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Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, June 17, 1854, Image 2

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AUDKL.SSS Of SU\ATOK ATCHISON
TO THK FEOl'LK OF VISSOfHI.
In the month of May last year, Colonel Benton
mads speeches at Kanzas, Westport, and Inde
pendence, in which be mounted, ostensibly, two
hobbies : the central railroad to the l'acitie, and
the organization of the territory west of Missouri
and fowa. Those speeches were intended to cre
ate a fclse impression upon the public mind, not
to accomplish the objects which he professed to
desire : they were planned and delivered for one
object, and that object was to stir up a " pestifer
ous agitation" by which his ambitious designs
might be promoted. Prompted by hatred agaiust
oil who had refused to abandon their political
faith to further his schemes, and looking to the
support of the old federal and abolition cohorts
of the north, it was he who first sounded the
tocsin of war against the slaveholding States, of
which Missouri is one, in connexion with the
Pacific railroad and the organization of Nebras
ka and Kanzas. It was from him, speaking near
the western frontier of Missouri, tnat the first
appeal went forth to the freesoil and abolition fa
natics to resist each and every effort that might
be made to open our territory westward, on con
stitutional giounds, to settlemont by the citizens
of all the Slates of the Union.
To deceive the unsuspecting in Missouri, he
made a great clamor, at the same time, about the
central route, and raised a false alarm against the
south. As if this were not sufficient, he declared
that portions of that Territory were open to im
mediate settlement, and urged the pioneers to
rush into it. Why, if he were a sincere friend
of Nebraska and the central route, did he seek
thus, unnecessarily, to embarrass those questions,
? end mislead the peoplo of Missouri and the Unionr
\ ou will remember that he pursued his sinister
designs in various letters, during the following
summer, and even caused a majT.to be prepares
and distributed, the bad character of which was
fully exposed at the time.
All of this I understood (at the time) and ex
posed, and what was then only conjectured is
now realized. It was not the organization o!
the Territories, and the central route, for whicl.
he cared ; it was Colonel Benton's advancement
by freesoil aid for which he was striving. Those
questions were n mere pretext with him?a cover
Under which the better to work his way insidi
ously to the goal of his ambition. Hence, ir
those speeches he said :
"To defeat mo [Benton] is one of their modes
of defeating the road. ? ? ? ? The point
at which they can do us most harm is in the or
ganization of the territory on the Kansas and
Platte. Two things are needed there : first, tht
establishment of the territorial government; and,
iuxt, the extinction of Indian titles. Both are
points of difficulty and peculiarlv subject to dan
ger from insidious opposition. The Indian trea
ties, even when negotiated, will have a perilous
course to run through the Senate, (where the
proceedings are secret,) and where a minority of
one-third can defeat them, and where the pestifer
ous question of freesoil will mix itself with the
decision. Near, thirty years ago, the United
States made a general extinction of Indian title
west of Missouri, to be assigned in parcels to emi
grant tribes. Part has been assigned, part not:
and this unassigned part I hold to be Uniter
States territory, now open to settlement without
objection from the Indians."
"The danger from insidious opposition,"
and whence it was to comc, those speochc*
showed. They artfully and purposely create
the danger by awaking and inviting that pes
tiferous freesoil opposition ; and by seeking at
once, without waiting for constitutional action, to
Involve the settlers and the settlement of the
country in inextricable difficulties, which would
fhrnish another pretext for fanning the pestiferous
flame thus sought to be kindled ; subsequent
events have demonstrated Benton's object. He
has since become the recognized champion of that
very freesoil faction, in opposition to tne constitu
tional and republican mode of settling those Ter
ritories. He lias ltd the very " pt-stilorous" host
which he pretended to fear. He has become the
commander of the "pestiferous freesoil" opposi
tion to Nebraska and Kansas! Did I mistake hh
objects in May, 1853 ? Judge ye !
Again, in his letter of May 15th, 1853, Benton
?aid :
" In the substance of speeches which I deliver
ed at Kansas, Westport and Independence, (and
which were intended for the whole State, though
delivered in one county,) you will see this oppo
sition described, and that under both of its char
acters of fair and foul, in the latter of which 1
include the opposition from this State, and the
whole of wliich has its root in that traitorous
nullification of which you speak. ? ? ? ?
At the last session thiB name treasonable doctrine
manifested itself in a clandestine opposition to
Nebraska, because it was freesoil," &c.
This, any one can see, was directly intended to
arouse the abolition spirit of New Egnland and
New York and Ohio, and to excite the abolition
ists at St. Louis into activity. It requires but
a small portion of that foresight, which lienton so
ostentatiously claims to possess, to dctcct his real
end and aim in using such language. The oppo
sition of myself to freesoil he denounced, not tc
injure me xcith ilaveholders ; of course not; but to
help himself with the freesoil enemies tf slaveholders
That was his object, and his only object. To
preach freesoihsm was the way to commend him
self to northern freesoilers; ho did this to gain
northern, not southern, support. I was opposed
to his freesoil notions, and still am opposed to
them, whether preached by him, Giddings, Sum
ner, Hale, Garrisou, Theodore Parker, or Wen
" del) Philips ; whether "insidiously" manifested
in Missouri, or boldly proclaimed in open rebel
lion and the shedding of blood in the streets ol
Boston. That treasonable doctrine, and all trea
sonable doctrines which call for resistance, open
or insidious, to the Constitution and laws, 1 must
I shall always oppose.
But on wfiat was Benton's charge against the
democrats in Congress?the Administration?the
democratic party of Missouri, and myself?based ?
He had defined bis position to be in favor of free
soil in Nebraska and Kansas. In my speech at
PorkviUe, and elsewhere in Missouri, I definec
my position?a position which he snd "his"
fiercely assailed, and which he pronouacec
"traitorous nullification," and "treasonable
doctrine ?a position occupied by every sound
democrat in and out of Congress, and by the
present" democratic national administration, and
fully and clearly taken and maintained in the
Kansis and Nebraska bill, which has just passer'
Congress, despite of Benton and bis ireesoil
friends in opposition to it, and which has prompt
ly received the approving signature of Franklin
fierce, as President of the Lnited States. Thai
position was against freeooilism and was thus dis
tinctly announced by me at Parkville :
" When Nebraska shall be settled,and her peo
ple shall derite to enter this Union as a State, it is
the right of the people to form their institutions
to suit themselves ; they may adopt slavery as
one of their institution*, or they may exclude it,
ea they shall deem oxpeaicnt. If it is the will ot |
a majority of the people of the Territory at that j
time to exclude slavery, be it so. It is their busi- j
ness, not ours. Let them present us with a re
Eublican form of government, this is all that should
s asked, and I would vote for its admission into
the Union. The Territories of the United States,
preparatory to their admission into the Union as i
States, have the right to form their own institu- j
tions, as much so as States of the Union h&ve
a right to change their institutions."
