The Montgomery advertiser. [volume], June 04, 1917, Page FOUR, Image 4

About The Montgomery advertiser. [volume] (Montgomery, Ala.) 1885-1982

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[■ Matured at Montgomery PostofflpjO as ns®*®*
a matter under Act of Congress of Marca
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a be re of Associated PrsSs and American
Mowspaper Publishers' Association.
COMPLETE REPORT OF
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
uiLT and SUNDAY (By Carrier or Mali.)
Annum One Month
Months _*.»0 One Week.J|
res Months .. l.»* Single Copies .. •**
nday Edition alone, per year .IW
aii communications should be addressed
ad all money orders, cheeks, ete.. made pay
bls to THE ADVERTISER COMPANY. Mont
0IS£?’-SM1TH CO.—Foreign Representative.
Litton Bldg., Chicago; 220 6th Ave., N. Y..
‘ The Advertiser Telephone No..•■■■
Private Branch Exchange Connecting All
eats.
.12.011
|...._....11.001
.20,000
.10.000
...10,100
.10,414
.10,000
..22.711
.10.041
.10.001
...10,011
.10,111
.10.401
..10.017
.11.071
APRIL* 1017,
io.im«;
17.10.001
10 .10.010
10.10,410
10 .10.400
11 .10.041
ii.::...21.100
21.1».«*«
..10.500
20..17.6*1
2(.10.400
..10.410
20.10.420
10.12.700
Jo .10.100
Mot Total. 004.200
l Daily Average, April, 1917 .
> Sunday Average, April, 1917
18,935
22,195
J. 1*. Bgeehans. Circulation Manager of The
Montgomery Advertiser, being duly sworn.
says:
Th<
The foregoing statement of The Adver
tiser's circulation for the Month of April.
1017, is true and oorrsct and compiled alter
returns and spoiled copies have been de
Buctsd.
THE ADVERTISER CO..
, • J. L. BOE3HANS.
Circulation Manager.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this
Second day of May. 1017.
(SEAL.) W. P. LEE.
Notary Public, Montgomery County. Alabama
i
THE U-BOAT DISAPPOINTMENT.
The confident promise to the German peo
. pie that a ruthless submarine war against
the shipping of the world would starve Eng
land to her knees and bring peace within
two or three months Is bearing Its Inevitable
fruit In discontent and dissatisfaction.
We are Informed that "Private advices
from Germany tell of growing dissatisfac
tion among the people at large, with the
political result of the ruthless submarine
campaign and the absence of any Indication
that It has brought the desired peace to
hand.” Four months have passed since the
campaign of, terror and destruction on the
sea was freed of all restraints and England
is not only showing no signs of weakness,
but It Is Inspired with the greatest spirit
of determination to fight the war to a finish
that It has yet had. And. because of the
submarine war. England has secured a
wealthy and powerful ally In the American
Republic.
What are the Tecent results of this cam
paign! They are certainly of such a char
acter as to discourage the German people
who confidently relied on the submarine to
beat England to her knees. During the last
three weeks covered by the official British
Statement there has been a marked Improve
ment In the submarine situation. The num
ber of British merchant vessels sunk by
mines or U-boats during the week ending
May *7, was the lowest for any seven days
since April 17th.
According to the figures, cited by the New
Tork World, the submarine war after Its
announcement by the German government
met with Its greatest success between April
16th and May <th; In these three weeks 162
British ships wers Sunk. The losses for the
last three weeks, tjiat is from May (th to
May tTth, wars •• ships. Thta shows a re
duction of over fifty-four per cent. There
has been a marked Increase, too, In the
number of merchantmen who fought off the
U-boats and escaped.
As the world points out the U-boat In
April proved Itself "a terribly destructive
weapon,” but It Is by no means effective
enough to fulfill the promises In Its behalf
made to the German people. The German
government may not admit the situation,
but after four months It faces the unpalat
able fact that Its submarine war has proved
a failure, and that the German people are
beginning to realize Its failure.
MONTGOMERY S OBSERVANCE.
The Advertiser trust! that all Montgomery
will turn out In observance of Registration
bay, next Tuesday, marking as It does one
of the high points in American history.
