Conducted from 1865 to 1113. Forty-eight
rears, under the Editorship of
WILLIAM WALLACE SCREWS.
W. T. SHEEHAN .. Editor.
CHAS. H. ALLEN ._. Publisher.
Entered st Montgomery Postofllce as second
class matter under Act of Congress of March
I. lift.__
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Six Months .... I.!0 One Week.11
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The Advertiser Telephone Ha ...
Private Blank Exchange Cos
Departments.
■acting All
NUVMMJUCM, ISIS.
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....11.070
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...11.079
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_19,119
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Total
Returns .....
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19,111
Net Total ...'.. 144,191
Daily Average, Nov., 1916.18,161
Sunday Average, Nov., 1916 .... 20,867
J. L. Boeahans. Circulation Manager of The
Montgomery Advertiser, being duly sworn.
**ihe foregoing statement of The Adver
User’s circulation for the Month of Novem
ber, 1916, la true and correct and compiled
after returns and spoiled copies have been da*
THE ADVERTISER CO..
J. L. BOESHANS,
Circulation Manager.
Sworn to and subscribed before me, this
Fourth day of December, 1916.
(SEAL.) R. C. PHELPS.
Notary Public, Montgomery County, Alabama
GERMANY'S NEW BID FOR PEACE
The German government not only willing
ly accepts the suggestion of President Wil
son that a conference of the European bel
ligerents be held to discuss a basis on which
pdaoe can be established, but it accepts the
suggestion with alacrity and with manifest
joy. "To the Imperial government,” says
the German reply to the suggestion, "an
immediate exchange of views seems ap
propriate.”
Yet, there is no occasion for surprise in
/
the ready acceptance by Germany of Presi
dent Wilson's proposal for a conference to
find a common ground for peace—in effect,
that was the very suggesttdh first put out
by Germany, when ij issued Its surprising
peace note. The willingness of Germany to
eater into peace negotiations has been di
rectly announced in its first peace pro
posal, and it has been forecasted in all re
cent public announcements.
We can take it for granted that Germany
will waive technicalities, If there are any,
and that she will be courteous and consld
I
erate In the arrangements of the preliminary
details. But what will the allies say? Of
ficially they have already spoken. They are
to reply in a Joint answer to the President's
proposal; they have already, through the
representatives of their government, replied
to the offer of Germany. That reply is a
flat refusal for a conference unless Ger
many will “make reparation and give assur
ances for peace stronger than those which
she broke.”
Those are rather hard terms to demand
of • belligerent which, so far, has had the
bettor of the fighting- If the allies continue
to Insist upon these preliminary terms, it is
Jsobtful if any conference will be held.
The German government has been rather
adroit in its present diplomatic skirmishing
with the allied powers. There is \n America
aad there is in every neutral country, a
bogy, yet strong sentiment for peace at any
price. To this sentiment. It matters not how
peace may come; it is willing for peace to
coma any way and on any terms. If the Ger
mans had Paris, if they were on the shores
of England, if they were far into Russia,
the peace party of the neutral countries
would rejoice in peace. If the allies had
succeeded in crushing the German armies,
if they were over the Rhine, if Austria
Hungary were dismembered and Turkey
thrown out of Europe, the larger part of the
peace party would still hail peace with glad
ness, if we except a large proportion of the
American peace party, which does not want
any peace except the peace that pleases Ger
many.
The situation of the belligerents, the re
sults to come after the war, are of little con
cern to the large peace party In the neutral
countries, but they are of vital concern to
the belligerents. If there were any issues
raised by this war, they have not been set
tled; if there was any reason—except self
aggrandizement, which launched the pre
pared armies for the war—that reason has
not yet appeared. If the terrible sacrifices
of the war are to be paid for, the compensa
t
tion is not yet in eight.
■very avenue of publicity in the neutral
' countries, the official diplomatic notes, the
declaration of statesmen, the assertions of
leading citizens, the editorials In the news
papers, convey but one idea, the determina
tion of the allies to persevere until some
definite reoult is attaind. We may not like
tbio unpleasant truth, but the truth Is not
to be denied. For instance, the labor ele
ment of Oroat Britain la suspected of being
more favorable to peace than any other claas,
yet the repreeentatlve of labor In the Brltteh
government said Monday In hla speech In
%*arls: “If France and oureelvea ehould enter
Into negotlSttons under any existing condi
tions we ehould be nationa In bondage."
