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PasMngtoit ffiitiitfl. EDITED BT j WM. M. OVEETON. CH. MAURICE SMITH, AND BEVERLY TUCKER. CITY OF* WASHINGTON. JUiVE 4, 1854. XSf O. II. I'. Stem, is our authorized agent for collecting accounts due this office, and tor ob ing new subscribers in Virgiuin. pif George \V. Me arson is our authorized ?gent to receive subscriptions and advertisements, in Washington, Georgetown and Alexandria. FAIR PLAY, GENTLEMEN: The Washington UtiiVi and the Richmond Enquirer have assailed Messrs. Maurice, Peck, Peckham, Wheeler, and Oliver, members of Congress from New York, because of the course ?which they pursued on the Nebraska bill, and the address they have published since that bill passed the House of Representatives. We do not object to that, for we have ceusured those gentlemen as pointedly as we could. But we must say that the two journals we have men tioned have acted in the most unjustifiable manner with regard to this matter, and that hoth of them have manifested a spirit which cannot stand the test of fairness. First, as regards the Washington Union. That journal has manifested the utmost eager ness to assail those representatives of the national democracy of New York who opposed the Nebraska bill, whilst it does not bestow one word of censure on the softshella and free soilers, who united with them and voted with them. Does not this fact of itself expose the unfair purpose of the Union f Does it not be tray thu desire of that journal to mislead the public? Does it not prove that the Union wishes to conceal the rottenness of the freesoil and sofuhell alliance? Yea, doe9 it not prove that fair, open, and manly dealing is not re garded by the Washington Union. This would, however, be unimportant, but for the position which the Washington Union occupies, or is supposed to occupy, before the country. It is understood to be the organ ol the administration, and its tortuous policy must affect the popularity of the administration. Until a late day the Union succeeded in cre ating a doubt as to whether the Executive was really and truly the friend of the Nebras ka bill. Now it pursues a line of policy which shows that, since the .Nebraska bill is con cluded, it wishes to return to its old position, and to hide, conceal, and harbour the soft shelh and fireesoilers, who opposed the administration on a test measure, whilst it refuses to render justice to the national democracy of New York which has stood firm, even when smarting under the feeling of personal grievance. But nothing better than such trickery could have been expected of the Washington Union, for it would lose its identity if it was found pursuing a straight forward aud impartial course. Now, as to the Richmond Enquirer. It is not necessary for us to say, by way of intro duetion, more of the l'ormer cause of that jour nnl than what is embodied in the announce ment, ?hat, in the beginning of the New York controversy, it advocated the cause of the na tional democracy with great zeal, whilst it sub sequently gave active aid to the frwsu'J ?ud Boftsbell alliance. These facts?facta whicl wo deeply j egret?led us to expect that th? Richmond Enquirer would, notwithstanding the high position which the Nebraska question assumed, still cherish a feeling of hostility to wards the national democracy of New York. But we must, in all candour, confess that we did not expect to Bee it manifest that feeling ol hostility in the mode and manner of its article of Friday last. It speaks in harsh terms ol the signers of the quintuple address. Of thai we do not complain, because we agree thai they deserve the severest censure; but it for bears to mention that those signers did no* consiitute the whole of the representation ol the New York national democrats. This we think is most unfair. But further. The candid reader of the En quirer's article, if he had no other means of in formation than that furnished by that article, would come to the conclusion that none of thr representatives of the New York national de mocracy sustained the Nebraska bill, and that the whole of the national democracy of Ne* York had been proved to be false to their pro, fessions. On the other hand, the candid reader would suppose that the freesoil and softshel alliance had gone in solid phalanx for the bill, for the reason that the Enquirer does not men tion that any portion of the representatives ot the New York national democrats voted for Nebraska, and avoids, as if studiously, to men tion that any of the Foftshells and freesoilers voted against it. Theae oversights may some times take place without any disposition to do wrong, yet the duty to correct them is not less imperative on fair men who wish to do righi and not mislead the public even by omissions. We therefore call upon the Union and En quirer to repair the wrong they have done. We call upon those journals to make the dis criminations they have thus far avoided. We call upou them to make the amende honorable to the national democracy of New York; hud we call upon them to comment on the conduct of the freesoilers and softshells who voted with Maurice, Peckham, Wheeler, k Co., if they mean to play out the game fairly and truly, and do not mean to bamboozle the public by one-sided arguments, and prejudice the administration by cunning and cranky statements. We have never hesitated to oppose factionists. Even in the present instance we did not hesitate in reprobating the course of those who signed the quintuple address. They are worthy of all censure. But we insist that those who censure them shall do justice. We insist that they put the whole truth before the people. If the Union and Enquirer will do^hat, we have no complaint to make. Fair play is all we de mand. Put the lash on the five recreants and we will not interfere; but do not undertake to make them the exponents of the national dem ocracy. Publish their names and hold them up to the public gaze; but do not forget to mention even, that other representatives of the New York democracy have stood firm. And above all, whilst you are engaged in exposing Maurice, Wheeler 4 Company, do not omit to make some mention of the conduct of the New York fieesoilers and soft-shells, whom yoo have been sustaining. Let us have fair pl?y> gentlemen. The people of the United