No person will doubt the right of South Caro- j
lina to abolish slavery. None will doubt the right
of Massachusetts to establish slavery. The Ter- j
ntories have the same right, when they form their
constitution and ask admission into the Union as
States. Now, am I understood ? If there is any- 1
thing doubtful in mv position, I would thank any '
gentleman to catechise me that I may be clearly '
and distinctly understood ; for I desire upon this
question to be understood . 1 know that my opin- :
lor? upon this subject hare been by some mis
" understood, by others misrepresents. No person
questions mcf Then 'I am understood.'"
Thus the doctrine for which I contended, and
which Benton fiercely denounced, was distinctly i
enunciated by me. (5n that he joined issue, both
in Missouri and in Congress. 1 contended for the
rights of the people in the Territories to govern
tltemselves under the'federal Constitution, and to
form republican State constitutions, in such wise
as they might deem expedient, *h*n they sought
admission into the Union ss States. J contended
that each State, on coming into the Union, had a
right to come in on terms of ewalitt with the
other Stales. I denied the right of Congress to
?av to uit State of the Union that it should estab
lish or abolish slavery. The Missouri compro
mise, and the Misecuri restriction, practically
ssserted that Congress had such rights. Here
then was, snd still is, the iseue; Benton ineieting
that Kar.sss and Nahraaka should be frse soil;
that ihe law of organization should be so framed,
and ought to be so framed, tliat all of his slave
holding constituents would be excluded lrom
ihoso Territories ; that the citizens of one half of
the Union should be also excluded ; that Con
gress hud the right, and ought to exercise it,
to make ^ Territories, and consequently States,
treesoil States and Territories. 1 accepted that
issue, and so did the democracy of Missouri.
Tho battle lias been fought in Congress over
the Douglas bill, and the democracy have won
a proud victory. On the one side stood the ad
ministration ; the true-hearted democrats from
the north; nearly every congressman fro:a the
south, whig and democrat; a majority from every
State west of the Alleghanies, from the Lakes
*na tii? rails ot ?>t. Anthony on tli? north, to
|tne Gull and Ilio Grande on the south, (except
Ohio and W isconsin,) aided gallantly by your
sister State on the Pacific. On the other side
^ lauguago of Jkjiton, when in
l^JU he was battling lor the democracy and tho
west) '*a motly group, a most miscellaneous
concourse, tho speckled progeny of many con
junctions, veteran federalists, benevolent females,
politicians who have lost their caste," &.c., all
marching under the leadership of Benton, Gid
dings, Sumner, Chase, Seward & Co. The lines
were thus drawn on the national theatre as thev
had previously been drawn by Benton in our
State?the democracy battling for the Constitu
tion and the rights ot the people to govern them
selves, against the gathered fragments of old fed
eralism^ abolitionism, and all the varied inns ot
which freosoil has been so prolific in these latter
times. My position on this subject was well
known in Washington, and tho issue that Ben
ton made upon it 1 never shrunk from. In the
samo speech at Parkville I said :
M A large portion of my constituents are slave
holders; could it bo expectcd that I would be
very anxious about organizing a territory from
which a very large portion of my constituents
would be excluded? The free States liuve a
pious and philanthropic class of men who ob
serve tho Itigkcr lair, and whose duty it is to
attend toother people's business, and who think
that they are rendering God service in stealing
their neighbor's negroes.
44 But, fcllow-citizcns, that I may be clearly
understood in relation to this point, I now de
clare to you that 1 will not vote for a bill to
organize a government for the territory of Ne
braska, unless that bill leaves tho territory
open for settlement to all the people of the
Lnited States, without restriction or limitation?
open to the slaveholder as well as to the non
slaveholder. I will vote for no bill that directlj
or indirectly makes a discrimination between the
citizens of the different States of this Union, north
and south, slaveholding and non-slavehoMing ; no
uill that strikes at the equality of tho Stutes of
ihis confederacy."
Thus wai the gauntlet, which was thrown at
my feet by Benton, promptly taken up by me.
Ihe "pious and philanthropic" class in tho north
and cast, to whom I referred, have since, headed
by three thousand clergymen, openly stalked into
the political arena, and undertaken to defect the
action of Congress. Arrogantly assuming to con
rol the legislative action of the country, and des
ecrating their holy calling, they became abolition
partisans; but they did not escapo rebuke from
tho wisest and best statesmen of the land. The
lttempt to inaugurate priestcraft in our republic,
ipon the ruin of the Constitution, received the
.;ame fate it did when, in lfclQ, it cncouraget
jlue-iightB upon our coast, for the benefit of the
dritiah invaders, and subsequently, when it called
ortli the Sunday mail report lis last impotent
ind fanatical exhibition in Boston, in the person
.?f the Rev. Theodore Parker, must show to the
people its whole scope and tendency. That "higher
mw" fanaticism which steals negroes, bids defi
ance to the Constitution and laws, declares the
Union 44 a league with the Devil, and a covenant
with hell," has shed the blood of a worthy citizen
who stood up in defence of the tribunals of justice
in the city of Boston, and thereby has aroused a
spirit ofpatriotism which will never brook 44 trea
son, ' although it may come in the false garb of
philanthropy, or under the impious assumption of!
Divine sanction. The pure and holy and peace, i
i'ul truths ot Christianity cannot, it in hoped, be
rrver again mistaken for the blasphemous ravings
of abolition preachers.
The same distinct acccptance of the issue ten
dered by Benton was not only met by me in mv
-peecl| at Parkville, but also at Weston, and Fay
ette, and elsewhere. At Weston I declared :
"Col. Benton and others had assumed that
slavery was excluded from that Territory by tho
law commonly called the Missouri compromise,
if so, I \?u? then and am now opposed to inter
fering with that Territory unless that restriction
oe removed. I was in favor of, and did vote for,
the appropriation of money to enablo the Presi
dent to make treaties with the Indians, to extin
guish their titles to tho lands upon which they
reside, and to obtain their consent to the organi
zation of a territorial government; and this was
all, in ray opinion, that Congress should have
done in the premises at the last session. Now,
I will tell you what I will do : I will vote for the
ratification of treaties to extinguish the Indiau
titles to land in that Territory, and I will support
a bill to oiganize a government for that Terri
tory, upon Die condition that such bill c< i.iains
no restriction upon the subject of slavery ; and not
otherwise. I will vote for a bill that leaves the
slavcholdor and non-slaveholder upon terms oi
equality. I am icillwg that thr peojtle trlto man
ettle there, and who have the deepest interest in
this question, shall decide it for themselves. -As n
very large and respectable portion of my consti
tuents are directly or indirectly interested in slave
property, 1 am unwilling that they, with this spe
cies of property, shall bo excluded. I will give
no advantage to one citizen over another.
? ??*????
" That there may be no mistake, and that I
may not be misunderstood hereafter, I now say.
emphatically, that I will not vote for any bill
that makes Nebraska free-soil territory. 1 have
not, and do not intend, upon any occasion, to
yield one inch to the spirit of freesoil and aboli
?-ionism, whether they exhibit themselves at home
or at Washington."
