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AUDKL.SSS Of SU\ATOK ATCHISON
TO THK FEOl'LK OF VISSOfHI. In the month of May last year, Colonel Benton mads speeches at Kanzas, Westport, and Inde pendence, in which be mounted, ostensibly, two hobbies : the central railroad to the l'acitie, and the organization of the territory west of Missouri and fowa. Those speeches were intended to cre ate a fclse impression upon the public mind, not to accomplish the objects which he professed to desire : they were planned and delivered for one object, and that object was to stir up a " pestifer ous agitation" by which his ambitious designs might be promoted. Prompted by hatred agaiust oil who had refused to abandon their political faith to further his schemes, and looking to the support of the old federal and abolition cohorts of the north, it was he who first sounded the tocsin of war against the slaveholding States, of which Missouri is one, in connexion with the Pacific railroad and the organization of Nebras ka and Kanzas. It was from him, speaking near the western frontier of Missouri, tnat the first appeal went forth to the freesoil and abolition fa natics to resist each and every effort that might be made to open our territory westward, on con stitutional giounds, to settlemont by the citizens of all the Slates of the Union. To deceive the unsuspecting in Missouri, he made a great clamor, at the same time, about the central route, and raised a false alarm against the south. As if this were not sufficient, he declared that portions of that Territory were open to im mediate settlement, and urged the pioneers to rush into it. Why, if he were a sincere friend of Nebraska and the central route, did he seek thus, unnecessarily, to embarrass those questions, ? end mislead the peoplo of Missouri and the Unionr \ ou will remember that he pursued his sinister designs in various letters, during the following summer, and even caused a majT.to be prepares and distributed, the bad character of which was fully exposed at the time. All of this I understood (at the time) and ex posed, and what was then only conjectured is now realized. It was not the organization o! the Territories, and the central route, for whicl. he cared ; it was Colonel Benton's advancement by freesoil aid for which he was striving. Those questions were n mere pretext with him?a cover Under which the better to work his way insidi ously to the goal of his ambition. Hence, ir those speeches he said : "To defeat mo [Benton] is one of their modes of defeating the road. ? ? ? ? The point at which they can do us most harm is in the or ganization of the territory on the Kansas and Platte. Two things are needed there : first, tht establishment of the territorial government; and, iuxt, the extinction of Indian titles. Both are points of difficulty and peculiarlv subject to dan ger from insidious opposition. The Indian trea ties, even when negotiated, will have a perilous course to run through the Senate, (where the proceedings are secret,) and where a minority of one-third can defeat them, and where the pestifer ous question of freesoil will mix itself with the decision. Near, thirty years ago, the United States made a general extinction of Indian title west of Missouri, to be assigned in parcels to emi grant tribes. Part has been assigned, part not: and this unassigned part I hold to be Uniter States territory, now open to settlement without objection from the Indians." "The danger from insidious opposition," and whence it was to comc, those speochc* showed. They artfully and purposely create the danger by awaking and inviting that pes tiferous freesoil opposition ; and by seeking at once, without waiting for constitutional action, to Involve the settlers and the settlement of the country in inextricable difficulties, which would fhrnish another pretext for fanning the pestiferous flame thus sought to be kindled ; subsequent events have demonstrated Benton's object. He has since become the recognized champion of that very freesoil faction, in opposition to tne constitu tional and republican mode of settling those Ter ritories. He lias ltd the very " pt-stilorous" host which he pretended to fear. He has become the commander of the "pestiferous freesoil" opposi tion to Nebraska and Kansas! Did I mistake hh objects in May, 1853 ? Judge ye ! Again, in his letter of May 15th, 1853, Benton ?aid : " In the substance of speeches which I deliver ed at Kansas, Westport and Independence, (and which were intended for the whole State, though delivered in one county,) you will see this oppo sition described, and that under both of its char acters of fair and foul, in the latter of which 1 include the opposition from this State, and the whole of wliich has its root in that traitorous nullification of which you speak. ? ? ? ? At the last session thiB name treasonable doctrine manifested itself in a clandestine opposition to Nebraska, because it was freesoil," &c. This, any one can see, was directly intended to arouse the abolition spirit of New Egnland and New York and Ohio, and to excite the abolition ists at St. Louis into activity. It requires but a small portion of that foresight, which lienton so ostentatiously claims to possess, to dctcct his real end and aim in using such language. The oppo sition of myself to freesoil he denounced, not tc injure me xcith ilaveholders ; of course not; but to help himself with the freesoil enemies tf slaveholders That was his object, and his only object. To preach freesoihsm was the way to commend him self to northern freesoilers; ho did this to gain northern, not southern, support. I was opposed to his freesoil notions, and still am opposed to them, whether preached by him, Giddings, Sum ner, Hale, Garrisou, Theodore Parker, or Wen " del) Philips ; whether "insidiously" manifested in Missouri, or boldly proclaimed in open rebel lion and the shedding of blood in the streets ol Boston. That treasonable doctrine, and all trea sonable doctrines which call for resistance, open or insidious, to the Constitution and laws, 1 must I shall always oppose. But on wfiat was Benton's charge against the democrats in Congress?the Administration?the democratic party of Missouri, and myself?based ? He had defined bis position to be in favor of free soil in Nebraska and Kansas. In my speech at PorkviUe, and elsewhere in Missouri, I definec my position?a position which he snd "his" fiercely assailed, and which he pronouacec "traitorous nullification," and "treasonable doctrine ?a position occupied by every sound democrat in and out of Congress, and by the present" democratic national administration, and fully and clearly taken and maintained in the Kansis and Nebraska bill, which has just passer' Congress, despite of Benton and bis ireesoil friends in opposition to it, and which has prompt ly received the approving signature of Franklin fierce, as President of the Lnited States. Thai position was against freeooilism and was thus dis tinctly announced by me at Parkville : " When Nebraska shall be settled,and her peo ple shall derite to enter this Union as a State, it is the right of the people to form their institutions to suit themselves ; they may adopt slavery as one of their institution*, or they may exclude it, ea they shall deem oxpeaicnt. If it is the will ot | a majority of the people of the Territory at that j time to exclude slavery, be it so. It is their busi- j ness, not ours. Let them present us with a re Eublican form of government, this is all that should s asked, and I would vote for its admission into the Union. The Territories of the United States, preparatory to their admission into the Union as i States, have the right to form their own institu- j tions, as much so as States of the Union h&ve a right to change their institutions." No person will doubt the right of South Caro- j lina to abolish slavery. None will doubt the right of Massachusetts to establish slavery. The Ter- j ntories have the same right, when they form their constitution and ask admission into the Union as States. Now, am I understood ? If there is any- 1 thing doubtful in mv position, I would thank any ' gentleman to catechise me that I may be clearly ' and distinctly understood ; for I desire upon this question to be understood . 