States are houest and true. They cannot be misled by partial statements nor duped by cunning omissions. We repeat, therefore, let us have j fair play. THREE PERIODS IN Ol'R HISTORY. There have been three notable periods in ihe history of slavery in the United States. It behooves all thoughtful and all patriotic men to weigh them well. One period was when the sovereign States comprising this Union were appendages to the British crown?when they were colonies. The colonists were com posed of threo diversities of men. They were either pious men who claimed the privilege of worshipping God in their own way, political malcontents, who could not live happily in the countries from which they came, or enterpris ing adventurers whose dreams of ambition and of wealth tempted them to the shores of the new world. All of them concurred in one thing. The psalm-singing puritan, the haugh ty cavalier, the aspiring politician, and the rest less adven^prer, all agreed in holding slaves. They had no scruples in regard to it. Cargoes of Africans were brought over; and brought over by northern men and English traders. Saints and sinners owned them. Barbarians and brutal 6avages were thus transferred into civilized beings. Useless creatures, who were scarcely higher in the scale of being than ourang-outangs and monkeys, were at once transformed into useful, serviceable, faithful, and intelligent servants. They loved their masters, and their masters loved them. Time passed. Some of those who owned them sold them because the soil and climate of the region in which they dwelt made them rather an incumbrance than a help. Some were manumitted; but the great result, in the course of time, was, that the slaves found their way to the sections that were best suited to them. Here we may say, and we believe we can say truly, that far fewer slaves have been manu mitted in the northern than in the southern I section of this country. ! The second period was when the colonics determined to be free, and published to the world their Declaration of Independence. In that Declaration of Independence, which was united in by all the colonies, now States? all of them slave colonies then, some of them free States now?this memorable assertion was made: that "all men are created equal." We will not pause to scrutinise critically this declaration. It is clear, however, they did not mean to assert that lunatics and idiots are "crea ted"' with the capability of governing themselves or others. The whole meaning of the instrument they made, and that won them so much re nown, was that any people who are capable of self-government are entitled to self-government. That they did not mean slaves is clear; for they saw slaves all around them. They knew them to be incapable of self-government; besides, , that declaration is no code ot laws, nor was it , designed to uproot the existing rights of proper- ; ty. Moreover, whether they thought the black race created capable or not of self-government, they knew it was impossible to merge them in one great political brotherhood with the whites, or erect them into a separate and independent government right in their own midst. They gave j to that declaration the strongest of all inter- j pretations; and that was a practical intcrpre- j tation. They held slaves at the time of it, and j continued to hold tbem afterwards. They fed them, they clothed them, and they made them work. If peradventure there were <ome colonies that did not hold slaves, those colonies united voluntarily, and with the fact of slavery staring them in the face, in this decla ration. But now, in" these latter times, when the slaves that they owned have been sold, and the money for which they were sold has been spent, the sons of those men who owned those slaves rise up, and in loud denunciations condemn their puritan fathers, declare the Declaration of Independence to be a lie, and start the cry of black and white, of African and Auglo-Sax ju equality. The third period was when the independence of the colonies was achieved, and the Constitu tion of the United States was made. That Con >titution recognized slaves; it protected slaves. That Constitution was designed as a perpetual bond of union. The wise and good men who framed it knew that it could not be perpetual unless it was just, and that it could not be just unless it protected the property of all. Hence they made it a shield and a protection. They intended that it should protect property, and the full value of property. Property in its full value cannot be protected unless that Consti tution is extended alike over States, and Ter ritories destined to become States. The Consti tution extends over both. Its provisions cannot be partial. Its guarantees cannot be discrim inating. They must be general. They must be universal, in order that they may be just. The States all united in making that Consti tution, and the States are all equally bound to maintain it. Now, we have briefly adverted to three pe riods in our history, three critical periods, three periods at which our institutions were framed and founded, and we will defy any man who values truth to deny what we have stated in re gard to the events that theu transpired. Sla very WAS INSTITCTED, AND SLAVES AS PRO PERTY WERE PROTECTED JCSTLY?THAT IS, TO THEIR FULL VALUE. But a fourth period has arrived. Latter-day saints have-arisen, who dispute the Bible, the Constitution, and slavery. They are wiser than their fathers. The ancient Jews saw with their own eyes the miracles that were performed. They believed; and they left their religion a precious legacy to their children. A few gen- \ erations intervened, and the offspring of those j men, wiser in their own conceit than their j fathers, disputed and repudiated the truths they had been taught. What though the monu-! mcnts and the ordinances of that religion still I remained ? They shut their eyes to the suffi cient testimony they bore. They became infi dels, and were grievously punished for their in fidelity. Those wicked men are not without a com plete parallel in these latter times, and in thin, the newest and the freest country on the globe. There are men amongst us, the abolitionists, the freesoilers, and the agitators, who are wiser land better, in their own conceits, than their fathers who settled these