I trust, fellow-citizens, that I have redeemed
.hat pledge to the letter ; I congratulate you and
the country that the boldness with which this new
.ibolition crusade was met has resulted in banish
ing, it is hoped forever, from the halls of Con
gress the long-continued agitation of fanatics
against our property and our rights, tho guaran
tees of the Constitution and the cherished princi
ples of eelf-governmont. As Benton, however,
continued his assaults, in letter after letter, dur
ing the whole of last summer, it became neces
sary for me repeatedly to meet the issue he had
formed. Hence, in my spcech at Fayette, as
reported by others, may be found the following :
44 Mr. Atchison had opposed the admission ot
Nebraska, and would oppose it, unless the Mis
souri compromise of 1820 was virtually repealed.
Colonel Benton had announced in the Senate that
there was not one foot of slave territory now
belonging to the Union ; Clay and Webster hav
ing asserted the same tiling, he took their word
for it ; but in this matter he would endeavor so to
act as not to violate the known inlerects of his
constituents, as he would never compromise his
principles. Policy may sometimes be compro
mised ; principles never. Fifteen millions of dol
lars had been paid by slaveholders, in common
with the free States, for Louisiana ; and theirs
had mingled in common with the blood and trea
sure that had obtained all the territory of this
great aud growing country. Therefore, no power
under the sun could compel him to sustain the
Missouri compromise in the admission of Ne
braska, by which two-thirds of his constituents
would be deprived the country."
It was thus down to the latest moment, before
leaving Missouri to attend the meeting of Con
cress, at the present session, I openly accepted
the issue Benton made. Early in the present ses
sion, Judge Douglas, as chairman of the Com
mittee on Territories, introduced a bill virtually
repealing the Missouri restriction. To avoid all
possibility of cavil or doubt, he phrased that part
of the bill anew. Then came in Congress the
fierce conflict which Benton had foreseen, and for ,
which he hacf prepared tho freesoders and aboli- i
tionists, and whieb, after nearly a five months' '
struggle, resulted in the triumph of the Constitu- I
'ion and justice. I declared that I would vote
for no bill unless it rid us of the unconstitutional, '
anti-republic?n and iniquitous restriction of 182o! I
So said a large majority of Congress. The admin
istration nobly came up to the same *tand ; Kenton I
threw hirnsell* into the leadership of the opposition. I
Notwithstanding he first obtained the confidence j
and support of the Mi??onrians by his opposition
to the infamous restriction, and owes his political
life to that fart; notwithstanding in an elaborate
speech, in 1*30, he demonstrated by the record,
that from the first organization of this government
to that hour northeastern federalism, with its allv,
; abolitionism,!tad always warred against the growth
: and prosperity of the west, and that the south,
gcnerail j aided by the true demorratsof the north,
bad striven to best bhek that tide of federal hos
tility, notwithstanding the constitutional equality
of the States was at idsue, and the rights and in
terest* ol his constituents ; notwithstanding the
\vest, in almost toiid column, wasdeiuandiug that
1 j Si 1 ?n our frontier should be removed,
iud >1 issouri be permitted freely to expand west
w*rd towards the Pacific- ; notwithstanding the
*?l' howl ' of abolitionism and federalism was
Bgaiu raised in order to roll back from our Stato
the tide of wealth and prosperity about to flow
through it; despite, too, his talk last spring and
summer about the importance anil necessity of
the immediate settlement and organization of
those Territories, he vvat} foremost m the contest
against right and justice, laboring, with bold and
unblushing ellrontry, to defeat what he had pre
tended most earnestly to desire, even to the ex
tent of villifying the administration and a demo
cratic Congress, falsilying history, and openly
joining in the abolition crusade against Missouri,
and the west and the south, with such coadjutors
as Giddings and Chase.
To the very last ho co-operatcd with those ene
mies oi the-Tv est and south, in the most disorganiz
ing and factions efforts, to prevent a decided ma
jority in Congress from passing a constitutional
and unti-fircesoil law, for the immediate organiza
tion ol Nebraska and Kansas,
I now appeal to every man of candor and com
mon sense in Missouri, whether I was not right
when, last summer, I boldly took up the guantlet
which Benton hurled at my feet, and stripped
irom him the mask he wore; declared that the
'* insidious oppoit:son " to the territorial organi
sation and the "traitorous nullification" were
his; that his pretended love for Nebraska, and
the central route, were mere hypocritical pre
tenses on his part. Subsequent events?history,
recorded history, has made tliat fact which was
then inero prediction. Was I not right, oven to
the minute details ot calling in their pseudo pious
and philanthropic clergy of New England to his
assistance ?
This issue, made by Benton, between freesoil
and abolition on the one side, and Constitution
and rights of self-government on the other, has
to bo met in Missouri at the ballot boxes, next
August. Tho abolitionists of the north, and Ben
ton, their champion, arc marshalling their forces
lor tho contest. The first great conflict is in our
State. Hold Benton and his Swiss guard to the
issuo they have made. We only ask that there
shall be no dodging; that they shall stand to the
banner he has ostentatiously erected. I know that
thousands who did not understand his "insidi
ous " designs, honest and good men, have desert
ed him during the last three months ; men who
are sincere and zealous democrats, but who last
year could not be made to believe that one so
ong honored by Missouri could so foully betray
her and the Constitution. Now, Benton has him
self given them proof positive. There is no room
lor doubt from this hour forward. As Talmadge,
and Kivos, and others, deserted the party in its
hour ol trial ; and as Van Buren and his host
wont olf in 1848, so now has Benton openly
marched over to the enemy. Here and there a
straggler may follow him into the tho abolition
camp, and join the standard of rebellion against
the administration and democracy; but for the
honor of Missouri, for the sake of western glory
and prosperity, for tho love of the Constitution
I and Union, it is hoped that in our State the
j dupes will be few. In St. Louis, that miserable
squra, who, in 1848, stood on tho Buffalo plat
! iorm, will of course rejoice to sec those whom
j they have misled betrayed into the arms of their
| abolition friends of the north. Thoy have labor
ed lor six years to deceive a portiou of tho people
; into that position. Unfortunately they were for
j a time too successful. Now, l?t tho freesoiler*
I ot 1848, in St. Louis, stand where thoy then
! stood, and have always stood?" alone in their
glory solitary and alone."
it is unnecessary for mo now to repeat the un
answerable arguments for the Douglas bill which
the most gifted and eminent statesmen of the''
country have made in its favor. The hour for ar- I
gument has gone by in Missouri, and the time for
action has come. The democrats should enthusi
astically rally around their old standard, plant
themselves firmly upon the established platforms,
adhere to their ancient usages, and show to the
[ l.iion that Missouri, over which the battle of
i was fought, does not in this, the hour of her
greatest peril and glory, falter in her cause. Inti
mately connected with this, the main issue mudc
by Benton, was his effort to mislead tho people
concerning a railroad to the Pacific. One who
did not know tho hollow insincerity of Benton
would have supposed last year that he was punl
ing for the opening of Congress, in order that he
might introduce and carry through a bill to con
struct a railroad to the Pacific without waiting for
r ''c a^scr*cd wore the unnecessary surveys
!"itc53 Slalps engineers, as well as to carry a
bill for the immediate organization of Nebraska.