1 know that my opin- : lor? upon this subject hare been by some mis " understood, by others misrepresents. No person questions mcf Then 'I am understood.'" Thus the doctrine for which I contended, and which Benton fiercely denounced, was distinctly i enunciated by me. (5n that he joined issue, both in Missouri and in Congress. 1 contended for the rights of the people in the Territories to govern tltemselves under the'federal Constitution, and to form republican State constitutions, in such wise as they might deem expedient, *h*n they sought admission into the Union ss States. J contended that each State, on coming into the Union, had a right to come in on terms of ewalitt with the other Stales. I denied the right of Congress to ?av to uit State of the Union that it should estab lish or abolish slavery. The Missouri compro mise, and the Misecuri restriction, practically ssserted that Congress had such rights. Here then was, snd still is, the iseue; Benton ineieting that Kar.sss and Nahraaka should be frse soil; that ihe law of organization should be so framed, and ought to be so framed, tliat all of his slave holding constituents would be excluded lrom ihoso Territories ; that the citizens of one half of the Union should be also excluded ; that Con gress hud the right, and ought to exercise it, to make ^ Territories, and consequently States, treesoil States and Territories. 1 accepted that issue, and so did the democracy of Missouri. Tho battle lias been fought in Congress over the Douglas bill, and the democracy have won a proud victory. On the one side stood the ad ministration ; the true-hearted democrats from the north; nearly every congressman fro:a the south, whig and democrat; a majority from every State west of the Alleghanies, from the Lakes *na tii? rails ot ?>t. Anthony on tli? north, to |tne Gull and Ilio Grande on the south, (except Ohio and W isconsin,) aided gallantly by your sister State on the Pacific. On the other side ^ lauguago of Jkjiton, when in l^JU he was battling lor the democracy and tho west) '*a motly group, a most miscellaneous concourse, tho speckled progeny of many con junctions, veteran federalists, benevolent females, politicians who have lost their caste," &.c., all marching under the leadership of Benton, Gid dings, Sumner, Chase, Seward & Co. The lines were thus drawn on the national theatre as thev had previously been drawn by Benton in our State?the democracy battling for the Constitu tion and the rights ot the people to govern them selves, against the gathered fragments of old fed eralism^ abolitionism, and all the varied inns ot which freosoil has been so prolific in these latter times. My position on this subject was well known in Washington, and tho issue that Ben ton made upon it 1 never shrunk from. In the samo speech at Parkville I said : M A large portion of my constituents are slave holders; could it bo expectcd that I would be very anxious about organizing a territory from which a very large portion of my constituents would be excluded? The free States liuve a pious and philanthropic class of men who ob serve tho Itigkcr lair, and whose duty it is to attend toother people's business, and who think that they are rendering God service in stealing their neighbor's negroes. 44 But, fcllow-citizcns, that I may be clearly understood in relation to this point, I now de clare to you that 1 will not vote for a bill to organize a government for the territory of Ne braska, unless that bill leaves tho territory open for settlement to all the people of the Lnited States, without restriction or limitation? open to the slaveholder as well as to the non slaveholder. I will vote for no bill that directlj or indirectly makes a discrimination between the citizens of the different States of this Union, north and south, slaveholding and non-slavehoMing ; no uill that strikes at the equality of tho Stutes of ihis confederacy." Thus wai the gauntlet, which was thrown at my feet by Benton, promptly taken up by me. Ihe "pious and philanthropic" class in tho north and cast, to whom I referred, have since, headed by three thousand clergymen, openly stalked into the political arena, and undertaken to defect the action of Congress. Arrogantly assuming to con rol the legislative action of the country, and des ecrating their holy calling, they became abolition partisans; but they did not escapo rebuke from tho wisest and best statesmen of the land. The lttempt to inaugurate priestcraft in our republic, ipon the ruin of the Constitution, received the .;ame fate it did when, in lfclQ, it cncouraget jlue-iightB upon our coast, for the benefit of the dritiah invaders, and subsequently, when it called ortli the Sunday mail report lis last impotent ind fanatical exhibition in Boston, in the person .?f the Rev. Theodore Parker, must show to the people its whole scope and tendency. That "higher mw" fanaticism which steals negroes, bids defi ance to the Constitution and laws, declares the Union 44 a league with the Devil, and a covenant with hell," has shed the blood of a worthy citizen who stood up in defence of the tribunals of justice in the city of Boston, and thereby has aroused a spirit ofpatriotism which will never brook 44 trea son, ' although it may come in the false garb of philanthropy, or under the impious assumption of! Divine sanction. The pure and holy and peace, i i'ul truths ot Christianity cannot, it in hoped, be rrver again mistaken for the blasphemous ravings of abolition preachers. The same distinct acccptance of the issue ten dered by Benton was not only met by me in mv -peecl| at Parkville, but also at Weston, and Fay ette, and elsewhere. At Weston I declared : "Col. Benton and others had assumed that slavery was excluded from that Territory by tho law commonly called the Missouri compromise, if so, I \?u? then and am now opposed to inter fering with that Territory unless that restriction oe removed. I was in favor of, and did vote for, the appropriation of money to enablo the Presi dent to make treaties with the Indians, to extin guish their titles to tho lands upon which they reside, and to obtain their consent to the organi zation of a territorial government; and this was all, in ray opinion, that Congress should have done in the premises at the last session. Now, I will tell you what I will do : I will vote for the ratification of treaties to extinguish the Indiau titles to land in that Territory, and I will support a bill to oiganize a government for that Terri tory, upon Die condition that such bill c< i.iains no restriction upon the subject of slavery ; and not otherwise. I will vote for a bill that leaves the slavcholdor and non-slaveholder upon terms oi equality. I am icillwg that thr peojtle trlto man ettle there, and who have the deepest interest in this question, shall decide it for themselves. -As n very large and respectable portion of my consti tuents are directly or indirectly interested in slave property, 1 am unwilling that they, with this spe cies of property, shall bo excluded. I will give no advantage to one citizen over another. ? ??*???? " That there may be no mistake, and that I may not be misunderstood hereafter, I now say. emphatically, that I will not vote for any bill that makes Nebraska free-soil territory. 1 have not, and do not intend, upon any occasion, to yield one inch to the spirit of freesoil and aboli ?