Prom the monarcha, from the prime mlnlatera
and from the editorial rooma In allied coun
trlea, the aame word has come.
But Germany has dexterously appealed to
the peace party' In the neutral countries.
The manner of the appeal, the treatment of
the newapape'ra In Germany, the patent ef
forts to affect public sentiment in Germany,
the German government's effort to please Its
own people by appearing In the role of <t
sincere seeker for peace,'are all parts of a
campaign, not only to arouse the peace party
In neutral countries but with the deeper
purpose of satisfying the restlessness and
discontent of the German people. No sensi
ble or Informed man believes that Germany
Is near defeat, or near a collapse, but In
formed people do know that the sacrifices
exacted of the German people have been ter
rible and that their resentment against the
war has been smoldering.
The pressure from peace came as much
from the Inside of the German trenches as it
did from the pressure from without.
THE SUFFRAGE AMENDMENT.
The Advertiser is Just In receipt of a letter
dated December 15 from the National Wom
an Suffrage Association. The letter is signed
by Mrs. Ida Hust^l Harper, chairman of
the press committee. , Mrs. Harper's letter
follows:
December 15, 1916.
Editor of The Advertiser,
Montgomery, Alabama.
Dear Sir:—We read with great interest
a long editorial in The Advertiser of
several weeks ago in regard to building
up the Democratic party, and laid it aside
for an answer which has been delayed
by pressure of work. Unquestionably the
Democrats were returned to power at
the recent election because of the pro
gressive legislation of the last four years,
and you were, of course, right in say
ing that they will have to keep this up
if they wish to remain in power. We re
gret, however,„that you cannot give your
support to what seems to us the most
progressive legislation that can be put
through at the present time—the Na
tional Prohibition Amendment and the
National Woman Suffrage Amendment.
The advocates of both these movements
realise the tremendous strain of constant
State campaigns, and while the suf
fragists never have lost a State which
once has been gained, the prohibitionists
have lost a number of them. For this
reason the Anti-Saloon Dengue and the
Women's Christian Temperance Union are
among the most ardent supporters of the
enfranchisement of women as offering
the best security for the permanence of
prohibition.
The State by state method, which puts
the political liberty of one-half the peo
ple of the State entirely In the hands
of the people of the other half, Is con
trary to the foundation principles of
democratic government. The secret bal
lot offers opportunity for almost an un
limited Influence on the part of the
forces opposed to woman suffrage, which
we think The Advertiser will admit in
clude the liquor and vice interests of
the country in addition 'to the immense
corporate interests that employ a vaat
amount of labor.
The submission of a Federal amend
ment would not take away the rights of
a State, but would simply permit the
question to be decided by Its Legisla
ture. which would be elected by the men
of the State. The Advertiser could ren
der the greatest possible assistance to
the cause of woman suffrage if it would
give Its support to such an amendment.
Very truly yours,
IDA HUSTED HARPER,
Chairman of the National Woman Suf
frage Press Committee.
There are several points in this letter
which Interest us. It is Interesting and
profitable to be assured from an authorita
tive source that the Anti-Saloon league and !
the Women’s Christian Temperance Union
are the allies of the National Suffragists, and
that these three organizations are making
common cause of the movement to promote
the Thad Stevens memorial. We cannot but
wonder If all the women in Alabama, or even
a majority of them, who are members of the
local branch of these two prohibition or
ganizations are in sympathy with the plans
of the National Suffrage organization.
It is also interesting to be told. In au
thoritative tones, that the submission of the
Federal amendments would not take away
the rights of the States and likewise inter
esting to have it intimated that but for the
vicious elements of society there would be
practically no opposition to these fraudulent
schemes.
It aeems obvious to the discriminating ob
server that even our most Intelligent women
do not and cannot grasp political science,
nor sympathize with orderly processes in
government. Political stability, if we may
judge by the course of most of the women
active in feminist propaganda, makes no ap.
peal to them. The genius of American politi
cal institutions is not received by their
minds. The reasons for this conspicuous fact
are biological and sociological, and appear
the more conclusive as the subject is pur
sued—yet that phase of the subject is too
vast to permit of adequate treatment here.