1 lie latter, he asserted, was an essential step to
the former, ^-ct I have shown that instead of sup
porting he bccamc the leader of the opposition to
territorial organization. I now can ask on that
head as I did last year at Weston:
" \V hat has tliis distinguished personage, who
lias been a Senator from Missouri for so long a
time, done upon tho subject ? What has he done
towards organizing and settling the Nebraska
rerntory? What has he evtr attempted to do?
id ho ever introduce a bill to organize a govern
ment or extinguish Indian titles in that Territo
ry? If ho did, when and where?"
To all of thoso intcrrogatives, as then put and
now repeated, came one answer only. lie never
it anv time, or under any circumstances, intro
duced any bill or did anything to accomplish the
object which it now is obvious he most hypocriti
cally pretended to be brimful of zeal for last sum
mer ; but on the contrary has done his utmost to
prevent the accomplishment of that end. So with
Ins boasted love and patriotic zeal for a Pacific
railroad. Up to this time he has presented no
bill and made no movement on the subject. Is
he presuming that humbug will answer tho pur
poses of declamation in the pending canvass?
Does he suppose he can again cajole his constit
uents into the bolicf that ho is rcaily sinccrc, that
he is laboring to advance their interests on that
question ?
Last year I declared that it was my duty as a
senator to wait for the result of tho government
surveys before I committed myself to any one ot
three proposed routes from Missouri, for a rail
road to the Pacific. I then thought, and still
think, that the main track must start from the
Missouri frontiers, connecting with one or more
of our State roadg. All know that from Missouri
to tho base of the Rocky Mountains no obstacle
jPrc?jnted. I ho road can be made without
mmculty anywhere. Hence there was no neces
sity tor any survey from the terminus of the
southwest branch, or tho Kansas branch, or of
the Hannibal and St. Joseph road to tho base of
the Rocky Mountains. It would have been
nothing but a useless waste of the public funds
and havo caused unnecessary delay. It was
doubtful at what point in the Rocky Mountains,
and through the Sierra Nevada, a road co. Id be
constructed. Instead of dogmatically asserting
'hat buffaloes were the best engineers, "ram i<
horn" routes the shortest lines, and the highest
peaks the lowest passes, I thought it more becom
ing a statesman to have the facts before jumping
to any such conclusions, or before contending
that locomotives could safely tako a train of cars
loaded with men, women, and children, in mid
winter, over routes where neither man nor mule
conld subsist. On this subject I have preferred to
| act with knowledge instead of blindly.
I When the facts have been laid before the Sen
ate, I shall then form my opinion definitely, ai?d
endeavor to sccurc tho location of a road from
some noint on tho Missouri frontier to the Pacific
??ucfi a road as may be tho most speedy, and safe
ly, and constitutionally built. Within the past
two years, and since Col. Benton has been elec
tioneering to obtain the seat in the Senate occu
pied by me, he has converted this into his pet heb
by. In thirty years previous scrvico he had given
no support whatevbr to any measure for opening
up of a railroad or any other communication
from the Pacific to tho borders of Missouri ;
except, perhaps, his dog and reindeer transpor
tation. This measure first received his support
in February, 1849, when, for tho first time
in his life, he introduced a bill for a railroad to
"India," and used it in the canvass he was then
making for re-election, to tako the wind out of the
sails of Mr. Whitney. Down to that date?twen
ty-eight years?he had opposed all bills providing
for the construction of a railroad across tho con
tinent, and introduced none himself.
He had been a consistent enemy to all schemes
offered ; he even believed a railroad impractica
ble, and, as late as 1849, had so slightly changed
his bcliefthat he contemplated the use or"sletghs"
" the lime of ihf *notr?;" and in his bill actually
provides for a portion of the road to be " Macada
imzcd where it was not "practicable and ad
vantageous*' for "iron railways!" This hobbr
?*not.r!^? *'?"? nor perform much service in
1849 ; it did not sav* him from defeat. Undaunt
ed, hore-moun'od, and about a year ago bri
kiu Vj n2??n,j<1 *1"0 the Nebraska horse that
he h a d diad?in?d to notica from 1820 to 1853?
Mm the performer in tho circus ha thus had a horse
under aacfa Mot, The Nebraska animal has
proved ballcy, and thrown the adventurous old
gentleman over his head, and broken every bone
in his skin. 1 pass to examine the railroad
hobby to see if it will perform better than the
horse Nebraska. ,
It is due to tho people to candidly lay, that
the empyrical railroad schemes of Colonel Benton
were so obviously gotten up for electioneering pur
poses, after his dilficultiee with the democratic
party in 1849, that I may have erred In sup
posing the object of his schemes were as notice
able to the people of Missouri as they were to me
here on the spot- 1 confess to having had an in
vincible disinclination to notice, far less to for
mally expose, humbugs by mo considerad so trans
parent.
What ore the facts? He proposed a railroad,
one mile wide, over unsurveyed mountains, where
he himself supposed nothing but a "sleigh " could
pass! If uni/ Sonator could adopt folly so wild,
nothing to such an one would appear preposter
ous.
What was my course? Did I attempt to build
a road through doubtful and unknown regions,
before one mile was built in our own forgotten
State? Did 1 undertake to arbitrarily decide that
a road should start from St. Joseph, or from
Kansas, or from Springfield, and, while quarrel
ing with dissenting colleagues over rival routes,
obtain no land nor money lor either ? The North
desire their roads to Chicago extended west and
north of Missouri, if grades, and climate, and
soil will allow; the South, on the other hand, de
sire a road running to the south of our State.
Under Buch circumstances, and witli such compe
tition, even if we are united, to obtain a location
of the road favorable to us is difficult. After
careful consideration, the Missouri delegation in
Congress, (as soon us Benton was out of it,) ob
tained a grant of land from Congress of sufficient
value to ensure the construction of two roads
across the State, and ono on each side of the Mis
souri river.
This was followed up by tho State's granting
aid, which secures the building of a third road
lying midway between the two. Here, then, are
three well located and nearly parallel roads, lead
ing three hundred miles due west towards the
Pacific ocean. As soon as your delegation ob
tained this grant for Missouri from Congress, and
when Benton saw the construction of tnree hun
dred miles of the road to California provided for,
what followed? Credit for the performance?
Praise for the important first step? The re
verse?reproaches, censure, and abuse, from Ben
ton himself. Jit once by -published letters, and
by speeches, Colonel Benton proclaimed that the
roan to India was abandoned ! That if that road
was to be built, he must be sent to Congress to
renew what had been shamefully abandoned!
The impudence was Beritonian, and of course
was unnoticed ; and bein * unnoticed, I suppose
some actually believed it had been abandoned,
when, in fact, we had just secured the construc
tion of three hundred miles of it! We next ob
'ained an appropriation to survey routes through
the mountains. This done, Colonel Benton came
back into Congress.