-ionism, whether they exhibit themselves at home or at Washington." I trust, fellow-citizens, that I have redeemed .hat pledge to the letter ; I congratulate you and the country that the boldness with which this new .ibolition crusade was met has resulted in banish ing, it is hoped forever, from the halls of Con gress the long-continued agitation of fanatics against our property and our rights, tho guaran tees of the Constitution and the cherished princi ples of eelf-governmont. As Benton, however, continued his assaults, in letter after letter, dur ing the whole of last summer, it became neces sary for me repeatedly to meet the issue he had formed. Hence, in my spcech at Fayette, as reported by others, may be found the following : 44 Mr. Atchison had opposed the admission ot Nebraska, and would oppose it, unless the Mis souri compromise of 1820 was virtually repealed. Colonel Benton had announced in the Senate that there was not one foot of slave territory now belonging to the Union ; Clay and Webster hav ing asserted the same tiling, he took their word for it ; but in this matter he would endeavor so to act as not to violate the known inlerects of his constituents, as he would never compromise his principles. Policy may sometimes be compro mised ; principles never. Fifteen millions of dol lars had been paid by slaveholders, in common with the free States, for Louisiana ; and theirs had mingled in common with the blood and trea sure that had obtained all the territory of this great aud growing country. Therefore, no power under the sun could compel him to sustain the Missouri compromise in the admission of Ne braska, by which two-thirds of his constituents would be deprived the country." It was thus down to the latest moment, before leaving Missouri to attend the meeting of Con cress, at the present session, I openly accepted the issue Benton made. Early in the present ses sion, Judge Douglas, as chairman of the Com mittee on Territories, introduced a bill virtually repealing the Missouri restriction. To avoid all possibility of cavil or doubt, he phrased that part of the bill anew. Then came in Congress the fierce conflict which Benton had foreseen, and for , which he hacf prepared tho freesoders and aboli- i tionists, and whieb, after nearly a five months' ' struggle, resulted in the triumph of the Constitu- I 'ion and justice. I declared that I would vote for no bill unless it rid us of the unconstitutional, ' anti-republic?n and iniquitous restriction of 182o! I So said a large majority of Congress. The admin istration nobly came up to the same *tand ; Kenton I threw hirnsell* into the leadership of the opposition. I Notwithstanding he first obtained the confidence j and support of the Mi??onrians by his opposition to the infamous restriction, and owes his political life to that fart; notwithstanding in an elaborate speech, in 1*30, he demonstrated by the record, that from the first organization of this government to that hour northeastern federalism, with its allv, ; abolitionism,!tad always warred against the growth : and prosperity of the west, and that the south, gcnerail j aided by the true demorratsof the north, bad striven to best bhek that tide of federal hos tility, notwithstanding the constitutional equality of the States was at idsue, and the rights and in terest* ol his constituents ; notwithstanding the \vest, in almost toiid column, wasdeiuandiug that 1 j Si 1 ?n our frontier should be removed, iud >1 issouri be permitted freely to expand west w*rd towards the Pacific- ; notwithstanding the *?l' howl ' of abolitionism and federalism was Bgaiu raised in order to roll back from our Stato the tide of wealth and prosperity about to flow through it; despite, too, his talk last spring and summer about the importance anil necessity of the immediate settlement and organization of those Territories, he vvat} foremost m the contest against right and justice, laboring, with bold and unblushing ellrontry, to defeat what he had pre tended most earnestly to desire, even to the ex tent of villifying the administration and a demo cratic Congress, falsilying history, and openly joining in the abolition crusade against Missouri, and the west and the south, with such coadjutors as Giddings and Chase. To the very last ho co-operatcd with those ene mies oi the-Tv est and south, in the most disorganiz ing and factions efforts, to prevent a decided ma jority in Congress from passing a constitutional and unti-fircesoil law, for the immediate organiza tion ol Nebraska and Kansas, I now appeal to every man of candor and com mon sense in Missouri, whether I was not right when, last summer, I boldly took up the guantlet which Benton hurled at my feet, and stripped irom him the mask he wore; declared that the '* insidious oppoit:son " to the territorial organi sation and the "traitorous nullification" were his; that his pretended love for Nebraska, and the central route, were mere hypocritical pre tenses on his part. Subsequent events?history, recorded history, has made tliat fact which was then inero prediction. Was I not right, oven to the minute details ot calling in their pseudo pious and philanthropic clergy of New England to his assistance ? This issue, made by Benton, between freesoil and abolition on the one side, and Constitution and rights of self-government on the other, has to bo met in Missouri at the ballot boxes, next August. Tho abolitionists of the north, and Ben ton, their champion, arc marshalling their forces lor tho contest. The first great conflict is in our State. Hold Benton and his Swiss guard to the issuo they have made. We only ask that there shall be no dodging; that they shall stand to the banner he has ostentatiously erected. I know that thousands who did not understand his "insidi ous " designs, honest and good men, have desert ed him during the last three months ; men who are sincere and zealous democrats, but who last year could not be made to believe that one so ong honored by Missouri could so foully betray her and the Constitution. Now, Benton has him self given them proof positive. There is no room lor doubt from this hour forward. As Talmadge, and Kivos, and others, deserted the party in its hour ol trial ; and as Van Buren and his host wont olf in 1848, so now has Benton openly marched over to the enemy. Here and there a straggler may follow him into the tho abolition camp, and join the standard of rebellion against the administration and democracy; but for the honor of Missouri, for the sake of western glory and prosperity, for tho love of the Constitution I and Union, it is hoped that in our State the j dupes will be few. In St. Louis, that miserable squra, who, in 1848, stood on tho Buffalo plat ! iorm, will of course rejoice to sec those whom j they have misled betrayed into the arms of their | abolition friends of the north. Thoy have labor ed lor six years to deceive a portiou of tho people ; into that position. Unfortunately they were for j a time too successful. Now, l?t tho freesoiler* I ot 1848, in St. Louis, stand where thoy then ! stood, and have always stood?" alone in their glory solitary and alone." it is unnecessary for mo now to repeat the un answerable arguments for the Douglas bill which the most gifted and eminent statesmen of the'' country have made in its favor. The hour for ar- I gument has gone by in Missouri, and the time for action has come. The democrats should enthusi astically rally around their old standard, plant themselves firmly upon the established platforms, adhere to their ancient usages, and show to the [ l.iion that Missouri, over which the battle of i was fought, does not in this, the hour of her greatest peril and glory, falter in her cause. Inti mately connected with this, the main issue mudc by Benton, was his effort to mislead tho people concerning a railroad to the Pacific. One who did not know tho hollow insincerity of Benton would have supposed last year that he was punl ing for the opening of Congress, in order that he might introduce and carry through a bill to con struct a railroad to the Pacific without waiting for r ''c a^scr*cd wore the unnecessary surveys !"itc53 Slalps engineers, as well as to carry a bill for the immediate organization of Nebraska. 