What to us Is ample evidence of the fact is
the naive assurance of the accepted leaders
of the feminist movement that State's rights
and State integrity are not involved in the
scheme to establish National Prohibition and
woman's suffrage by Federal amendment.
The founders of the government may be
cited as authorities on what the character
of our government is. There is nothing
clearer in the constitution they wrote than
the fact that suffrage was generally regarded
as a matter to be regulated by the individual
States in accordance with their individual
wishes and needs. Not until after the War
Between the States was this principle vio
lated. The three war amendments were rati
fied by the States under pressur on the one
band and in spite on the other. But even a
vindictive and fanatical Congress, which
forced ten Southern States to ratify the
amendments, did not go further than to de
clare that the States shall not deny or
abridge suffrage "on account of race, color
or previous condition of servitude." It did
not forbid the States to deny suffrage on any
other (round than color, race or previous
condition. Clearly, then, the States still pos
sessed their right to deny or extend suffrage
to all others in their borders.
The amendment which provides for the
direct election of United Statea Senators by
the people of the several Statea provides fur
ther that the aualificatlons of the electors
voting for Senators shall be the aame as the
qualifications of electors who choose mem
bers of the Housoof Representatives of the
State Legislatures—which still recognises
the right of the States to fix suffrage qualifi
cations.
The Southern States would undoubtedly
vote against ratification of the Federal suf
frage amendment. Would it not therefore,
interfere with their rights and privileges If
by a combination of other States the amend
ment were adopted and universal Suffrage
forced upon the Southern States? But many.
of the larger and more important Statea of
the Union have voted against suffrage In
State elections. If a combination of other
States could be made by which suffrage were
forced upon these States that have shown
they didn't want suffrage—would that not be
an interference with their rights and privi
leges? But be,tter still. Suppose we had
universal suffrage by Federal authority.
Suppose a combination of States desired to
repeal the clause granting this suffrage,
and a minority of the States voted against
‘repeal. Would it not be an Interference
with the rights and privileges of the minority
States if suffrage were withdrawn from all
States, regardless of the wishes of individual
States? This proposition would be as pair
and just as the one the' National suffragists
now propose. It is as broad as It 1s long. <
It scarcely seems necessary to take seri
ously the implication of our correspondent
that It is the evil influences of the land that
are backing the anti-suffraglsts and opposing
the suffrage propaganda. This charge has
been proven baseless and vicious so many
times that it now comes down to the level
and character of ordinary, cheap political
canards. Men may make loose chargen
against each other in politics and it is felt
that little general harm to the sex or to the
country la done thereby. But when one set
of women make reckless, harmful and un
founded charges against other groups of
women—who will say that that is a good
omen? Of all creatures woman can least af
ford to be slandered. But is not slander a
logical counterpart of the “emancipation*’
prospect of women If they are brought Into
politics?
As to National prohibition that la a sub
ject to be treated separately. We are per
suaded that our correspondent is more Inter
ested In suffrage than prohibition.
Yesterday was a day of dieting :.nd moping
on the part of Christmas feasters.
APPEALING TO THE PUBLIC.
A. C. Bedford, who came to the presidency
of the Standard Oil Company unknown, when
John D. Archbold died, has Introduced him
self rather pleasantly to the American public,
who knew little or nothing about him. As
the head of the parent organization of the
richest corporation group of the world, Presi
dent Bedford announces that he is going to
follow a policy of publicity, of taking the
people into the confidence of the company
and of telling them all they want to know
about the vastly wealthy corporation.
This will be a full reversal of fhe old
policy, which, instead of being effective,
brought to Standard Oil and Its officials the
(host annoying and unpleasant publicity to
which corporation heads were ever subjected
That publicity was unexpected and unsought.
The darker side of the corporation's activity
was presented in such a manner that public
sentiment in America was all but revolution
ized. The swift growth of "progressive
principles,” the rapid increase in popularity
of theoretical political principles were large
ly stimulated by the revelations of certain
methods of the biggest corporation In tho
wprld.
Mr. Bedford, however, is in line with the
most advanced of the modern public service
corporations:
“I don't intend to be inaccessible, to be
shut oft from the world. I don't believe
in that sort of thing. I don't believe
in secrecy. If hereafter there Is any
thing the newspapers want to know
about Standard Oil, anything the public
wants to know about us or our business,'
they may come right here and find it out.