He has been here in Congress ?ix months, the
usual length of a 'long session, a.id if he has
drafted a bill or a resolution, or ever deliv
ered a speech during that time in lis.'/or of a rail
road to the Pucific, I havo not seeu or heard of
it. That some bold pretension will issue from
him before the election, his political practices of
thirty-five years allow and justify ub confidently
to predict; that it will be followed by no btnejicial
result, his whole history teaches us to believe;
beyond a speech or two, no one need expect any
labor from him for Missouri. It is not his habit;
showy speeches, and bills full of attractive pro
mises, the people can easily be made to know all
about; but tho unknown labor in committees and
in Congress, necessary to command success by
making measures understood, the people, he well
knows, cannot be made to fully appreciate. Un
like him, I promise no railroad from San Fran
cisco to Kansas to obtain votes; nor to Spring
field ; nor to St. Joseph; on the contrary, so
limited are thesurvqys, compared with the num
ber we'ought to have, that I frankly avow it as
my belief that no road to the Pacific, from any
point, is likely to bo ordered to bo built during
this session of Congress. That is my honest
opinion, and I will not conceal it for the miserable
purpose of obtaining votes. 1 do hope, however,
that Congress will, in the meantime, adopt and
extend our hitherto successful plan of obtaining a
'ncific railroad by piecemcal. Benton asked lor
(Millions of acres, and got nothing?in fact, he
?.ever so much as asked for a final vote upon
it!?whilst we, when he was out of tho way,
secured 'the building of two roads towards Cali
fornia, each two or three hundred miles long.
I hope this Congress will not pass away before
wo can obtain other local grants for roads look
ing towards San Francisco, and for roads coming
from San Francisco. For instance, Kansas
Territory is now organized ; its government can
act on this subject as efficiently as can that of
Missouri. ' We hope, (and as our plan is honest
we have no desire to conceal it,) to be ablo to
procure for Kansas Territory what we procured
for Missouri?lands to aid in tho extension of
the St. Joseph road, northwesterly, up the valley
of the Platte; lands to aid in the extension of
the Kansas road up the valley of the river Kan
sas ; and lands to aid in the extension of the
Springfield road across the Neosho and Arkansas
rivers in the direction of Albuquerque. These
i grants will insure the extension of our three
roads, five hundred or six hundred miles each,
toward California ; if never built a rod beyond
the foot of the mountains, these roads would
benefit Kansas Territory and Missouri almost
| beyond calculation ; similar grants of land' to
California would insure the building of like roads
from San Francisco eastwardly to the Colorado
I and to Utah, some five hundred and fifty miles.
These roads in Kansas Territory and in Califor
nia, leading toward each other, would be profita
ble to Missouri and California, even if never
extended so as to meet and connect. Between
the California and Kansas territorial roads would
remain a space of from seven hundred and fifty
miles to nine hundred and fifty miles ; and four or
five years hence, when these roads arc finished by
Kansas Territory and California, even if nothing
shall have been done before, we shall know all
about the country, and the passes lying between
them ; by that time, if not before, some plan will
be devised that will build a road to connect them
together. Scheming men like Colonel Bonton,
whose political necessities will not allow him to
wait, and whose minds are ever filled with visions
of lloman splendor and of Arabian gorgcousncss,
can never accomplish a largo matter ot so prac
tical a character.
They fail to recollect that even the great rail
road from New York to Buffalo was not a single
undertaking, but the result of a scries of isolated
undertakings. The first link was only sixteen
miles long ; from Albany to Schenectady. The
next link extended to Utica. Another only
extended to Syracuse. And tho very last of all
was the link from New York to Albany. There
must have been some eight or ten companies
lietwcen New York and Chicago ; there are three
between Chicago and St. Louis. So with every
long line of road in America save the Illinois
Central.
Who so proper, at anv rate, as our own Deople
to build roads throngfe Missouri, and fix the
rates of fare, and to control them for all time to
come? So with California, so with Utah, New
Mexico, Kansas, and P^braska? Shortly all
these will l)o prosperous States.
It is objected to these land grants that the
price of the remaining alternate sections is
doubled. It is a great objection undoubtedly.
When the plan first came up I was opposed
to it myself, but we could do better. Wo could
secure "the grants of land upon no other terms. It
was that or nothing.
In this matter our delegation, and the western
delegations generally, are united iri the opinion
that it is largely to our own interest *o accept the
donations upon these terms, as we could get them
upon uo other. True, in 1851, (Jan. 28,) Benton
voted for such a grant, upon the condition of
doubling the price of the sfternate sections, and
I voted against it i but others reasons than that
governed my vote on that occasion, Upon this
subject we have generally voted together.
Railroads can be built from Missouri, on nearly
right lines, to Anton Chico; from thence to the
Rio Grande, at or near Albuqnerquo, an instru
mental survey of engineers, now nearly ready
for the printer, shows that a railroad is practica
ble. So, alto, can roads from Texas, Arkansas,
Missouri, and Iowa, be carried on nearly right
lines up to the foot of the mountains, either
where lien ton's road ia sought to be located, or
where the South Paae route strikes them. There
is no serious difficulty in crossing the plains, as
Ihousands of our eltisens personally know, until
the road conies quite up to the foot of the moun
tains. The surveys of Lieutenant Whipple
show that you may go from Albuquerque to the
Colorado river, on the borders of California, with
an easy grade ; snd the measurements of Colonel
Fremont and Cfcptain SUnsbury show that you
may go from the valley of the Platte through
th* South Pass to Bait Lake city, wlthout. ln
either case, or on cither route, passing over
heights exceeding seven thousand five hundred
feet. The surveys of Benton's route are not so
favorable, the pas* in the mountain*, even on
thto side of the Rio Grande, being one mile and
tkrte-quartcn high. ! Tliis is the pass of El San
gre de Chrkto, of which Colonels Benton and
Fremont gave such glowing accounts; the latter
from personal knowledge.
1 am satisfied that a practicable route can be
had frdta. Missouri to California. _ But as great
rivers rise in the neighborhood of Coochatope,
and flow in as many different ways as there are
cardinal points of the compass, it stands to reason,
as Senator Gwin has said, that this must inevita
bly be the highest part of the Rocky Mountains.
The mountains fall oft' to the north and to the
south, and hence we find both the South Pass
and Albuquerque several thousand feet lower
than Coocliatope. But I wish it distinctly under
stood that I am in favor of the extension ofall
three roads up to the foot of the mountains ^nd
that then I am for the extension to California of
any ono or more of the three which the surveys
alia 11 show to be practicable: and merit shall gov
ern the decision.
Before passing to another point, I would reter
to the third resolution adopted by a county meet
ing in St. Louis, on the 9th of Januarv last,
which meeting was composed of the confidential
friends and mouth-pieces of Benton. At that
meeting, Messrs. W. V.N. Bay, Thomas L.
Price, B. Graty Brown, A. Krekel, H. Dusen
bury, and John A. Kasson, made the speeches.