colonies, introduced saves, fought the war of independence, erected those colonies into States, aud made the Con stitution which recognises and protects slavery. What shall be said of such men ? Can they go uncursed? Is there any anathema too strong and bitter for them ? Like " ill birds," they "foul their own nest." They uncover the na kedness of those who gave them being; they throw away their heritage, and spit upon the Constitation that their good and honest fathers bequeathed to them. Without the hope of heaven, too vile for earth, they are only Jit for those other regions, where infidelity howls in vaiu, and blasphemy utters its- curses against the divinity that punishes its wickedness. A SEW HERO. Verily men do not know what may befall them in this world. The humble rise with the same suddenness that the mighty fall. The negro, who this week hoes corn on a southern plantation, may next week become a very nota ble and distinguished individual. He loves his cabin, his banjo, and the merry dance, but honors, and homage, and great fame, are not to be despised. There was a negro belouging to a southern gentleman who made his escape, and after more of travelling than he had ever expected to do, he found himself in Boston? the seat of American civilization, refinement, and elegance 1 lie was black, the Bostonites white, but abolitionists and negroes dwell to gether pretty much as owls, rattlesnakes, and prairie dogs do. This negro all at once found himself a hero, surrounded by worshippers. He was as much the god, for the time being of the abolitionists, as the Ichneumon was of the Egyptians. Men, women, and children, approached him with reverence. They offered sacrifices to him, aud one sacrifice that is only known among savages?a human victim. Blood was shed in honor of him. A name never before married to print, was all at once taken up and spread over the coun try in shining letters. Tony Burns is a hero! A mob was gotten up in his honor. Sermons were preached, and prayers offered up in his behalf, by men who would not have thrown him a crust to save him from starvation. He , drew out the militia of the State of Massachu setts, and the regular forces of the United States. He was the subject of cabinet coun sels, Presidential despatches, and Congressional debates. The name of Tony Burns stands en rolled on tho records of the country! When he was remanded to slavery, there came up from his worshippers grievous groans and heart-rending lamentations. Bells were tolled, and houses shrouded in the sable livery of woe. Tears were shed in lavish profusion, and hands were wrung in frantic agony. But the great Toay was happy, we do not doubt, to take refuge from his worshippers in the revenue cutter which was destined to bear him homeward. He had been in hot water during the whole of his stay in Boston. He was in j the midst of angry men, armed with bludgeons, swords, and pistols. When he carried back his memory to "Old Virginia," he bethought him of the tranquil life he there had lived?of the ' comforts provided for him by his master, and Tony is said to have smiled benignantly. He will have many tales to tell to his fellow servants when he gets back, and one of the truest will be that the abolitionists did not care one straw for Tony, but only wanted to rob his master. ? gPIRlTl'AlilSM." Every day, every hour, produces a novelty in either the artificial or natural world. The hu man mind is composed of such mysterious in gredients that it turns to novelty as naturally as the needle to the pole. All scientific dis I covcries in their first development strike the I mind with a feeling of superstition, and when | reason and reflection are not called to its aid, ! its force and power are concentrated upon the 1 object it dwells upon, until its energies are par j alized aud benumbed, and its nervous machi i nery rendered uncontrolable. These reflections have been confirmed by witnessing the increase of a belief in commu : mcation with spirits in the immaterial world ; ! and the insanity, suicides, and neglect of tem | poral affairs, its natural offspring. In spiritual I communication with departed souls, we have i not now and never can have a belief; but we j have a belief that all the phenomena caused | by this " mysterious " agency can be attributed I to natural causes. In another column will be found an article ' confirmatory of our belief. It is from the pen of a gentleman occupying a high scientific po sition under the government. It is written in so lucid a style that every reader ^can under ! stand its import and argument. W c advise all who are searching after the truth, on this sub i ject, to give it an attentive perusal. For the genUnel. A MODERN BELLE. BY ALFRED BVELTSf. O' where's the brush will dare to paint, Or lip presume to tell The life and "doings" of that gaud? A fashionable belle? What bold, presumptuous man. whose tongue Will dare to utter blame 'Gainst that strange thing by fools oft sung? . A "Modem Belie" by name? O! who will dare assert that cheek. So seeming *niooth and fair, Its gentle blush from paint doth seek; O! who will this declare ? And who will call the slender waist A torture and an art? ) By whalebones and by cords so laoed, ; That tears of pain do start? | Who will declare, beneath the eye, So wicked and so bright, Ingeniously is traced a dye That makes it dark as night? Is there a voice the thought will breathe, While gliding down the waltz, That those soft curls her brow doth wreathe, And kiss her cheeks, are false? No; there's not on? so bold to tell, No man so brave to sing? For fear of blame?agiinM a belle? That painted made-up thing! Not one to say a modest g:rl, By truth and virtue graced, Is as a pure and priceless pearl Beside this gem of paste! When richly for a ball arrayed, There's none will say in je?t? "'Twere best the Joot should be displayed. Arid somtthing hide the breast." There's none will say this; nor condemn The modem dance's form In which they yield their waists to men? A woman's soul should scorn Protection to tub Texas Frontier.?