1 lie latter, he asserted, was an essential step to the former, ^-ct I have shown that instead of sup porting he bccamc the leader of the opposition to territorial organization. I now can ask on that head as I did last year at Weston: " \V hat has tliis distinguished personage, who lias been a Senator from Missouri for so long a time, done upon tho subject ? What has he done towards organizing and settling the Nebraska rerntory? What has he evtr attempted to do? id ho ever introduce a bill to organize a govern ment or extinguish Indian titles in that Territo ry? If ho did, when and where?" To all of thoso intcrrogatives, as then put and now repeated, came one answer only. lie never it anv time, or under any circumstances, intro duced any bill or did anything to accomplish the object which it now is obvious he most hypocriti cally pretended to be brimful of zeal for last sum mer ; but on the contrary has done his utmost to prevent the accomplishment of that end. So with Ins boasted love and patriotic zeal for a Pacific railroad. Up to this time he has presented no bill and made no movement on the subject. Is he presuming that humbug will answer tho pur poses of declamation in the pending canvass? Does he suppose he can again cajole his constit uents into the bolicf that ho is rcaily sinccrc, that he is laboring to advance their interests on that question ? Last year I declared that it was my duty as a senator to wait for the result of tho government surveys before I committed myself to any one ot three proposed routes from Missouri, for a rail road to the Pacific. I then thought, and still think, that the main track must start from the Missouri frontiers, connecting with one or more of our State roadg. All know that from Missouri to tho base of the Rocky Mountains no obstacle jPrc?jnted. I ho road can be made without mmculty anywhere. Hence there was no neces sity tor any survey from the terminus of the southwest branch, or tho Kansas branch, or of the Hannibal and St. Joseph road to tho base of the Rocky Mountains. It would have been nothing but a useless waste of the public funds and havo caused unnecessary delay. It was doubtful at what point in the Rocky Mountains, and through the Sierra Nevada, a road co. Id be constructed. Instead of dogmatically asserting 'hat buffaloes were the best engineers, "ram i< horn" routes the shortest lines, and the highest peaks the lowest passes, I thought it more becom ing a statesman to have the facts before jumping to any such conclusions, or before contending that locomotives could safely tako a train of cars loaded with men, women, and children, in mid winter, over routes where neither man nor mule conld subsist. On this subject I have preferred to | act with knowledge instead of blindly. I When the facts have been laid before the Sen ate, I shall then form my opinion definitely, ai?d endeavor to sccurc tho location of a road from some noint on tho Missouri frontier to the Pacific ??ucfi a road as may be tho most speedy, and safe ly, and constitutionally built. Within the past two years, and since Col. Benton has been elec tioneering to obtain the seat in the Senate occu pied by me, he has converted this into his pet heb by. In thirty years previous scrvico he had given no support whatevbr to any measure for opening up of a railroad or any other communication from the Pacific to tho borders of Missouri ; except, perhaps, his dog and reindeer transpor tation. This measure first received his support in February, 1849, when, for tho first time in his life, he introduced a bill for a railroad to "India," and used it in the canvass he was then making for re-election, to tako the wind out of the sails of Mr. Whitney. Down to that date?twen ty-eight years?he had opposed all bills providing for the construction of a railroad across tho con tinent, and introduced none himself. He had been a consistent enemy to all schemes offered ; he even believed a railroad impractica ble, and, as late as 1849, had so slightly changed his bcliefthat he contemplated the use or"sletghs" " the lime of ihf *notr?;" and in his bill actually provides for a portion of the road to be " Macada imzcd where it was not "practicable and ad vantageous*' for "iron railways!" This hobbr ?*not.r!^? *'?"? nor perform much service in 1849 ; it did not sav* him from defeat. Undaunt ed, hore-moun'od, and about a year ago bri kiu Vj n2??n,j<1 *1"0 the Nebraska horse that he h a d diad?in?d to notica from 1820 to 1853? Mm the performer in tho circus ha thus had a horse under aacfa Mot, The Nebraska animal has proved ballcy, and thrown the adventurous old gentleman over his head, and broken every bone in his skin. 1 pass to examine the railroad hobby to see if it will perform better than the horse Nebraska. , It is due to tho people to candidly lay, that the empyrical railroad schemes of Colonel Benton were so obviously gotten up for electioneering pur poses, after his dilficultiee with the democratic party in 1849, that I may have erred In sup posing the object of his schemes were as notice able to the people of Missouri as they were to me here on the spot- 1 confess to having had an in vincible disinclination to notice, far less to for mally expose, humbugs by mo considerad so trans parent. What ore the facts? He proposed a railroad, one mile wide, over unsurveyed mountains, where he himself supposed nothing but a "sleigh " could pass! If uni/ Sonator could adopt folly so wild, nothing to such an one would appear preposter ous. What was my course? Did I attempt to build a road through doubtful and unknown regions, before one mile was built in our own forgotten State? Did 1 undertake to arbitrarily decide that a road should start from St. Joseph, or from Kansas, or from Springfield, and, while quarrel ing with dissenting colleagues over rival routes, obtain no land nor money lor either ? The North desire their roads to Chicago extended west and north of Missouri, if grades, and climate, and soil will allow; the South, on the other hand, de sire a road running to the south of our State. Under Buch circumstances, and witli such compe tition, even if we are united, to obtain a location of the road favorable to us is difficult. After careful consideration, the Missouri delegation in Congress, (as soon us Benton was out of it,) ob tained a grant of land from Congress of sufficient value to ensure the construction of two roads across the State, and ono on each side of the Mis souri river. This was followed up by tho State's granting aid, which secures the building of a third road lying midway between the two. Here, then, are three well located and nearly parallel roads, lead ing three hundred miles due west towards the Pacific ocean. As soon as your delegation ob tained this grant for Missouri from Congress, and when Benton saw the construction of tnree hun dred miles of the road to California provided for, what followed? Credit for the performance? Praise for the important first step? The re verse?reproaches, censure, and abuse, from Ben ton himself. Jit once by -published letters, and by speeches, Colonel Benton proclaimed that the roan to India was abandoned ! That if that road was to be built, he must be sent to Congress to renew what had been shamefully abandoned! The impudence was Beritonian, and of course was unnoticed ; and bein * unnoticed, I suppose some actually believed it had been abandoned, when, in fact, we had just secured the construc tion of three hundred miles of it! We next ob 'ained an appropriation to survey routes through the mountains. This done, Colonel Benton came back into Congress. He has been here in Congress ?ix months, the usual length of a 'long session, a.id if he has drafted a bill or a resolution, or ever deliv ered a speech during that time in lis.'