in vain opened up to it the only road that could load to an immediate restoration of its rela tions with us, henceforth leave the task to itself alone. We believe that as soon as the Powers unanimously hold this language to the Porte, the Turks will yield to the advice of. Europe, and, instead of reckoning on her assistance iu a struggle with Russia, will accept the note in its present form, and cease to compromise their position so seriously for the childish sat tisfaction of having altered a few expressions in a document which we hail accepted without discussion. For of these two positions only one is possible?either the alterations wliicfi the Porte, requires are important, in which ease it is very simple that we refuse to accede to thein; or they are unimportant, and then the question arises, why should the Porte unnecessarily make its acceptance dependent 011 them. To sum up succintly what we have said, the ultimatum drawn up at Vienna is not ours. It is the work of Austria and the Powers, who, after having first of all agreed to it, then dis cussed it, ami altered its original text, have re cognized it as such as the Porte could accept without its interests or its honor being compro I miscd. We, 011 our part, have done everything that depended upon us to shorten unnecessary delays, inasmuch as, when the arrangement was laid before us, wo renounced all counter propo sitions. No one will refuse to bear this testi mony to the loyaute of the emperor. After our having long exhausted the measure of conces sions, without the Porte's having as yet made a single one, his Majesty can go no further with out compromising his own standing, and with out exposing himself to a resumption of his re lations with Turkey, under unfavorable auspices, which would deprive them for the future of all stability, and must inevitably produce a fresh and signal breach. Even now, further conces sions with regard to the expressions of the note would be of no use, for we see by your dispatch that the Ottoman government is only waiting for our consent to the alterations made in the Vienna note, to make its signature, as well as its sending off an ambassador to convey the latter hither, dependent 011 fresh conditions, and that it has already made inadmissable pro posals with respect to the evacuation of the Principalities. As regards the latter point, we can only refer to the assurjinces and declara tions contained in our despatch of the 10th of August, and repeat, that the arrival of the Turk ish ambassador, bearing the Austrian note with out alterations, will suffice, at St. Petersburg, for the orders to be issued to our troops to re tire over the frontier.'' A firman is about to be issued to authorize the admission of the evidence of Christians in courts of law. This is the most important re form that has taken place in many years in the Ottoman empire, Hitherto,no "infidel's" word could be taken as legal evidence against a Mus sulman, and hence arose injustice of the most grievous sort to the Christian population. Some difficulty had arisen between the Min ister of Finance and the management of the Oriental Bank, respecting a loan of 45,000,000 of piastres sought by the Porte and promised by the bank. The details have not transpired, but the drafts 011 Messrs. Mastermanns' bank, in London, for the first instalment of ?20,000, had been returned dishonored. The Bey of Tunis had informed the Porte that his contingent of troops was ready to take the field. Steamers were to be sent for them from Constantinople, Jzzeft Pasha, late governor of Tripoli, had liecn npjiointed governor of Belgrade, with orders to proceed to the spot at once and as sume the functions of his office. The service of the Russian post at Constan tinople is susjtended, and the postmaster has left for Odessa. The British ship Bellerophon had arrived at Tenedos, with sick English sudors, from the fleet at Besika Bay. A temporary hospital had been established at Tenedos. A journal states, from Constantinople of the 5th, that Redschid Pasha had called on the Russian consul general to prevent the Russians and Greeks in the city from writing and speak ing against the Turkish government. Accounts mention that the foundation of a new Greek church had been laid wilh much ceremony at Ismail. The church is authorized hy a ukase from the Czar, and is to be built at the expense of the officers of the Russian army. The princess Belgioso had died at Constan tinople of her wounds. It may be reuiendtered that when travelling in the east she was stabbed. l>aU'? Experiment with Biily. I-ess ilmn a hundred miles ftom Syracuse lives an old farmer, whose given name iaZury? a hard working, honest old Englishman, owning a good 'arm of over a hundred acres, and two .1,. : l?y?? who have been brought up to wield the " agricultural implement,"?from one of these 1 have my story. . /ury had an old goat on the farm, who is not one of the most, peacefully disposed eft'a tures in the world, ami on this account the bora take no little delight in putting his lordship on Jus taps, once in a while, by way of amusement; or a loi'ff tune the old man had noticed that wheni Hilly came home at night he was com pletely covered with mud and water, and old y could not imagine how he should become so; so he determined, if possible, that he would find out the cause of poor Billy's daily misfor tune. J One day lie left the boys?to pickup the rakes, ?c., after a hard day's work of haying? and walked around to the ridge, where Hilly generally kept himself; it was about time for thegoat to go to the house, but there he lay,quiet and dry; no old Zury seated himself behind a stump, determined to watch his movements, tor that night, at any rate; lie had not been there more than fifteen minutes, when who should he see coining along the ridge but the two boys ; his fust impulse was to. tell them to keep back, but upon second thought, lie suid nothing. n "Take my load, Hank," .said Dick; "it'smy turn to take the fellar to-night." Hank took Dick's load from his back, and Dick going down the hill a little ways, soon showed himselfwithin a few yards of where the goat was lying. Billy had already caught a glimpse of the boys, and was soon on his feet. Hank laid Hut on the ground, and Dick, on the edge of the ndge, now presented a full front, which did not seem exactly to please his goatahip, for he pointed for linn, and down went Dick, toa?