"I believe—and various other busi
nesses have shown this to be true—that
an attitude of franknees, of free and
open speech, is beneficial to both cor
poration and the public they serve.
And. so far as may be possible, I'm go
ing to have an open house here.”
This is a new policy for the Standard 0:1
Company, but it is not new for other great
corporations, such as the American Tele
phone Company, the Pullman Company and
most of the successful railroad companies of
the country. ^They have realized the value of
public sentiment and they have cultivated it
openly in advertisements telling of the work
of the companies and their purposes to serve
the public. They set forth in an above board
manner their plans and purposes, ami they
acknowledge their dependence upon the
American public. *
Inasmuch as these'companies do not seem
to be in any trouble from an indignant pub
lic sentiment and inasmuch as they appear
to be prosperous while the public is satis
fied. this policy of publicity and of con
sideration for the public appears to pay.
Thud Stevens and Beast Butler neveh
dreamed that the fundamental principles of
lieconstruction would some clay come to be
respectable in this country. But that day is
here. Witness three constitutional amend
ments pending In Congress and witness their
supporters
The rest of this week will be dedicated to a
consideration of the subject; "How shall 1
contrive to settle the bills on the first?"
No matter what obscure figure may be
raised to the presidency of the Standard Oil
Company, the two subjects the human mino
immediately contemplates whenever oil is
mentioned are Rockefeller and Castor.
Another French duel has been colled off on
account of patriotism. The Frenchmans
character makes it easy for him to sacrifice
all for his country.
An American surgeon has taught Kurop
■ —.. ' y
* Rocking Along
something new in surgical science. In many
of the great armies his new methods of
treating wounds are in general use. The
time Is yet coming when It will be respect
able to be an American.
At that, Lansing would swap shoes with
Daniels.
---
Farmers: Raise Live Stock
- A
Wichita (Kan.) Beacon. t
Livestock will be king on the American
farm of the future! Europe at peace will
be raising grain and eating meat; and Amer
ican farmers (including South America) must
furnish the world's beef and pork, drains,
abroad, will be a drug on the market; but
the demand for meat will exceed any the
world has known.
Such is the belief of Hugh O. Hughes, a
Northwestern agricultural editor, who writes
on the subject for The Review of Reviews.
Impoverished farmers of the warring na
tions will need quick money, when peace
comes, and so will turn to grain-raifeing,
which will give them more immediate profits
than horses or cattle. Awakened Russia will
produce wheat as she never did before; the
fertile fields of Hungary and Roumania will
be cultivated more Intensively. »
And at the same time the returning sol
dier, used to a war diet in the trenches—a
diet largely of meat—will demand more meat
than he ate before at war. The cattle stock
in Europe has been heavily reduced by the
war; the European farmer will be raising
the quick-money crops, all of which means
that there will be huge calls on America and
other peace countries for export meat.
There seem to be no flaws in the argu
ment.
. We suspect the canny American farmer
Will pay more attention to livestock raising
in the next few years—particularly in those
lands of the West tt)at have been devoted
mostly to wheat and corn.
ASKS AID FOR ALABAMA NEGROES.
New York Evening Post.
A moving story of distress from central
Alabama, where through flood and boll
weevil the cotton and corn crops were prac
tically failures this year, ought to awaken
a response ait the North—and a prompt re
sponse, for the need is urgent. Even whito
landlords there are mortgaging iheir planta
tions to get food and clothing. 'Some of the
negroes, writes a correspondent to The Mont
gomery Advertiser, are catching rabbits as
a means of sustenance, some are beating
the woods for wild nuts to barter for meal,
and some are shivering over stick-fires all
night because they have not the bedclothes
to lie under. On the farms, states The Ad
vertiser editorially, 'human beings are ex
periencing the gnawing pangs of hunger,
and men, women, and children are facing
freezing weather in a few rags.” A ce»n
mittee distributing help, which can be
reached through The Advertiser, has found
whole settlements every „ne of whose mem
bers needs assistance. Many poor " blacks
and whites alike might be saved from pitia
ble suffering by prompt contributions.
ALABAMA'S GLORY.
Boston Journal of Education.