/or of a rail road to the Pucific, I havo not seeu or heard of it. That some bold pretension will issue from him before the election, his political practices of thirty-five years allow and justify ub confidently to predict; that it will be followed by no btnejicial result, his whole history teaches us to believe; beyond a speech or two, no one need expect any labor from him for Missouri. It is not his habit; showy speeches, and bills full of attractive pro mises, the people can easily be made to know all about; but tho unknown labor in committees and in Congress, necessary to command success by making measures understood, the people, he well knows, cannot be made to fully appreciate. Un like him, I promise no railroad from San Fran cisco to Kansas to obtain votes; nor to Spring field ; nor to St. Joseph; on the contrary, so limited are thesurvqys, compared with the num ber we'ought to have, that I frankly avow it as my belief that no road to the Pacific, from any point, is likely to bo ordered to bo built during this session of Congress. That is my honest opinion, and I will not conceal it for the miserable purpose of obtaining votes. 1 do hope, however, that Congress will, in the meantime, adopt and extend our hitherto successful plan of obtaining a 'ncific railroad by piecemcal. Benton asked lor (Millions of acres, and got nothing?in fact, he ?.ever so much as asked for a final vote upon it!?whilst we, when he was out of tho way, secured 'the building of two roads towards Cali fornia, each two or three hundred miles long. I hope this Congress will not pass away before wo can obtain other local grants for roads look ing towards San Francisco, and for roads coming from San Francisco. For instance, Kansas Territory is now organized ; its government can act on this subject as efficiently as can that of Missouri. ' We hope, (and as our plan is honest we have no desire to conceal it,) to be ablo to procure for Kansas Territory what we procured for Missouri?lands to aid in tho extension of the St. Joseph road, northwesterly, up the valley of the Platte; lands to aid in the extension of the Kansas road up the valley of the river Kan sas ; and lands to aid in the extension of the Springfield road across the Neosho and Arkansas rivers in the direction of Albuquerque. These i grants will insure the extension of our three roads, five hundred or six hundred miles each, toward California ; if never built a rod beyond the foot of the mountains, these roads would benefit Kansas Territory and Missouri almost | beyond calculation ; similar grants of land' to California would insure the building of like roads from San Francisco eastwardly to the Colorado I and to Utah, some five hundred and fifty miles. These roads in Kansas Territory and in Califor nia, leading toward each other, would be profita ble to Missouri and California, even if never extended so as to meet and connect. Between the California and Kansas territorial roads would remain a space of from seven hundred and fifty miles to nine hundred and fifty miles ; and four or five years hence, when these roads arc finished by Kansas Territory and California, even if nothing shall have been done before, we shall know all about the country, and the passes lying between them ; by that time, if not before, some plan will be devised that will build a road to connect them together. Scheming men like Colonel Bonton, whose political necessities will not allow him to wait, and whose minds are ever filled with visions of lloman splendor and of Arabian gorgcousncss, can never accomplish a largo matter ot so prac tical a character. They fail to recollect that even the great rail road from New York to Buffalo was not a single undertaking, but the result of a scries of isolated undertakings. The first link was only sixteen miles long ; from Albany to Schenectady. The next link extended to Utica. Another only extended to Syracuse. And tho very last of all was the link from New York to Albany. There must have been some eight or ten companies lietwcen New York and Chicago ; there are three between Chicago and St. Louis. So with every long line of road in America save the Illinois Central. Who so proper, at anv rate, as our own Deople to build roads throngfe Missouri, and fix the rates of fare, and to control them for all time to come? So with California, so with Utah, New Mexico, Kansas, and P^braska? Shortly all these will l)o prosperous States. It is objected to these land grants that the price of the remaining alternate sections is doubled. It is a great objection undoubtedly. When the plan first came up I was opposed to it myself, but we could do better. Wo could secure "the grants of land upon no other terms. It was that or nothing. In this matter our delegation, and the western delegations generally, are united iri the opinion that it is largely to our own interest *o accept the donations upon these terms, as we could get them upon uo other. True, in 1851, (Jan. 28,) Benton voted for such a grant, upon the condition of doubling the price of the sfternate sections, and I voted against it i but others reasons than that governed my vote on that occasion, Upon this subject we have generally voted together. Railroads can be built from Missouri, on nearly right lines, to Anton Chico; from thence to the Rio Grande, at or near Albuqnerquo, an instru mental survey of engineers, now nearly ready for the printer, shows that a railroad is practica ble. So, alto, can roads from Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, and Iowa, be carried on nearly right lines up to the foot of the mountains, either where lien ton's road ia sought to be located, or where the South Paae route strikes them. There is no serious difficulty in crossing the plains, as Ihousands of our eltisens personally know, until the road conies quite up to the foot of the moun tains. The surveys of Lieutenant Whipple show that you may go from Albuquerque to the Colorado river, on the borders of California, with an easy grade ; snd the measurements of Colonel Fremont and Cfcptain SUnsbury show that you may go from the valley of the Platte through th* South Pass to Bait Lake city, wlthout. ln either case, or on cither route, passing over heights exceeding seven thousand five hundred feet. The surveys of Benton's route are not so favorable, the pas* in the mountain*, even on thto side of the Rio Grande, being one mile and tkrte-quartcn high. ! Tliis is the pass of El San gre de Chrkto, of which Colonels Benton and Fremont gave such glowing accounts; the latter from personal knowledge. 