-The Governor of Texas has addressed a letter to the i Secretary of War, calling hia attention to the ne cessityof having a force of mounted men stationed at such points on the Rio Grande as will enable them to give adequate protection to the live* and property of th? citizens against the Indians. I NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE. The European News?WtHStreet?Storks too Poet ?Digest of the War Movement*?Position of Austria and P un.na?Italy ami Hungary?Op erations in the East, Ifc. New York, June 2, 1854. Wall street ia overdone to-day. The news by the Asia, on being digested last night by the bulls, bears, lame ducks, and dippers, was considered to be good, financially, very good. The result was that this morning, everybody having stocks to sell, especially the heaviest and the slippery fancies, brought them into market; the market was glutted, and became tight. So you will perceive that good news as well as bad uews may make money tight in Wall street. With beef ranging from twenty to twenty-five cents a pound in the market,one would suppose that " the flush times of Ala bama" had overspread the whole country, and that cash must be as plentiful as paving-stoues in New York. By-and-by, however, you will hear a different story. Mark that. The European news, without affording any thing very decisive or important in the way of fighting, is still exceedingly interesting. The allies are closing up their lines of circumvalla tion in the Black saa and the Baltic, and there is such a cordon of fleets and armies concen trating against Russia from the Gulf of Fin land to the mountains of Circassia, that there would seem to be nothing but a speedy humili ation awaiting the czar. Napier has advanced to the island of Aland ; the ice has cleared out of the bay of Cronstadt; the way is open to St. Petersburg, excepting the Russian obstacles of heavy fortifications, gun boats, ships of war, sunken hulks, and torpedoes, and a land force of Calmucks and Cossacks of perhaps a hun dred thousand met). Of course, further news from Napier is waited for with intense interest, for he has yet to come to the tug of war. He has been crowding the bear into a corner and when Master Charles comes to beard him in his den, it is quite possible he may get a bloody nose, and the roughest sort of rough handling. But while Napier is closing up his lines in the Baltic, France is mustering an army on the Prussian frontiers, and Austria is making a for midable demonstration of an aggregate ex ceeding 150,000 niyn on that sido of her domin ions, next to the territories of Russia. This is considered in England a movement on the part of Austria, tantamount to taking sides with England and France against her last preserver, Nicholas. Perhaps she will enlist in the cause of his enemies. The most faithless and per fidious power of modern or ancient times, Austria is just ia the position to re-enact her oft-repeated black ingratitude against the hand which has saved her. Faithless and treache rous to Napoleon, to her compacts with Hun gary, to her own people, to the Italians, to every treaty, and every ally which she has ever made, how can she be expected to render any other return to the czar for the 200,000 raeu which he detailed to subdue the otherwise vic torious Hungarians in 1848 and 1840, if left left to choose at her own discretion. As far as gratitnde and international obliga tions are concerned, they will have precious little weight, at all events, in determining the ultimatum of Austria in this contest. My im ' pression is, that her movements against the | Russian frontiers ure but a rune de yuerrt, a ; device to frighten the czar into overtures of ? pence. Austria onmnot afford to declare war J against him, for instantly Paskiewitsch would be ordered back again into Hungary, not to re enslave that brave people, but to liberate them. And it would only be necessary to rouse again the Hungarians to arms against the in famous house of Hapsburg, to ensure its de- j struction without another blow from Russia; for the Hungarians, backed by the Italians would be more than a match for the despotism of Vienna, as they were in 1848. On the other hand, it would be equally perilous to Austria to enter into an active alliance with the czar. The French would again occupy Vienna, over run all Italy, and if they stopped short of the j restoration of the independence of Hungary, it would be to answpr the appeal of Russia and Austria for peace. In truth, neither Prussia nor Austria is in a condition to join either aide in this.war. j Germany and Italy are too full of revolution ary combustible to -isk the chances of their being culled to figh; either against Russia or the western powers. Neutrality is the policy of Prussia and Auctria, and when they cease to bo r utral, they will be most likely in the end to ioiti the allies; and for this simple rea son, Russia, with her extended line3 of frontier operations on the north and in the east, will be more easily kept off from the invasion of Ger many than France could be. But can it be supposed that either Frederick, William, or Francis .Tos ph, is willing to rnako his domin- i ' ions the common battle ground of Europe for i ' the fonvenienc-j of the czar, or his enemies? j No! Prussia and Austria will maintain their ; neutrality unti they can see their way through I the perils of a active agency in the war. I. The symptom* of a fermenting revolution in j i Italy, the projected occupation of Greece by the allies, the experimental shot or two at the ! outposts of ScbastDpol, the movement in the J Black sea of tfcr; Turkish fleet with arms and munitions of wnr for Circassia, the inactivity of the Russian" along the lengthened lino of j the Danube, ai the setting in of the deadly | fever among t! i poor Cossacks occupying the j lower portion c that pestilential river,-all look t bad for the cu o of Russia, aud highly favor- | 1 able to the Tu !ca and their allies. But if the j I Cossacks cann'rt survive the malaria of the i lower Danube, what will become of the French and English tDops, if they should attempt to enter the Dobr idscba country in order to ex pel the biibaruns of the czar. There is rea son to fear that the pestilence will prove more fatal as an ally han as an enemy of Nicholas. We may now expect soon to hear of some warlike operations ia the Baltic, the Black sea, aud on the south side of the Danube, consis tent with the magnitude of the preparations on | all sides for wholesale slaughter. Upon the whole, the last intelligence is highly favorable