After an earnest campaign by State Sup
erintendent William F. Feugln and the other
educators and patriots of the State, Ala
bama ratified t!famously progressive edu
cational amendment by a majority of 21,
630. All honor to Alabama!
Forty-nine counties gave a favorable vote
of 28,771, overcoming the adverse vote of
7,141 In eighteen other counties.
The total vote for the amendment was
116,908.
The three large counties of the. State gave
a majority of 10,810.
Fourteen of the fifteen Black Belt counties
gave a majority for the amendment. There
has been no nobler triumph for educational
righteousness under the stars and stripes
any time anywhere.
All honor to William F. Feagln for his.
great leadership.
LITTLE BIT OF A FELLOW.
Little bit of a fellow—
Couldn't get him to sleep.
And the mother sighed,
As he tossed and cried;
■'He's such a bother to keep!"
Little bK of a fellow— '
Couldn't get him to sleep.
Little bit of a fellow!—
But the eyes of the mother weep;
For one sad night.
That was lost to light
God smiled and kissed him to sleep.
Little bit of a fellow! —
And he'wasn't a trouble to keep.
, —FRANK L. STANTON.
1
WASTEFULNESS
v__
Norfolk Virginian-Pilot.
Because of the abnormal Increase In price,
the Postoffice Department is said to be
urging upon postmasters throughout the
country conservation of binding twine used
in the postal service. Twine on incoming
packages, it is pointed out, should be saved
and used again. While this may lje a com
paratively small thing in itself, it consti
tutes an example In economy which, if gen
erally followed in all the departments of
government, would mean an aggregate sav
ing of tens of millions of dollars a year and
that without an lota of loss in efficiency for
the public service. Wastefulness is one of
our most distinguishing characteristics both
as a nation and as individuals, and in this
wastefulness la to be found not the least of
the contributory causes of the high cost of
living.
THE CHARM OF THE OLD BOOKS.
Decatnr (111.) Herald.
The quantity of old books that Decatur
citizens have contributed ^to the public
library’s loan collection has been a revela
tion. That there should have been found so
many volumes, one, two and three centuries
old Is remarkable. It merely furnishes an
other proof that we have a wealth of material
for a historical museum. ^
That books should come down in families
generation ' after generation when other
objects disappear is not difficult to explain.
A book takes little space and can be easily
stored, and aside from the fact that the books
have little intrinsic value in the eyes of
bargain hunters at auction sales of house
hold goods, they often have a sentimental
value tn the eyes of the owner which makes
for their retention.
The remarkable thing about these ancient
volumes is the excellent state of preserva
tion of most of them. It Is a tribute to the
bookmaker's art. The heavy sheep skin
covers, the firm binding, and the excellent
paper, point to a time before improved ma
chinery made possible repeated editions of
50,! 00 each.
wany in tne nineteenth century cheaper
processes began to make books more plenti
ful, more ugly and physically less enduring.
It took Elbert Hubbard in our own times to
revive the art of making books beautiful.
Many of the old books are Bibles or
treatises on the Scriptures, mementoes of an
age, which if not more moral, were more
theologically inclined. Many others fall Into
the scientific class, works on history, or*
geography and natural law. Strangely In
complete and elementary they seem to us,
but most of them represent an honest effort
to get at the truth. Imposture and quack
ery perhaps find their way more easily intv
the printed work today than they did a hun
dred years ago.
It Is when we pick up the books of a cen
tury ago that we recognize our debt to psy
chology and modern educational methods and
realize the crimes once perpetrated on help
less youth. Our hearts go out to great
grandfathers and great grandmothers who as
children, were forced to bend unwilling minds
to these dry, repellant texts, written by per
sons, who possessed the best intentions and
not an atom of educational sense, or an ounce
of understanding of child nature.
REMARKABLE PRODUCT OP CULTURE.
Rochester (N. Y.) Democrat And Chronicle.