1 am satisfied that a practicable route can be had frdta. Missouri to California. _ But as great rivers rise in the neighborhood of Coochatope, and flow in as many different ways as there are cardinal points of the compass, it stands to reason, as Senator Gwin has said, that this must inevita bly be the highest part of the Rocky Mountains. The mountains fall oft' to the north and to the south, and hence we find both the South Pass and Albuquerque several thousand feet lower than Coocliatope. But I wish it distinctly under stood that I am in favor of the extension ofall three roads up to the foot of the mountains ^nd that then I am for the extension to California of any ono or more of the three which the surveys alia 11 show to be practicable: and merit shall gov ern the decision. Before passing to another point, I would reter to the third resolution adopted by a county meet ing in St. Louis, on the 9th of Januarv last, which meeting was composed of the confidential friends and mouth-pieces of Benton. At that meeting, Messrs. W. V.N. Bay, Thomas L. Price, B. Graty Brown, A. Krekel, H. Dusen bury, and John A. Kasson, made the speeches. A committee of twenty-four reported the resolu tions, through F. P. Blair, jr^, and said resolu tions were, on motion of A. Kayser, unanimous ly adopted, according to the report published in Benton's organ. That resolution was as follows: 44 Resolved, That we are in favor of the imme diate organization of a territorial government for Nfbra-fia, and that we regard all who oppose it. ?upon whatever prrttrt, as hostile to the best inter ests of the Slate." Thus, out of the mouths of his own chosen witnesses, Colonel Benton stands condemned a^s hostile to the best interests, or the State. " The Douglas bill was a western measure. It was designed to add to the power and wealth of the west. The same political party which opposed the organization ofLouisana and T cxas, and threat ened to dissolve the Union if that acquisition was made; that opposed the sending of forces to pro tect western settlements during the early Indian wars; that opposed the war of 1812, and rejoiced at the massacres in the northwest and mourned over the triumphs of Macomb, and Brown, and Harrison, and JackBon; that in the Hartford convention hatched frcesoil, by resolving that ano her slave State should never be admitted into the Union; that caused the Missouri agitation, and kept this State out of thy Union for about two years, and forced the passage of the so-called Mis souri compromise ; that denounced the war with I Mexico ; that concocted the Wilmot proviso ; 1 that contended against the 44 indemnity for the past and security for the future," whereby New Mexico, Utah, and California were acquired; that erected Buffalo platforms to defeat General Cass?a party of a sectional (and abolition) caste, which lias never failed to war against the West, the Constitution, and the honor of the country. Well might St. Louis declare Benton as hostile to her best interests; for no portion of the country is to be so largely benefited by open ing Nebraska and Kansas to settlement. All of the railroad interests are largely interested, for a terminus on the Western frontier, blocked up by an Indian wall, is very different from an indefinite extension westward through new and rapidly opening settlements. Every interest of St. Louis was connected with this territorial question, and there can be no plausible excuse for the enven omed hostility which the St. Louis representative lias manifested since the Senate first commenced to act 011 the subject, during the present sossion of Congress. His friends, even, had the sagacity to Bee all this last January, and then to denounce him, in advance, if lie dared to betray those in terests, as he has since done. In his recent speech against the Kansas and Nebraska bill and the Administration, Colonel Benton said he should obey the instructions of the legislature as passed in 1847. This is an after thought for him. When tho instructions to which ho refers were in force, ho voted against their re quirements, as he did against tho known wishes of nine-tenths of his constituents, when the Texas annexation measure was before the Senato. Tho same legislature that electod him to the Senate at the session cf 1844-'45,elocted him un der a distinct pledge given by his friends that he would obey the instructions which might be passed. Without that pledge he could not have been then elected. That legislature passed this instruction, intended, as he and all others well know, express ly for him : 5th resolution. "That, in the opinion of this general assembly, a great majority of the people of this State prefer that Texas should be annexed to the United States, without dividing her terri tory into slaveholding and non-slaveholding States, but leaving the question to be settled by the people, who now, or may hereafter, occupy the territory that may be annexed." Thus did Missouri distinctly announce the same great doctrines for which I contended, and on which the Douglas bill was framed, and against which Benton has joined issue with me, with the legislature, with the democracy of Missouri, with Congress, and with the administration. Again : our State declares, through her legis lature, in 1849, the same doctrine to which no one save Benton and a few St. Louis frcesoilcrs have ever dared openly to express any dissent in our State. That doctrine, the same as that on which Douglas's bill and the Administration stand, as well as the whole democracy of the United States, was thus enunciated by a resolu tion of our general assembly : 44 Resolved, That the right to prohibit slavery in any Territory belongs exclusively to the people there of, and can only be exercised by them in forming their Constitution for a State government, or in their sovereign capacity as an independent State." Benton lias in this, as in most other matters, shewn himself 44 hostile to the best interests of the State" and to its cherished opinions. Ever since he commenced courting freesoil support he has turned his back upon Missouri and his con stituents. , Fellow citizens, in the great contest which has just ended in Congress, upon the Kansas and Nebraska bill, the whole Missouri delegation have proved true to the instructions of the legislature, to the Constitution, and to the rights ot self-gov ernment, except only the representative from St. Louis. Geyer, Phelps, Lamb, Caruthcrs, Miller, Oliver, and Lindley, have stood up like men for tho Douglas bill, and deserve well of their con stituents. ^ R atchison Washington, June 5, 1854. POSTPONEMENT. ON account of the burning of the draw of the Long Bridge the following races will not commence until the TWENTIETH DAY OF JUNE, by which tune the bridge will be repaired ID" The paper# publishing the advertisement, will please announce the postponement. THE TIME CHANGED. WASHINGTON (1). t.) SPRING RACES, COLUMBIA RACE COURSE, Alexandria Covrty, Va. THE SPRING R CES over the above course will commence on the FOURTH THURSDAY in May, 1804, and continue through out the week. Fir?t Day.?TUESDAY, May 23d, sweepstakes free for all horses owned in Maryland, District o( Columbia, and Virginia, weight for age. Entrance, $29, with a purse of $50 added by the proprietor. Mile heats, three or more to make a race. Also, immediately after the sweepstake race, a purse of $50 will be given, free for all trotting horses; mile and repeat, to harness. " Second Day.?WEDNESDAY, May 24, purse of $100 ; mile beats, best 3 in 5. Third Day.?'THURSDAY, May 25, purse of $200; two-mile heals. Fourth Day.?FRIDAY, May 20th, purse ot $300; four-mile beats. Entrance for purses 15 per cent., to be made with the proprietor the evening previous to the race. In all cases three or more to make a race; two to start. The races to be governed by the rules ot the Richmond course, Virginia. Abundant siribling for horses will be provided, free of expense, on the grounds. Having completed the enclosure of the track, and made other improvements on the place, the proprietor informs the public that nothing will be found wanting on bis part to give satisfaction to those fond of the sport. Mav 1 CYRUS MARTIN, Proprietor. CARSON'S I.ETTKR AND CAP PA I per.?An additional supply juat received by W. C. ZANTZINGER, Congrt ssionitl. TBIHTY-THIHl> CONGRESS. FIBhT SESSION'. Senate.?Friday. June 16, 1851. Mr. STEWART said that this was private bill day, and it required unanimous consent to take up other business. Though the first bill on the private calendar wa? under his charge, yel with a view of having the veto message disposed of to duy, be would waive all objections to taking up that subject Mr. BRODHEAD alluded to the fact that pri vate bills had not been considered for several