for the allies, an>l begins to developc pretty dis tinctly the grandeur of their extended circle of naval and military operations. But as yet no decisive blow haa beta reported on either side, unless the reported sickness of the czar should 4>rove to be true. In that event, bnt particu larly should Nicholas M cut off at this crisis, by that universal conqaeror of kings, the king of terrors, a blow will have been struck more I disastrous to Russia, perhaps, than the loss of half her armies in the iield. In my next I shall give you a passing thought or two upon the latest expressions of Louis Napoleon concerning the balance of power on this continent, concerning which he appears to exhibit an unnecessary amount of anxiety. UNCLE SAM. Kruiu the Londou Titues, May lsth. The accounts which we receive from every part of Germany contirm our impression that the true cause of the apparent inaction of the Russian armies is the increasing apprehension that they will soon have to encounter other ad versarics than the Turks, nnd to turn the seat of war from the banks of the Danube to those of the Sereth or the Dniester. The Austrian government had at first assembled its chief ! forces, uuder the command of the Archduke Albert, ou the frontier of Servia and the line of the Save, and the presence of that army un doubtedly served to strengthen the Turks in their positiou at Kalafat, and to defeat the scheme of iuvading Servia, where the govern ment of Prince Alexauder was vigorously sup ported against the Russian emissaries by the agents of all the other powers. But, when this movement of the enemy had been prevented, aud the Russians had retired from Little Wal lachia, the interest of the compaign passed to another quarter. It became known at Vienna that the Russians, instead of hurrying on all their available troops and reinforcements to the Danube, were forming considerable depots and cantonments on the Hue of the Sereth, from Kamiuictz Podolsky, on the frontier of the Russian province of Podolsk, to Fokshani, thus making Moldavia the base of their operations, and turning their front to the west rather than the south. These positions are, in fact, the same which they occupied in the early part of the year 1849, previous to the Russian intervention in Hun gary, and the passes in the Carpatl ians, by which they communicate with Transylvania, were more than once hotly disputed in the course of that war. An army in this province has the advantage of being able to advance iuto Gallicia by the north or into Wallacbia by the south, as the course of policy or of events may prescribe; and, in either case, it would turn the flank of a corps occupying the Bu kowina or the extreme eastern frontier of the Austrian empire. We are left, then, in uncer tainty as to the next movements which may be contemplated by Russia, but it is evident, from the last measures of the Austrian cabinet, that they think it necessary to prepare in earnest for the defence o*' Gallicia, which is, perhaps, more seriously menaced at this moment than the Turkish province of Bulgaria. According ly, the second division ot the army has been ordered to march with all speed to the north, aud General Schliek, who must certainly be con sidered one of the ablest of the Austrian offi cers, is to take the command in that province. It is extremely ditficult to obtain any informa tion ns to the real movements of the Russians, but there is reason to believe that the corps ol the Guards is marching from the Baltic pro vinces iuto the kingdom of Poland by way ot Knowo, and that the strength of the first and second divisions of the Russian army is still concentrated in the Polish provinces. The fact that these troops cannot be moved in consequence of the uncertain and menac ing attitude of one, at least, of the Ger man powers, has evidently disturbed the cal culations of Russia, and compelled her to pro vide for her own defence, while she was threat ening to absorb the territory of her neighbors. The strategical difficulty ol the Emperor .Nich olas in the preseut war is, that he is exposed | to attack on six or seven points, wholly distinct from each other, but each requiring an army for its defence. To hold possession of principalities he re quires at least 100,000 men; the Crimea de mands an army of 50,000; Georgia and the Circassian coast at least as many; the king dom of Poland, an imposing body of troops capable of maintaining the inhabitants in sul len subjection, and of watching the movements | both of Austria and Prussia; the Baltic prov inces, Finland, and even the neighborhood ol Finland, are all liable to be assailed, especially by an enemy having fleets propelled by steam in absolute possession of the sea, and troops in sufficient numbers to throw a formidable body of men on any part of the coast. At this moment, when the events of the war are about to assume a more positive character, it would be of-the utmost value to the common cause of Europe if the conventions recently concluded between the western powers, on the one hand, and the German powers on the other, could be brought to includc all the gen eral interests represented by the conference ol Vienna. If Austria is about to engage as a principal or an active auxiliary in this contest, it is of even more importance to her than to ourselves that she should place her rights and her policy in strict accordance with the terms of the French and English alliances, for that alliance would render the western powers joint ly liable for the defence of her territories aud tor the assistance it may be in their power to offer to her, in the event of hostilities being directed against her own dominions. The court of Vienna has not concealed from itsell that, in the event of a positive rupture with that of St. Petersburg, it is not improbable that the Emperor Nicholas may give way to his resentment against Austria, and even with I draw his troops from Turkey to punish a re verse which he attributes to the desertion ol his ally ; lor the events of the past year aud ol the present moment have again demonstrated that no serious blow can be aimed at the Turkish empire as long as Austria stands alool and refuses to participate in the spoils of her neighbor. It is, we believe, true th?t even the convention between the Austria afid Prussia