A committee of twenty-four reported the resolu
tions, through F. P. Blair, jr^, and said resolu
tions were, on motion of A. Kayser, unanimous
ly adopted, according to the report published in
Benton's organ. That resolution was as follows:
44 Resolved, That we are in favor of the imme
diate organization of a territorial government for
Nfbra-fia, and that we regard all who oppose it.
?upon whatever prrttrt, as hostile to the best inter
ests of the Slate."
Thus, out of the mouths of his own chosen
witnesses, Colonel Benton stands condemned a^s
hostile to the best interests, or the State. "
The Douglas bill was a western measure. It
was designed to add to the power and wealth of
the west. The same political party which opposed
the organization ofLouisana and T cxas, and threat
ened to dissolve the Union if that acquisition was
made; that opposed the sending of forces to pro
tect western settlements during the early Indian
wars; that opposed the war of 1812, and rejoiced
at the massacres in the northwest and mourned
over the triumphs of Macomb, and Brown, and
Harrison, and JackBon; that in the Hartford
convention hatched frcesoil, by resolving that
ano her slave State should never be admitted into
the Union; that caused the Missouri agitation,
and kept this State out of thy Union for about two
years, and forced the passage of the so-called Mis
souri compromise ; that denounced the war with
I Mexico ; that concocted the Wilmot proviso ;
1 that contended against the 44 indemnity for the
past and security for the future," whereby New
Mexico, Utah, and California were acquired;
that erected Buffalo platforms to defeat General
Cass?a party of a sectional (and abolition)
caste, which lias never failed to war against the
West, the Constitution, and the honor of the
country. Well might St. Louis declare Benton
as hostile to her best interests; for no portion of
the country is to be so largely benefited by open
ing Nebraska and Kansas to settlement. All of
the railroad interests are largely interested, for a
terminus on the Western frontier, blocked up by
an Indian wall, is very different from an indefinite
extension westward through new and rapidly
opening settlements. Every interest of St. Louis
was connected with this territorial question, and
there can be no plausible excuse for the enven
omed hostility which the St. Louis representative
lias manifested since the Senate first commenced
to act 011 the subject, during the present sossion
of Congress. His friends, even, had the sagacity
to Bee all this last January, and then to denounce
him, in advance, if lie dared to betray those in
terests, as he has since done.
In his recent speech against the Kansas and
Nebraska bill and the Administration, Colonel
Benton said he should obey the instructions of the
legislature as passed in 1847. This is an after
thought for him. When tho instructions to which
ho refers were in force, ho voted against their re
quirements, as he did against tho known wishes
of nine-tenths of his constituents, when the Texas
annexation measure was before the Senato.
Tho same legislature that electod him to the
Senate at the session cf 1844-'45,elocted him un
der a distinct pledge given by his friends that he
would obey the instructions which might be passed.
Without that pledge he could not have been then
elected. That legislature passed this instruction,
intended, as he and all others well know, express
ly for him :
5th resolution. "That, in the opinion of this
general assembly, a great majority of the people
of this State prefer that Texas should be annexed
to the United States, without dividing her terri
tory into slaveholding and non-slaveholding
States, but leaving the question to be settled by the
people, who now, or may hereafter, occupy the
territory that may be annexed."
Thus did Missouri distinctly announce the same
great doctrines for which I contended, and on
which the Douglas bill was framed, and against
which Benton has joined issue with me, with the
legislature, with the democracy of Missouri, with
Congress, and with the administration.
Again : our State declares, through her legis
lature, in 1849, the same doctrine to which no
one save Benton and a few St. Louis frcesoilcrs
have ever dared openly to express any dissent in
our State. That doctrine, the same as that on
which Douglas's bill and the Administration
stand, as well as the whole democracy of the
United States, was thus enunciated by a resolu
tion of our general assembly :
44 Resolved, That the right to prohibit slavery in
any Territory belongs exclusively to the people there
of, and can only be exercised by them in forming
their Constitution for a State government, or in
their sovereign capacity as an independent
State."
Benton lias in this, as in most other matters,
shewn himself 44 hostile to the best interests of
the State" and to its cherished opinions. Ever
since he commenced courting freesoil support
he has turned his back upon Missouri and his con
stituents. ,
Fellow citizens, in the great contest which has
just ended in Congress, upon the Kansas and
Nebraska bill, the whole Missouri delegation have
proved true to the instructions of the legislature,
to the Constitution, and to the rights ot self-gov
ernment, except only the representative from St.
Louis. Geyer, Phelps, Lamb, Caruthcrs, Miller,
Oliver, and Lindley, have stood up like men for
tho Douglas bill, and deserve well of their con
stituents. ^ R atchison
Washington, June 5, 1854.
POSTPONEMENT.
ON account of the burning of the draw
of the Long Bridge the following races will
not commence until the TWENTIETH DAY OF
JUNE, by which tune the bridge will be repaired
ID" The paper# publishing the advertisement,
will please announce the postponement.
THE TIME CHANGED.
WASHINGTON (1). t.) SPRING RACES,
COLUMBIA RACE COURSE,
Alexandria Covrty, Va.
THE SPRING R CES over the above
course will commence on the FOURTH
THURSDAY in May, 1804, and continue through
out the week.
Fir?t Day.?TUESDAY, May 23d, sweepstakes
free for all horses owned in Maryland, District o(
Columbia, and Virginia, weight for age.
Entrance, $29, with a purse of $50 added by the
proprietor.
Mile heats, three or more to make a race.
Also, immediately after the sweepstake race, a
purse of $50 will be given, free for all trotting
horses; mile and repeat, to harness.
" Second Day.?WEDNESDAY, May 24, purse of
$100 ; mile beats, best 3 in 5.
Third Day.?'THURSDAY, May 25, purse of
$200; two-mile heals.
Fourth Day.?FRIDAY, May 20th, purse ot
$300; four-mile beats.
Entrance for purses 15 per cent., to be made with
the proprietor the evening previous to the race.
In all cases three or more to make a race; two to
start. The races to be governed by the rules ot
the Richmond course, Virginia.
Abundant siribling for horses will be provided,
free of expense, on the grounds.
Having completed the enclosure of the track,
and made other improvements on the place, the
proprietor informs the public that nothing will be
found wanting on bis part to give satisfaction to
those fond of the sport.
Mav 1 CYRUS MARTIN, Proprietor.
CARSON'S I.ETTKR AND CAP PA
I per.?An additional supply juat received by
W. C. ZANTZINGER,
Congrt ssionitl.
TBIHTY-THIHl> CONGRESS.
FIBhT SESSION'.
Senate.?Friday. June 16, 1851.
Mr. STEWART said that this was private bill
day, and it required unanimous consent to take
up other business. Though the first bill on the
private calendar wa? under his charge, yel with a
view of having the veto message disposed of to
duy, be would waive all objections to taking up
that subject
Mr. BRODHEAD alluded to the fact that pri
vate bills had not been considered for several
weeks, and expressed the earnest desire that ihey
should not be again postponed.
Mr. IIAMLIN called tor the orders of the day.
And the Senate proceeded to tho consideration
of the bill to renew the patent of Hiram Moore
and John Hascall, for a harvesting machine.