-irra vate Billy to a still more desperate lunge* again the signal rose, and Billy jumped, but just as he got within a few feet, Diek lowered him se f about two pegs, and Mr. Goat lowered him self about fifteen feet into a ditch of marsh mud and water. Hank had caughtsight ofa small cor ner of the old man's hat above the stump, and sloped for the bars, while Dick was not a little surprised at the sudden transformation of the old stump into a human being, and that too, the old man, at fifteen paces, who, by the way, was not one of the most forbearing persons in the world; and as he looked around 011 the ground, Diek thinking that a club or stone might possibly be the object of his search, started 011 a keen jump for the barn. The old man made up his mind that the mystery was solved. 1 hat night Dick and Ilank did'nt come home to supper. 1 thought I should not be able to hold myself together, as Hank related the surprise of old /ury and his son, as they stood face to face. ? But hold on,' said he, "I hav'nt told you the best of it yet; about two weeks from that time, one day me and Dick had .been working 1 ,7,-nij V? ul? ??r minds that we should find old dad bucked, for he hadn't been in the held at all in the afternoon, and he always kept a good barrel of ale in the cellar; but when we had started, who should we see but the old man edging around the ridge ; so Diek and me went over that way. There was old ctad, and there was the goat. !U1(' f[at "" tbe ground, anxious to know what the old man was going to do, when what was our surprise to see liim take the exact po sition Dick had taken a couple of weeks before. \Ve said nothing, for we hadn't seen any of nnoL /1! rl "V '''I1# ti,,,e 5 the old mm. Fill I *,1 01' a fwiidalle appearance, but Billy, nothing daunted, pointed tor the mark, he old man lowered, but a little too late, for he goat took liim ' plump.'? We heard some thing strike in the mud, and it wasn't Billy, for lie stood looking down over the ridge. Me and Dick pulled for the barn, and in a few minutes we saw old dad paddling for the house, covered with mire from head to foot. 1 ; \lmt: tl,e v1(1 man was <lr?J?sed up in his best clothes. [ ventured to ask him if he was going over to see the Deacon. ironrl T\ I ! "V ! (a '"ail put Oil good clothes without going to see the Deacon!" 8aid ,)u;k' J,'llk'ng out the door; can a ,nan go and see the goat, without turn' bung in the mud ?" Diek was gone, and the old dad looking at mc, and then very significantly at a hc^avy wooden bootmek f stepjied out of the back iloor. Spuut of the ltmex. Ei.Kf'TROTTPiNc.?This art, as applied to the deposition of metals in forming metal plates of type and figures for .'printing, presents a strik ing example of the advancement of science and art, and their application to new and useful purposes. The stereotype is an art which has long been in use; the publishers of books' usually send their composed types to the stereo tvpers, where a east of each page is taken in plaster of Paris, thus forming a negative mould, into which type metal is run and moulded into thin metal plates of positive type, fac similes of the original as set up by the compositor; tlii.s art saves the re-setting of type for re-prints, as these plates can be laid away and kept ready for printing future editions. This ait, it ap pears, is destined to be superseded by the elec trotype. It has been demonstrated that electro typing of pages of type and engravings on wood can be done quicker and in a very' superior manner to stereotyping. By the electrotype process, an impression is first taken in wax, and the mould thus formed is dusted with finely powdered plumbago, it is then set, in a vessel containing a solution of the sulphate of copper, and placed in the circuit of a galvanic battery for about twelve hours, when, 011 being taken from the same, it is found that the gal vanism has deposited a positive type plate of pure solid copper from the solution 011 the wax mould, from which innumerable impressions may be taken. As applied to the duplication of wood en gravings, we have lately had an evidence of its power and usefulness in the beautiful title j>age which adorned th<5 last number of volume K, "Scientific American it was printed from an electrotype copy of a wood original. So fuct is the lightning in copying original en gravings that, under the most powerful micro seope, it is impossible to detect, the least variation lietween the original and its duplicate. Electrotype plates print much better than com mon type; the ink coincs off clean every im pression, and there is 110 filling up of the lines. This is certainly a very great recommendation to it, besides that of its great hardness, whereby it is enabled to print several million impres sions. Electricity is now performing wonders in many of the arts, and to 110 one is it more successfully and usefully applied than in pro ducing solid metal typo plates for printing; and as these are so much superior to stereo typic plates, and can lie produced as cheap, it apj>enrs to us that they must soon supersede them entirely.?Scientific American. Happiness is like the statue of Isia, whostj veil no mortal ever raised.?Landvn, ?