provides that the incorporation of the Danu bian principalities, or any attempt ou the part of Russia to force the Balkans, is to be re garded as a casiia belli by both the German States, and their declaration to the Diet is to the same effect. Of all the mistakes committed by the Empe ror of Rusbia on this question?aud they have , not been few?none is more glaring than the ! assumption that the policy ol Austria was en tirely subordinate to his own good pleasure, and that the Emperor Francis Joseph was re duced to the condition of a Russian vassal by the services he had received from his northern ally in the perils of the revolution of 184'J. It is to the honor of that young sovereign that he has not turned abruptly or hastily from an alli ance which had undoubtedly rendered him ! great services when they were most needed, j He has testified his gratitude to the Emperor J of Russia for the past, by endeavoring to facili tate his retreat on the present occasion from a position which is disgraceful to his reign and calamitous to his empire. Disapproving the Russian policy as much as the western States, Austria was nevertheless bound to show even more forbearance towards Russia than the western powers have shown. But she is not "bound to abdicate her independence or to sac rifice her national interests; and, although she has advanced, with great reluctance and cir cumspection, to the point at which she now stands, she cannot be accused by one side of ingratitude, or by the other of bad faith. It is not lor the interest of any party that the rela tions of the two empires should remain in the state of tension they have now reached, and, it anything can bring this contest to a speedy termination, it is the resolution which we trust the Austrian government has now formed, to join the western powers in defence ot those principles which can alone restore tranquillity to the world. CARBON'S LETTER AND CAP PA per ? An additional aupplyjuat received by V W. C. ZANTZINGIiK, PROCEEDINGS , OF THE House of Re preaeut'atlvea, Saturday, May 13, [Ia oontlnustiou] Monday, May 18, IfeM. The House met at 12 o'clock, in. Prayer by Rev. Henry Suckr. The journal of Saturday was read and ap | provetd. i The SPEAKER. The quasi ion pending before | the Hoi se is the motion of the gentleman from ' Massachusetts, | Mr. Banks,] to lay upon the table \ the rcsolu iou ?tfered by the gentlaiuan from Illi nois, | Mr. Richardson.| to close debate upon the Nebraska and Kansas bill. Mr. RICHARDSON. 1 desire to withdraw the demand for the previous question ou the resolu tion to close debate. Mr. LANE, of Indiana. Will the gentleman yield me the floor a moment to allow me to make a statement of h personal character? Mr. RICHARDSON. 1 yield the floor to the gentleman from Indiuna The tePEAKER.. if there be no objection, the geutleman from Indiana will he permit ed to make his statement. Mr. LANE. I desire merely to state, that in looking over the yea.- and nays?;? Mr. HAVEN. I have the least objection to the gentleman from Indiana proceeding with his ex planation ; but I insist that it shall be made where we can all hear it. Mr. LANE. The explanation which I desire to make is merely in reference to a vote. In look ing over the yeas and nays, 1 notice that upon the motion made by my friend and colleague [Mr. Mack| to lay the resolution offered by the chair ! man of the Committee on Territories [Mr. Rich ardson! upon the table, my name does uot appear I merely desire to state ti at if 1 had been present, I would have voted against the motion of the gen (letiian from Indiana. Mr. RICHARDSON. I desire to withdraw the demand for the previous question, submitted by me some days since, to terminate debate upon the* Nehraska and Kansas bill, and to modify that res olution. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois withdraws his demand for the previous question, and proposes to modify his resolution as follows: Rrsofved. That debate on House bill No. 236, to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, shall terminate at twelve o'clock, on Friday, the 19th insiant. , Mr. RICHARDSON. I demand the previous question upon the passage of the resolution. Air. WASHIiURN, of Maine, I move to lay the resolution upon the table. Mr. SAGE Upon that motion I demand the yeas aud nays. Mr GIDDINGS. Is it in order to move a sus pension of the rules at this time 1 The SPEAKER. Such a motion would be in order. Mr. GIDDINGS. I desire to move a suspension of the rules, in order to allow me to introduce a bill, which I offer upon my own responsibility. At an early period of the session, I gave notice that I would, on a subsequent day, ask leave to intro duce a bill for the repeal of so much of the United States laws am authorized the existing coast-wise slave-trade. 1 now move a suspension of the rules that I may introduce the bill which I have drawn up in pursuance the eof. Mr. CL1NGMAN. I object. Mr. OLDS. The motiou of the gentleman from Ohio will not take precedcnce of the resolution of the gentleman from Illinois, to close debate. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois ofTers a resolution to close debate on the Nebraska and Kansas bill on Friday next. The gentleman from Ohio moves to suspend the rules for the pur pose of enabling him to introduce a bill. The Chair is inclined to the opinion that this day, being set apart for the purpose of suspending the rules and upon which motions may be submitted for that purpose, and inasmuch as the suspension of rules will embrace those rules authorizing the suspension to go into committee, and to close de bate, and all that, it is in order to submit a motion to suspend the rules generally. This is the opinion of the Chair. Mr. ORR. Mr. Speaker, when a privileged question i? pending, will it be in order to make a motion to suspend the rules? I know that there is a privileged question now pending, but it is privileged question to close debate, and the motion to suspend the rules, I think, ia not a privileged question now in order. The SPEAK ER. If the gentleman from South Carolina will allow me, I will explain. The mo tion made by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Richardson] is a privileged question involviag only a majority vote. The proposition to sus pend the rules made