weeks, and expressed the earnest desire that ihey should not be again postponed. Mr. IIAMLIN called tor the orders of the day. And the Senate proceeded to tho consideration of the bill to renew the patent of Hiram Moore and John Hascall, for a harvesting machine. Mr. WALKER addressed the Senate at length in opposition to the bill. Mr. STEWART briefly replied. The question wa* then taken ou ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, and was decided in the negative? yeas 13, nays 22. Mr. STEWART moved to reconsider the vote, and the motion was postponed. COINAGE. On motion by Mr. GWIN, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill to authorize the coinuge of gold pieces of the value, respectively, of ten eagles and live eagles, and for other pur pose*. The bill was amended in several partic* lars. Mr. BRODHEAD moved to amend the bill by providing that, from the 30th of June, 1854, the annual salary of tne director of the mint at Phila delphia shall be $5,000, and of the treasurer *3,000. After some debate, the amendment was with drawn, and the bill was passed.?Yeas 29, nays 13. JUDICIAL SYSTEM. Mr. GWIN introduced a bill to amend the ju dicial system of the United States by establishing an additional circuit in California. PRIVATE BILLS. The following bills on the private calendar were then disposed of. Resolution explanatory of the act for the relief of Abigail Stafford: rejected. Bill lor the relief of the heirs of Captain Joshua Chamberlain, deceased; passed. House bill for the relief of Benjamin Rowe ; passed. The Senate then, by a vote of yeas 22, nays 18, ordered that when it adjourns it be to meet on Monday And then the Senate adjourned. House of Representatives. THE TARIFF. Mr. HOUSTON, of the Committee of Ways and Means, asked leave to report a bill to reduce the duties on imports and for other purposes. But objection was made. MODIFICATION OF THE POSTAGE LAW. The House resumed the consideration of tho bill reported from the Committee on the Post Of tice and Post Roads, to modify the postage laws. Mr. OLDS said that this is an important mea ure, demanded alike by the interests of tho Post Office Department and the exigencies of the mail service of the country. He was aware thut the bill is not perfect; it would indeed be a difficult matter to frame' one of thut kind. But he was a little surprised and mor nfied to hear the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. CiiANDLEjt) say that he expected that a tink ering with the postage of the country would lead to the result desired bv the gentleman from New York, [Gekkit Smith J namely: the aboli.tioo of the Post Office Department. The fixing up of the Department commenced with Bei\jauiin Franklin, who was the first postmaster general. During the period we had the five and ten cents postage we accumulated a surplus of $2,000,000 ; but in 1651, our tinkering made the Department insol vent ; and the gentleman from Pennsylvania as well as himself was guilty of the charge. The deficiency of this year will bo equal to $2,000,000, and the next fiscal year $ ',400,000. this does not include the ocean mail service. He asked, in view of those facts, whether it was not the duty of Cougress to save the depart ment from insolvency. The Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads proprosed, in the first place, to abolish the (ranking privilege, not directly, but requiring that the government itself shall pay to the department un amount oi'money equal to the service perform ed. He read a statement, to show that the mail able matter now carried free, it' it were charged with postage, would yield $2,000,000; and the re peal of the section which makes a redaction of liity per vent, on the prepayment ot postage on newspapers aud periodicals (as proposed by the committee) would add $.000,000 to the revenue. He likewise advocated another feature of the bill, the prepayment of all postages, which would af ford a proper system of checks and balances, which does not now exist. Pass the bill, and bring the railroads down to a reasonable rate of compensation, and $3,000,000 will be added to the revenues of the Post Office Department without any increase of postage whatever. Under the operation of the previous question, the House rejected the amendment of Mr.GeKRtT Smith, providing that this act ehall continue in force for two years, when the Post Office Depart ment shall be abolished, and individuals and asso ciations shall bu as free to carry letters as any ;bing else. Mr. ETHERIDGE moved that the bill be laid on the table; but the motion did not prevail? ayes 39, noes not counted. Mr. HAVEN moved to strike out from the sub stitute of Mr. Oi.ss the first four sections relating to the abolition of the franking privilege, making it a charge on the treasury 'instead of on the Post Office Department. The motion was agreed to?yens 70, nays 74. The substitute, as thus amended, was then re jected?ayes 51, noes not counted. On motion of Mr. WASHBURN, of Maine, the bill was laid on the table?yeas 94, nays 51. [This bill proposed, amoug other things, to in crease the postage, for distances not exceeding three thousand miles five cents, and over that dis tance ten cents, for a single letter; and when con veyed wholly or in part by sea, and to and from a loreign country, for any distance not exceeding three thousand miles, the ocean postage to be five cents; and for any distance exceeding three thousand miles, ten cents, excepting, however, in all cases where such postages have been, or shall be, adjusted at different rates by postal treaty or convention already concluded, or hereafter to be made. All postage to be prepaid by stamps. The bill also proposed to repeal the section ?n the act of 1&51 which makes a reduction of filty cents when postages on newspapers and periodicals are paid in advance.] PRIVATE CALENDAR. The House spent some time in committee on the private calendar. Adjourned. HADLEY & FIELD'S AMERICAN Writing Fluid.?It is generally understood, except among stationers and other*, whose avoca tions have especially led to an appreciation of the value of a perfectly fluid ink, thut the secret of the process ot producing such a fluid has not, until recently, been discovered in this country. To pro duce an ink which should bo a per feet chemical combinatioh has been a problem, the solution of which has long exercised in vain the skill of Ame rican manufacturer* of this indispensable article. The only inks in market having any claim to the possession of this characteristic have, until the introduction of thut to which we now refer, been imported. Hadley & Field's ink is the result of practical and elaborate experiment, by one of our most accomplished nnd scientific chemists, and is claimed to be fully equal to any imported ink. Every test of its quality is freely invited, and the fullest testimony is given by those who have used it that it is in every respect equal to the English ink. (Arnold & Stephens's,) which have hitherto commanded an extensive sale in the American market at high prices. It is already widely used, and its excellence attested by many of our princi-. pal banks, insurance companies, and merchants ; and, from our own knowledge of its value, we ad vise those who appreciate the luxu? of using a really good ink to give Iladley and Field's a trial. [ United State* Economist. Samples will be given, without charge, to persons desirous of making a trial of tho " Ameri can Writing Fluid," on application to the subscri ber. For sale by W.C. ZANTZINGER, , Stationers' Hall, adjoining "Kirkwood House." June 11?3tif ICE PlTCHEHK?Wo have now on hand a good nomber 01 Stimpson's loe Pitchers, xdis article has stood the test of some years, and is now known to be the best article in use. Per sons ordering from the country will please en close five