Mr. WALKER addressed the Senate at length
in opposition to the bill.
Mr. STEWART briefly replied.
The question wa* then taken ou ordering the
bill to be engrossed for a third reading, and was
decided in the negative? yeas 13, nays 22.
Mr. STEWART moved to reconsider the vote,
and the motion was postponed.
COINAGE.
On motion by Mr. GWIN, the Senate proceeded
to the consideration of the bill to authorize the
coinuge of gold pieces of the value, respectively,
of ten eagles and live eagles, and for other pur
pose*. The bill was amended in several partic*
lars.
Mr. BRODHEAD moved to amend the bill by
providing that, from the 30th of June, 1854, the
annual salary of tne director of the mint at Phila
delphia shall be $5,000, and of the treasurer *3,000.
After some debate, the amendment was with
drawn, and the bill was passed.?Yeas 29, nays 13.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM.
Mr. GWIN introduced a bill to amend the ju
dicial system of the United States by establishing
an additional circuit in California.
PRIVATE BILLS.
The following bills on the private calendar were
then disposed of.
Resolution explanatory of the act for the relief
of Abigail Stafford: rejected.
Bill lor the relief of the heirs of Captain Joshua
Chamberlain, deceased; passed.
House bill for the relief of Benjamin Rowe ;
passed.
The Senate then, by a vote of yeas 22, nays 18,
ordered that when it adjourns it be to meet on
Monday
And then the Senate adjourned.
House of Representatives.
THE TARIFF.
Mr. HOUSTON, of the Committee of Ways and
Means, asked leave to report a bill to reduce the
duties on imports and for other purposes. But
objection was made.
MODIFICATION OF THE POSTAGE LAW.
The House resumed the consideration of tho
bill reported from the Committee on the Post Of
tice and Post Roads, to modify the postage laws.
Mr. OLDS said that this is an important mea
ure, demanded alike by the interests of tho Post
Office Department and the exigencies of the mail
service of the country.
He was aware thut the bill is not perfect; it
would indeed be a difficult matter to frame' one of
thut kind. But he was a little surprised and mor
nfied to hear the gentleman from Pennsylvania
(Mr. CiiANDLEjt) say that he expected that a tink
ering with the postage of the country would lead
to the result desired bv the gentleman from New
York, [Gekkit Smith J namely: the aboli.tioo of
the Post Office Department. The fixing up of the
Department commenced with Bei\jauiin Franklin,
who was the first postmaster general. During
the period we had the five and ten cents postage
we accumulated a surplus of $2,000,000 ; but in
1651, our tinkering made the Department insol
vent ; and the gentleman from Pennsylvania as
well as himself was guilty of the charge.
The deficiency of this year will bo equal to
$2,000,000, and the next fiscal year $ ',400,000.
this does not include the ocean mail service.
He asked, in view of those facts, whether it
was not the duty of Cougress to save the depart
ment from insolvency.
The Committee on the Post Office and Post
Roads proprosed, in the first place, to abolish the
(ranking privilege, not directly, but requiring that
the government itself shall pay to the department
un amount oi'money equal to the service perform
ed. He read a statement, to show that the mail
able matter now carried free, it' it were charged
with postage, would yield $2,000,000; and the re
peal of the section which makes a redaction of
liity per vent, on the prepayment ot postage on
newspapers aud periodicals (as proposed by the
committee) would add $.000,000 to the revenue.
He likewise advocated another feature of the bill,
the prepayment of all postages, which would af
ford a proper system of checks and balances,
which does not now exist. Pass the bill, and
bring the railroads down to a reasonable rate of
compensation, and $3,000,000 will be added to the
revenues of the Post Office Department without
any increase of postage whatever.
Under the operation of the previous question,
the House rejected the amendment of Mr.GeKRtT
Smith, providing that this act ehall continue in
force for two years, when the Post Office Depart
ment shall be abolished, and individuals and asso
ciations shall bu as free to carry letters as any
;bing else.
Mr. ETHERIDGE moved that the bill be laid
on the table; but the motion did not prevail?
ayes 39, noes not counted.
Mr. HAVEN moved to strike out from the sub
stitute of Mr. Oi.ss the first four sections relating
to the abolition of the franking privilege, making
it a charge on the treasury 'instead of on the Post
Office Department.
The motion was agreed to?yens 70, nays 74.
The substitute, as thus amended, was then re
jected?ayes 51, noes not counted.
On motion of Mr. WASHBURN, of Maine, the
bill was laid on the table?yeas 94, nays 51.
[This bill proposed, amoug other things, to in
crease the postage, for distances not exceeding
three thousand miles five cents, and over that dis
tance ten cents, for a single letter; and when con
veyed wholly or in part by sea, and to and from a
loreign country, for any distance not exceeding
three thousand miles, the ocean postage to be five
cents; and for any distance exceeding three
thousand miles, ten cents, excepting, however, in
all cases where such postages have been, or shall
be, adjusted at different rates by postal treaty or
convention already concluded, or hereafter to be
made. All postage to be prepaid by stamps. The
bill also proposed to repeal the section ?n the act
of 1&51 which makes a reduction of filty cents
when postages on newspapers and periodicals are
paid in advance.]
PRIVATE CALENDAR.
The House spent some time in committee on
the private calendar.
Adjourned.
HADLEY & FIELD'S AMERICAN
Writing Fluid.?It is generally understood,
except among stationers and other*, whose avoca
tions have especially led to an appreciation of the
value of a perfectly fluid ink, thut the secret of the
process ot producing such a fluid has not, until
recently, been discovered in this country. To pro
duce an ink which should bo a per feet chemical
combinatioh has been a problem, the solution of
which has long exercised in vain the skill of Ame
rican manufacturer* of this indispensable article.
The only inks in market having any claim to the
possession of this characteristic have, until the
introduction of thut to which we now refer, been
imported. Hadley & Field's ink is the result of
practical and elaborate experiment, by one of our
most accomplished nnd scientific chemists, and is
claimed to be fully equal to any imported ink.
Every test of its quality is freely invited, and the
fullest testimony is given by those who have used
it that it is in every respect equal to the English
ink. (Arnold & Stephens's,) which have hitherto
commanded an extensive sale in the American
market at high prices. It is already widely used,
and its excellence attested by many of our princi-.
pal banks, insurance companies, and merchants ;
and, from our own knowledge of its value, we ad
vise those who appreciate the luxu? of using a
really good ink to give Iladley and Field's a trial.
[ United State* Economist.
Samples will be given, without charge, to
persons desirous of making a trial of tho " Ameri
can Writing Fluid," on application to the subscri
ber. For sale by W.C. ZANTZINGER, ,
Stationers' Hall, adjoining "Kirkwood House."
June 11?3tif
ICE PlTCHEHK?Wo have now on hand
a good nomber 01 Stimpson's loe Pitchers,
xdis article has stood the test of some years, and
is now known to be the best article in use. Per
sons ordering from the country will please en
close five dollars. For sale at
STEVENS'S
Sales-room, Drowns' Hotel.