by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Giddings] embraces all the rules of the body lhat stand in the way of the object he has in view, and the Chair is still of opinion that that question is first in order. Mr. ORR. And yet. Mr. Speaker, carrying out the view of the Chair, it would require a two-third vote to suspend the rules. The SPEAKER. It would require a two-third vote. Mr. ORR. But would it not be in order for me. pending the motion of the gentleman from Ohio, to move that the House adjourn ; and would not that be such a motion as that a majority vote could be disposed of, and as such would take preee ' dence of the other? The SPEAKER. That is true in this particular case. Mr ORR. Well, then, Mr. Speaker, I do not perceive the difference between them The SPEAKER, (interrupting.) If the House had ordered the main question to be put, the I Chair would not entertain th* motion of the gen ! tleman from Ohio, to suspend the rules until the ' House has disposed of the order to put the main l question. But in this instance there has been no : such order. It is only a demand for the previous | question. Mr. ORR. What is the rule of the House, Mr. S| eaker, allowing a resolution to be offered to close debate ? I ask that it may be read. The SPEAKER. The Clerk will read the rule j in question. i Portion of the 136th rule was then read, as fol lows : ?? The House may at any time, by a vote of a majority of the members present, suspend the rules and oidersforthe purpose ol going into Com mittee of the Whole House on the slate of the Union ; and also for providing for the discharge of the Committee of the Whole House, and the Committee ol' the Whole House on tho state ol the Union, from the further com-ideiation of any bill referred to it after acting, without debate, on all amendments pending, and that may be offered." Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I would submit to the Chair, that by the rule which has been just read, and which 1 think is the 13th rule, it is pro vided that a majority may, at any time, suspend ? he rules to go into a Committee of the Whole House. The same rule provides that the House may adopt a resolution closing debate before the question is taken on that motion. Another rule provides that a motion to suspend all rules shall only be in order on Monday. Now, Mr. S| eaker. the difference of the niotious mentioned is, that the one requiring n two-third vote can only be made on Mouday ; and the other, requiring a majority only, can be made on any day. Each, as I take it. is equally privileged ; and the one for suspending the rules to go into committee?aud, consequently, lo close debute before lhat question i* taken?isof as high an order of privilege as the one to suspend the rules generally on Monday. And I would sub mit this question to the Chair: If a motion were ' in order made to-day to suspend the rules, so as < that tho House might resolve itself into a Com mittee of the Whole House, would that motion be superseded by one to suspend the rules for a spe- ' cific purpose, such as that which the gentleman j from Uhio has indicated? I think. Mr. Speaker, the practice has been so. We have f.equently gotten clear of these propositions for suspending ihe rules generally by the proposition to suspend, in order that the House might resolve itself into i ihe Committee of the Whole on the state of the i Union. It seems to me, that whichever of these motions ! may be first made, should first be put. I also ! think, lhat this resolution to terminate debate is, by ihe rule which provides for it, of equal and of as high n grade of privilege as either one to sus- ' l?end the rules generally, or one to suspend the lules that the House may resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the stale of the Union. 1 Mr. DICKINSON. 1 ask leave of the House 10 offer a resolution. The SPEAKER. It is not in order at this time. Mr. KERR. Let us hear it read. (Cries of " Hear!" "Hear!" and " No!" " NoT] ( The SPEAKER. It can be done only by unani mous consent. Mr. HAMILTON, and others. I object. Mr. OKR. 1 am willing to hear the resolution read for information. The SPEAKER. But it is objected to. [Cries of* Hear !" and " Let it be r?ad for infor mation !"] The SPEAKER. Objection ia made by several members upon the right of the Chair. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, wa$ here recog nized by the Chair. Mr. CAMPBELL. 1 rise to a privileged que* lion. I desire to know i/there is any privileged proposition before ibe llounc ! The SPEAKER. The Chair would be pleased to bear ibe gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Ste phens.] if the House will indulge bun. Mr. CAMPBELL. Unless it i* in order to de bate this proposition, I object. The SPEAKER. It la not in order, in the opinion of the Cbair, to debate the proposition. Air. HANKS. Cannot the Cbair hear a sug geation ironi a member, at the optiou of the Chair? The SPEAKER. It is not in the power of the Cbair to allow debate upon a proposition of this sort. We have a number of privileged questions? a number of tbeui: amotion to adjourn; to ad journ over until a particular day: to lay upon the table; to suspeud the rule* to go irto a Commit tee of the hole on the private calendar; logo into the Committee cf the Whole ou the state of fhe Union, dec. We have also a rule which declares that it shall not be in order to move to suspend the rule* gen erally. except upou Mondays. Fridays and Sat urdays arc set apart for the consideration of private bills. That rule gives to private matter a prefer ence. The Cbair is still of opinion that the pro position made by the gentleman ftom Ohio, (Mr. Giddi.ng!