dollars. For sale at STEVENS'S Sales-room, Drowns' Hotel. June 10?3uf Fuhioutf for June. Summer fashions have assumed a definite form ; but, although general rulos exist, much is left to fancy ana taste, iu order to vary the monotony of style and accessories. Formerly, but few of our most fashionable modistes would dare to introduce strongly contrasting colors ; our eyes are now, however, so aocustomed to the mixture of green and yellow, scarlet and black, &c.t that we are no longer startled by I the appearance of the most striking contrasts, but, on the contrary, seek them as most desira ble. Thus, if black is greatly in favor as an accessory, red has numerous partizaus?not the groseille worn during the winter, but the real poppy ; chesuut, brown, violet, cobalt blue, are the other colors generally preferred. Bon nets are still very small, and tne crowns are bo compressed and thrown back on the neck, that they are almost hidden, by the enormous bows witn long floating ends which ornamont them; the bonnets are allowed merely to rest on tho back of the head, and are ornamented either with flowers or feathers, mixed with lace and bows of ribbon. The insides are trimmed with a profusion of flowers and blonde3. Some la dies may be seen with immense moss roses with their leaves, and even peonies in full bloom, surrounding their faces. Straws?especially a tissue of straw worked by a new process, which is sold by the yard? arc much in vogne; and it must be admitted that it is much easier to work this material into various forms than the origiual fancy straw, which requires much skill aud dexterity to fold the many designs now to be seen in these li^nt and graceful bonnets. It was expected tout we should hear no more of the pelisses this summer; and small mantelets ccharpes and some talmas for children and young ladies were the only styles ventured upon; but, contrary to the opinion decidedly given, the pelisse, though it must be acknowledged in a far pret tier and more becoming form, is now to be seen ; it is quite loose and open in front, leav ing the bust unconflned, and Consequently without tho inconvenience produced by the plaits for which tl;o former pelisse was so much disliked. The greruest variety in the shape of mantelets is no-.* displayed. Some are com pletely covered with narrow laces, placed in cross lines, and a new kind of passementerie, of stamped plain velvet upon a taffetas ground ; others of black moire antique, bordered with a passementerie of blue feathers between rows of black velvet, and terminated by a deep lace. Another novel trimming is composed of a new style of fringe or passementerie, being a succession of handsome tassels. The usual number of rows on a mantelet is three. Some ladies adopt the ruche a la vieille, placed in biassed lines half way up the mantelet from tho other edge. Dresses are worn with flounces of all descriptions; as many as thirty-two narrow frills or flounces may be seen upon some skirts, but by far the greater number have been three and live flounces. Poplins and taffeta lines are made with plain -skirts. The flounces are frequently of a different nature or texture to the robe; and we often see flounces with thick satin stripes, edged with a narrow fringe, upotl barege skirts. The scarf mantelet is fashion able this season; but, in order that it may be graceful, it must reach no lower than the waist, and be quite deyage on the shoulders. It is trimmed with one or several ? frills of lace in flutes, edged with fringe of plated ribbon. Madam Ada Pfeiffer.?This distinguished lady and celebrated traveler arrived in our city to-aay on the El Dorado from Aspinwall. Maa am Pfeiffer, after making the tour "of the whole world, and ponetrating many regions where no white person has ever been seen, including tho principal islands of the Pacific, reached Cali fornia, where she remnined for some time, ob serving the peculiarities of this new State. She also visited several of the ports of South Ameri ca, and had made her arrangements to explore the valley of the Amazon, through its whole course, but was prevented by insurmountable difficulties, in obtaining means of traveling. She therefore concluded to make a tour of the States, and, for' that purpose, came over on tho El Dorado. Madam Pfeiffer is one of the most extraordinary women of the age. She has reached the age of sixty, has a comfortable home, and a family of children, who are all settled in life. At an advanced age she conceived a desire to vjsit remote quarters of the globe. This passion has grown by what it has fed upon. Her curiosity and activity have been increased by exercise. Alone she has gone over the world, preferring the most remote, perilous, and barbarian regions; boldly encountering the most terrible dangers, fatigues, and diffi culties, and adapting herself to all the pecu liarities, prejudices, and customs of the tribes with whom she is thrown. She is a small, gen teel-looking woman ; very spare, but remarka bly active and energetic in her carriage, and exceedingly intelligent and agreeable. The book of her travels will be one of the most in teresting ever published. We bespeak for Madame Pfeiffer the kindly attentions and hos pitalities of our city, which could not be be stowed on a worthier stranger.?Delta. A Fearfui. Missile of War.?A letter from Berlin, dated May 12, which we find in the London Times, contains tho following state ment: ?'A few days back some experiments were made on the Hazenheide here of firing six mines at a distance of 3,000 feet, by means of an electric battery and wire. A number of military officers of high rank were present, and the experiments were pronounced to have been eminently successful. The method here observed by Herr Siemens, an ex-artillery offi cer, and now telegraph engineer, is described to be the same as that adopted by the Empe ror of Russia, at the suggestion of Professor Jacobi in Petersburg, for the defence of Cron stadt, It is affirmed that there is positive in formation here of these metal caissons having been prepared for the roads of Swcaborg and Revel, as well as of Cronstadt. i lie caissons are kept ready charged with powder, and will only be lowered into the channcl when an at tack on the port of the fleets seems certain. The wires inseued in these caissons .will be brought into connexion with batteries on land, and two telescopes will be so adjusted in the fortress as that the bisection of their two lines of sight will correspond with the spot where the mine is sunk. The moment when a ship becomes visible to both observers will corres pond with the moment when the vessel is just aver the combustible caissons." Emigrating to the New Territories.? The Savannah Sentinel, published in Andrew county, on the west line of Missouri thus speaks of matters across the State line: " Settling in Nebraska and Kansas, we learn from the Gazette and other sources, is going on rapidly. Hundreds of clnims are already taken up opposite St. Joseph, and a meeting of th? settlers held. Not a day passes but new ad ditions are made to the number. The Indian agent has issued a proclamation againtt tres passing on Indian lands, but little heed is paid to it "The work goes bravely on." Nor do the hardy pioneers seem to fear the " cold steel of tho bayonets" with which they were threatened last fall. Impatient of the unrea sonable d.elay of government extinguishing In dian titles and organizing the Territory, tho people have determined to take tho matter into their own hands. UMBRELLAS AND CANRfU.Stevens, Brown's Hotel, haa received a select and large variety of storm and sun Umbrellaa, of tho neweat styles and l>est qualities. Also, a large and varied assortment of domeMie and foreign walking Canes, of new designs and at moderate and uniform prices, at STEVENS'S Sales Room, May 12?3tif Brown's Hotal.