June 10?3uf
Fuhioutf for June.
Summer fashions have assumed a definite
form ; but, although general rulos exist, much
is left to fancy ana taste, iu order to vary the
monotony of style and accessories. Formerly,
but few of our most fashionable modistes would
dare to introduce strongly contrasting colors ;
our eyes are now, however, so aocustomed to
the mixture of green and yellow, scarlet and
black, &c.t that we are no longer startled by
I the appearance of the most striking contrasts,
but, on the contrary, seek them as most desira
ble. Thus, if black is greatly in favor as an
accessory, red has numerous partizaus?not
the groseille worn during the winter, but the
real poppy ; chesuut, brown, violet, cobalt blue,
are the other colors generally preferred. Bon
nets are still very small, and tne crowns are bo
compressed and thrown back on the neck, that
they are almost hidden, by the enormous bows
witn long floating ends which ornamont them;
the bonnets are allowed merely to rest on tho
back of the head, and are ornamented either
with flowers or feathers, mixed with lace and
bows of ribbon. The insides are trimmed with
a profusion of flowers and blonde3. Some la
dies may be seen with immense moss roses
with their leaves, and even peonies in full
bloom, surrounding their faces.
Straws?especially a tissue of straw worked
by a new process, which is sold by the yard?
arc much in vogne; and it must be admitted
that it is much easier to work this material into
various forms than the origiual fancy straw,
which requires much skill aud dexterity to fold
the many designs now to be seen in these li^nt
and graceful bonnets. It was expected tout
we should hear no more of the pelisses this
summer; and small mantelets ccharpes and
some talmas for children and young ladies were
the only styles ventured upon; but, contrary
to the opinion decidedly given, the pelisse,
though it must be acknowledged in a far pret
tier and more becoming form, is now to be
seen ; it is quite loose and open in front, leav
ing the bust unconflned, and Consequently
without tho inconvenience produced by the
plaits for which tl;o former pelisse was so much
disliked. The greruest variety in the shape of
mantelets is no-.* displayed. Some are com
pletely covered with narrow laces, placed in
cross lines, and a new kind of passementerie,
of stamped plain velvet upon a taffetas ground ;
others of black moire antique, bordered with a
passementerie of blue feathers between rows
of black velvet, and terminated by a deep lace.
Another novel trimming is composed of a
new style of fringe or passementerie, being a
succession of handsome tassels. The usual
number of rows on a mantelet is three. Some
ladies adopt the ruche a la vieille, placed in
biassed lines half way up the mantelet from tho
other edge. Dresses are worn with flounces of
all descriptions; as many as thirty-two narrow
frills or flounces may be seen upon some skirts,
but by far the greater number have been three
and live flounces. Poplins and taffeta lines
are made with plain -skirts. The flounces are
frequently of a different nature or texture to
the robe; and we often see flounces with thick
satin stripes, edged with a narrow fringe, upotl
barege skirts. The scarf mantelet is fashion
able this season; but, in order that it may be
graceful, it must reach no lower than the waist,
and be quite deyage on the shoulders. It is
trimmed with one or several ? frills of lace in
flutes, edged with fringe of plated ribbon.
Madam Ada Pfeiffer.?This distinguished
lady and celebrated traveler arrived in our city
to-aay on the El Dorado from Aspinwall. Maa
am Pfeiffer, after making the tour "of the whole
world, and ponetrating many regions where no
white person has ever been seen, including tho
principal islands of the Pacific, reached Cali
fornia, where she remnined for some time, ob
serving the peculiarities of this new State. She
also visited several of the ports of South Ameri
ca, and had made her arrangements to explore
the valley of the Amazon, through its whole
course, but was prevented by insurmountable
difficulties, in obtaining means of traveling.
She therefore concluded to make a tour of the
States, and, for' that purpose, came over on tho
El Dorado. Madam Pfeiffer is one of the most
extraordinary women of the age. She has
reached the age of sixty, has a comfortable
home, and a family of children, who are all
settled in life.
At an advanced age she conceived a desire
to vjsit remote quarters of the globe. This
passion has grown by what it has fed upon.
Her curiosity and activity have been increased
by exercise. Alone she has gone over the
world, preferring the most remote, perilous,
and barbarian regions; boldly encountering
the most terrible dangers, fatigues, and diffi
culties, and adapting herself to all the pecu
liarities, prejudices, and customs of the tribes
with whom she is thrown. She is a small, gen
teel-looking woman ; very spare, but remarka
bly active and energetic in her carriage, and
exceedingly intelligent and agreeable. The
book of her travels will be one of the most in
teresting ever published. We bespeak for
Madame Pfeiffer the kindly attentions and hos
pitalities of our city, which could not be be
stowed on a worthier stranger.?Delta.
A Fearfui. Missile of War.?A letter from
Berlin, dated May 12, which we find in the
London Times, contains tho following state
ment:
?'A few days back some experiments were
made on the Hazenheide here of firing six
mines at a distance of 3,000 feet, by means of
an electric battery and wire. A number of
military officers of high rank were present,
and the experiments were pronounced to have
been eminently successful. The method here
observed by Herr Siemens, an ex-artillery offi
cer, and now telegraph engineer, is described
to be the same as that adopted by the Empe
ror of Russia, at the suggestion of Professor
Jacobi in Petersburg, for the defence of Cron
stadt, It is affirmed that there is positive in
formation here of these metal caissons having
been prepared for the roads of Swcaborg and
Revel, as well as of Cronstadt. i lie caissons
are kept ready charged with powder, and will
only be lowered into the channcl when an at
tack on the port of the fleets seems certain.
The wires inseued in these caissons .will be
brought into connexion with batteries on land,
and two telescopes will be so adjusted in the
fortress as that the bisection of their two lines
of sight will correspond with the spot where
the mine is sunk. The moment when a ship
becomes visible to both observers will corres
pond with the moment when the vessel is just
aver the combustible caissons."
Emigrating to the New Territories.?
The Savannah Sentinel, published in Andrew
county, on the west line of Missouri thus speaks
of matters across the State line:
" Settling in Nebraska and Kansas, we learn
from the Gazette and other sources, is going on
rapidly. Hundreds of clnims are already taken
up opposite St. Joseph, and a meeting of th?
settlers held. Not a day passes but new ad
ditions are made to the number. The Indian
agent has issued a proclamation againtt tres
passing on Indian lands, but little heed is paid
to it "The work goes bravely on." Nor do
the hardy pioneers seem to fear the " cold
steel of tho bayonets" with which they were
threatened last fall. Impatient of the unrea
sonable d.elay of government extinguishing In
dian titles and organizing the Territory, tho
people have determined to take tho matter into
their own hands.
UMBRELLAS AND CANRfU.Stevens,
Brown's Hotel, haa received a select and
large variety of storm and sun Umbrellaa, of tho
neweat styles and l>est qualities.
Also, a large and varied assortment of domeMie
and foreign walking Canes, of new designs and
at moderate and uniform prices, at
STEVENS'S Sales Room,
May 12?3tif Brown's Hotal.

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