Registration Day brings home to our peo
ple, In a more direct way, than they have
yet had. the significance of our entry Into
the world war. When our young men are
summoned forth to enroll ^themselves for
service to the country, we are made to
realise that time and fate have laid heavy
burdens upon all of us. It will be a day
without precedent, for at no former time,
has our united country, In beginning a war,
resorted to selective draft or anything like
conscription.
The observance of the day Is no leas an
honor to the young men who are aalled to
the colors for registration, than It Is an
awakentng of the patriotism of our people.
Jt la a stimulation to sacrifice and to serv
ice. For our people may not see their
young men called out to bear arms against
S strong and dangerous foe without feeling
in their own hearts, that they too have
duties and responsibilities at this crisis.
Montgomery will observe the day in an
Impressive manner and the observation of the
day Is of such a nature that all should unite
In It.
The civil and military arm of the state
and the nation will unite to testify to the
significance of the day, and vur people
may well dedicate themselves to the serv
ing .where and as best they may, their coun
try in this memorable crfsls In which we
find ourselves.
The war seems to have put a stop to the
Nat Goodwyn marriage mania,
r
.. i. ? 'si
WHAT A CAMP MEANS.
Th« Advertiser has no desire to make
Montgomery's mouth water for a camp any
more than It haa In the past month, but vi
would record , the enormous material and
business benefits which coins to a commun
ity in being selected as a sits for a can
tonment for the training of a division of the
new army.
Hers are some amaxlng facta—the origi
nal cost of the camp, Its equipment and its
maintenance for six months Is twenty-flve
million dollaip. The pay roll of the men and
officers every month amouhta In addition to
more than one million dollara provided the
camp houses thirty thousand men. We men
tion these remarkable figures In spite of the
fact that they will Increase the anxiety of
Montgomery to get one of these camps.
The figures recorded are estimates made
by an Intelligent correspondent from New
Jersey to the New York Evening Post. As
has been announced from the War Depart
ment, one of the cantonments, already lo
cated. has been assigned to Wrlghtstown,
Burlington County. New Jersey. The New
Jersey correspondent writing from Tren
ton says:
At the adjutant-general's office It was
said that the area would afford accom
modations for 33,000 men. with stable
yards for 7,000 horses and mules. The
leasing, laying out, piping, wiring for
electric light and power, sewering, build
ing of Incinerators, tentage, housing, ad
ministration, food and forage for a di
vision of conscript recruits for six
months’ training will represent an In
vestment of $25,000,000, and the expendi
ture of such a sum within that period
will have an appreciable Effect upon the
Industries and finances of New Jersey.
This huge amount represents only the
coot of the establishment and maintenance
of the camp; It does not Include the large
monthly sum which will be paid to the sol
diers. The pay of the enlisted man under
the new army bill will be thirty dollars a
month. It Is expected that each camp or
cantonment will contain thirty thousand
men. A little simple arithmetic shows that
the monthly pay roll for each camp, for' the
ehllsted men alone will be $900,000
a month. And, this does not Include the
pay of, say three thousand officers, the
lowest of whom receives seventeen hundred
and fifty dollars a year, and the highest of
whom will probably receive elgh thousand
dollara a year.
We record these facts, for the Interest of
the community, not to arouse any enthus
iasm for the can\p. Montgomery does not
need to have Its enthusiasm for the camp
aroused: that enthusiasm Is already so
stirred that Its consequent anxiety Is actual
ly painful.
For one The Advertiser has believed and
still believes, with confidence that Montgom
ery will get one of the camps. As to wheth
er it will be a cantonment, such as New
Jersey has secured, or a tented city, no one
can predict with any assurance.
ANARCHY OR THE MONARCHY?
One definite Item of news from Russia
and apparently authentic records the arrest
of the Grand Duke Nicholas, by the provis
ional government, under the Implied charge
that he was fomenting a revolution to re
store the Czar.
While Russia remains a Dark Country,
upon whose affairs the world must specu
late, without clear knowledge, this an
nouncement Is doubtless true. The provis
ional government Is threatened by two
forces. The first and the greatest danger
Is from the uncontrolled mobs, made up In
part by jtnarchlsts and criminals who march
through the streets, giving themselves to
every excess, and robbing right and left.