>,| which is neither more or less than to set aside all the rules standing iu the way of the object proposed to be attained, is of a more highly privileged' character ? n Monday than any other pioposilion to suspend the rules lor any other purpose, such as to go into the Committee of Ibe Whole, for ii stance. That can be done at any time. This is the language of the rule, and it would be in order on Monda> to go into .he Com mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union: but the Chair decides that a motion to suspend the rules generally, takes precedence of all other motions whatever to suspend the rules. The Chair has never known the question to be raised here belore. The reason of it is this: The House has usually submitted to the proposition to go into the Committee of the Whole on Mon days, as ou other days. But the Chair, iu being called upon to decide wh.ch of these several mo tions shall lake precedence, is bound to say that the one made-by the gentleman Irom Ohio [Mr. Giodings] does take precedence. Mr. HILLYER. Believing that the decision of the Cbair will distract the legislation of the House to-day, I respectfully appeal from the do cision. Mr. DEAN. I move to lay the appeal upon the table. Mr. HARRIS was here recognized by the Chair. Mr. GIDDINGS. I rise to a question privi leged above all others. I rise to withdraw the motion. I do it because the friends and the foes of the bill think it will interfere with the tight which is going on, and I am not disposed to em barrass cither side with my motion. Mr. DEAN. You want a free light. The SPEAKER. The question recurs upon laying the appeal upon the table. Mr. CAMPBELL. 1 move that there be a call of the House; aud upon that I demand the yeas and nays. Mr. DICKINSON I call for the reading of the resolution which 1 sent to the Clerk's table. The SPEAKER. If not objected to, the reso lution will be read. [Cries of "I object!" "I object!"] Mr. DICKINSON. Then I move to suspend the rules, for the purpose of enabling me to intro duce it. The SPEAKER. There is no necessity for suspending the rules; the gentleman has the right to make a motion to have the resolution read. Mr. DICKINSON. I make that motion. The question was put; but before the result was announced. Mr. HAVEN demanded the yeas and nay?. [Cries on all sides of the Hall of-'Let it be read !' ] The SPEAKER. The Chair was about to an nounce that the vote upon ordering the resolution to be read was carried in the affirmative. Mr. HAVEN. Then I withdraw my call for the yeas and nays. The resolution was read as follows: Resolved, That the several bills upon the calen dar of business in the Committee of the Whole on tlie-state of the Union, be restored to the position they respectively occupied before Monday, the&lli instant. Several Members. Oh no ! that will never do. 1 he SPEAKER The Chair whs totally mis-' taken in his understanding of the paper the gen tleman from Massachusetts asked to have read. The getitinman had no right to have it read. He had no right to make the motion that it be read. The Chair understood bim to o?li tor the reading of the resolution offered by the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. Richardson.) Mr WALSH. That is the reason why I ob? jacted. I should not hava objected to the reading of the resolution of ihe gentleman from Illinois. Mr. DICKINSON. I move to suspeud the rules, to enable me to ofler the resolution which has just been lead. The SPEAKER. That motion is in order. Mr. ORR Is there not a motion pending for a call ot the House ? 1 lie SPEAKER. Such a motion is pending. Mr. ORR. Is it in order to move to suspend the rules pending a call of the House ? The SPEAKER. The Chair has uo doubt about it. It is in ord< r. Mr. ORR. Why. sir, it might be necessary to have a call in ordertohave a quorum to vote upon the motion to suspend the rules. The SPEAKER. The question must first be taken upon the motion for a call of the House. Mr. HAVEN. I desire to know the precise condition of the motions before the House. I un derstand that there is a motion to suspend the rules for the introduction of the resolution of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and another mo tion pending that there be a call of the House. Am I correct ? ? The SPEAKER. Those motions are before the House. Mr. HAVEN. Then, if the motion that there be a call of the House should jail, the question would recur upon the motion to suspend the rules, would it not ? The SPEAKER. That is the opinion of the I Chair. The question was then taken upon the motion for a call of the House, and decided in the nega tive?yeas 61, nays 141. , . So the House refused to order a call. Mr. CHAMBERLAIN, pending the call of tho ? roll, when his name was called, rose for the pur pose of ascertaining whether, by the unanimous j consent of the house, he could not give a reason i for the vo'e he was about to give. Several Members objected. Mr. CHAM Ml-RLA IN. Then I vote no. The SHEAKEK. The question now recur* ' upon the motion to lay the resolution of the gen I tleman from Illinois upon the tabic. Mr. PHILLIPS. I demand the yeas and nays I upon that motion. Mr. WASHBURN, of Maine. I would inquiro 1 whether the motion submitted by the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Dickinson] to suspend the rules is not in order ? The ^PEaKER. It is in order, if he submits the motion. v [to be continued.] WE WOULD INFORM the LA 1)1 EH and the public that we have jiisl*rece"*ccl a new and splendid assortment of SHOES, which we will sell low. As they have been made to our own order by the most celebrated manufactu rers of the north, they cannot fail to give entire satisfaction. We have on hand the Albon: Gaiter, which, for neatness and durability, cannct be surpassed. Also, a great variety of Gaiters. Half-Gaiters, Morocco and Kid Boots, of different colors. Black and bronze Buskins and Slippers Misses' colored Gaiters, Boots, and Slippers We also call attention to our stock of Wliito Kid Gaiters, Black, Bronze, and While French Kid Slippers, for the May balls. Call and examine for yourselves. S. C. MILLS Ac CO., Cheap Cash Shoe Store, No. 3, Washington Place, 7th street. Apr 2b?lw SHIRTS, SHIRTS.---Superior DreaaShirt* of linen and cotton, with plain. French, em broidered, and colored bosoms. An additional supply just received at ' LANE'S Gentlemen's Furnishing Store, Penn. avenue, near 4 J street. May 28?dlwif JULE8 BONNET, QINKIML NEWSPAPER ADVERTISING OFFICE, NO. 80, NASSAU STREET. NEW TORE. Advertisements received for all journals throughout the United States, Uunadas and Europe, and arrangements made at the lowest rates. All papers kept on file for the inspection of advertisers, and every information given. Oct 1?tf ENTLEMEN'S HOSIER*?of Milk, Lisle Thread, white and brown Cotton fancy and striped ditto; a foil an J varied assortment jufct received at LANE'S Gent's Furnishing Store, Pa. av.. near 4i sf. May eodSwif (Int., Star.)