A young man of Covington. Ind., who
played on the Purdue University football
team In 1914. -fas seized the other day with
a maniacal form of insanity, which Is at
tributed to ovfrstudy. His condition is piti
ful, but fear that their sons may develop a
similar malady ought not to cause parents
to put a ban on membership in a college foot
ball team. Not all football players are made
Insane by overstudy. A superficial study
would lead to believe that the office of cheer
leader Imperils the mil d of a young man
more gravely than does a place on the foot
ball team; but of course, cheer leaders are
comparatively few even in the most thick
ly populated regions. We presume that they
are rare even in such densely populated
countries ns China and India. If those who
pay visits to universities feel able to view
a cheer leader in a purely impersonal way,
they should by all means try to see one In
action. The rigid intensity of his poses, his
wild facial contortions and his frantic gestic
ulations perhaps cannot be equaled except
among some remote African tribes. Another
strange fact about him is that although he
may seem to be a subject for study by alien
ists the seixures that he suffers are only
occasional and are not regarded as Indica
tive of any mental ill; Indeed a high per
centage of cheer leaders are graduated and
some have become prominent and honored
members of society.
COST OF MAKING LAWS
r
■\
v
j
Seattle Post-Intelligencer.
If an accurate gauge of what the legis
lature will do in the matter may be had
from the expressions of individual legisla
tors, Washington's lawmakers will meet in
January determined to save money. Just
before a session there is usually a good deal
said about economy; When the legislators
arrive at Olympia they learn that they will
control but a small part of the total amount
collected from tax payers.'- The great bulk of I
the money is spent at horns for the main
tenance of city and county governments.
However, that fact will not excuse the
Legislature for making extravagant ap
propriations. It is certain to be criticised If
it wastes money. .
In the matter of legislative expenses, the
Washington legislkture has done better than
the law-making bodies of any other States
It |s well, to give credit when It is due. In
running Its own legislative machine, Wash
ington's record compares favorably, for in
stance, with Missouri, where a practice of
extravagance almost criminal has prevailed.
A few days since The St. Louis Globe
Democrat crisply roasted the Missouri Legis
lature for its reckless waste of money Ip,
1915. The Missouri Senate had thirty-four
members, twenty-six of whom' were l$emo
crats. The House had 142 members, also '
largely Democratic. The cost of running
the Legislature was $310,000. Each of the
twenty-six Democratic Senators had eight
clerks. There w.ere forty-two janitors and
thirteen pages. The House had 174' clerks,
twenty-four Janitors and seventeen pages.
Many of the employes-were not at Jefferson
City at all but appeared on the scene only
on pay days.
The last session of the Washington legis
lature appropriated $121,000 for legislative
expenses. In addition to this the printing
bill was $15,000. The Senate, vlth forty
two members, employed forty-five clerks.
Janitors and pages. The House, with nine
ty-seven members, had seventy-seven em
ployes. Most of the legislators considered
themselves efficiency engineers and saw to
It that no employe loafed on the job.
Although the legislature was economical
in conducting its own affairs, the money it
spent did not represent the entire outlaw
tor lawmaking purposes. An allowance was
made in the general appropriation bill for
$50,000 for printing and distributing Initiative
and referendum measures and for checking
petitions. Compared with the number of
laws passed, the cost of enacting measures
by direct vote was by far the more expensive
method.
TO MOTHER BACK HOME.
When its morning on the border. ^
And the sun is breaking through,
And the sands begin to glisten,
- JL^lke the good old home town dew.
I look across the border and It makes m«
kinder blue.
When its morning on the border.
Mother, my thoughts go back to you.
When the sun is In the heaven.
And the air Is mighty hot.
And its hard to breathe and stifling,
And my throat Is dry as rot.
I’ve got to grin and beat It. I've got to see
it through.
So to make the burden lighter, ‘
Mother my thoughts go back to you.
When the sun has passed the border.
And the after glow is red.
And the silver moon is shining on the silent '
desert bed,
I'm feeling kind of lone.ome like.
And I know you're lonely, too,
When the sun has passed the border,
Mother, my . thoughts go back to you.
When the greaser stops his sniping »nd
skulking in the sand,
When the raider hides himself beyond the
Kio c/rande.
And the spick doffs his sombrero.
To the "Old Red. White and Blue,"
And Its calm along the border.
Mother, then I'll come back to you.
—JOHN J. CRAWFORD.
Well, we still have plenty of good, fresh
air out in this section of the country and it
does not cost anything. For this, at least
we can give thanks.—El Paso (Tex.) Times, f
——————— ,
It remained for an Indiana woman to con
tinue entirely ignorant of the world war until
she was told about it last week. They have
both extremes in Indiana.—Cleveland DM' ”
Dealer.
I We prepare ourselves for sudden deeds by
our reiterated choice of good or evil_(Jeorae
Eliot