These disorderly elements, unforttinately,
have the sympathy of the, at present, pow
erful Workingmen’s and Soldier's Commit
tee, which is throwing every obstacle In
the way of an orderly artfd strong govern
ment. The second, and more remote danger
Is a counter revolution, which may bring In
the Czar and the old autocracy. An Intima
tion by the Russian cabinet that the coun
try might lose the Caucasus and the Ukrlanc
country, was doubtless inspired by move
ments for a counter revolution in those
sections of Russia with which the Grand
Duke might have been connected.
Russia’s real danger—Its Imminent dan
ger Is not from royalty, but from anarchy
If the monarch is brought back into power
it will be returned by the lack of order,
by the general rapine and murder, which
|s unfortunately prevalent In Russia. There
la doubtless some sentiment, even among*
the peasants for the return of the Czar and
the old order, but that sentiment must be
of the minority and it must be cowed at this
time. But If the government continues to
let the anarchists run Russia, the commer
cial classes and the well disposed “Intel’.c
uals" who have helped to achieve the revo
lution will pray for the return of the old
order.
Russia is writing a repetition of tne his
tory of the French Revolution. So far the
terror has not been set up: perhaps 1* will
be Impossible, but the general disorders, the
destruction of human life and property fea
tured the French Revolution, evep as they
characterize the revolution in Russia.
The result In France was, In time, a gen
eral disgust with the revolution on the part
of the French people at large. The popular
government proved weak, when it was not
bloody. The Directory was established as
a hope for law and order, and it became Im
potent. The sentiment for the return of the
Borubons was dominant when the Man on
Horseback appeared. If Napoleon Bonaparte
had not seized the government, become Em
peror, the Bourbons would have been re
turned.
Russia's government would do well to
keep the lessons of history before it.
ALABAMA'S QUOTA.
According to the eetlmatee made by the
ceneua department for the war department,
Alabama on Tuesd-y will furnish for regis
tration two hundred thousand men. This
will Include both the white and the black
men who are called up for registration.
It is estimated by the War Department
that at least half of these men ,or one hun
dred thousand will be declared exempt for
one reason or another, when they are pass
sM k
■■ ■ - -——:- i
•a upon by tho hlibir registration boards,
The exemption* will ba becausw of physical
disability, because the men hare other peo
ple dependent upon them, or beoause they
are engaged In work, deemed ifscessnry for
the welfare of the country while it Is en
gaged In war.
Alabama's quota of men, to be furnished
for the first new army of five hundred thous
and men will be about eleven thousand,
These eleven thousand men will bo chosen
by lot, with a sort of jury box system from
the hundred thousand men who were regis
tered and who wet* not declared exempt,. It
will thus be seen that the mad who has
registered, and who Is not exempt will have
nearly one chance out of ten of missing
service on the first call. In six months, how
ever, the second call will be Issued and an
other eleven thousand men will be sum
moned from Alabama.
It Is estimated that the city of Montgom
ery will furnish less than two hundred men.
white and black for the first call. It Is Un
fortunate that Montgomery does not get the
credit for the men already In the Service.
This city now has approximately six hun
dred men In the National Guard—an excel
lent showing for a white population of
twenty thousand people. The War Depart
ment, however, makes no allowance for the
quota of the men already In the Guard—a
fact which places at first an uneven mili
tary burden on the country, for the National
Guard units have been unevenly distributed.
INTERNAL PEACE
Union veterans honored the memory of
Jefferson Davis at Mobile the other day.
In the democratic convention at Charleston
In 1860 “Beast” Butler, of Massachueetts,
cast a vote for Davis for the presidential
nomination. He said he thought Davis was
the one man who could make the harmony
president the country then needed so badly.
At the same convention Butler, at the end of
William L. Tancey’s peroration, entranced
by the orator's eloquence, said within the
hearing of those^near him that he, for one
was ready at any time to Join a troop to en
force the man<fat,e of any "Yancey conven-.
tlon." After the war started Butler changed
his mind. In reconstruction he**made him
self more -obnoxious to the people of the
South than any other Union soldier.
But If Butler were living In these days of
reunion and good will, no doubt he would
"revert to type,” so to speak, long enough to
pay his tribute to Confederate leaders, once
his foes.
I
Register early—register late. Ijjit register.
The Kaiser Is rather confident In view of
the fact that all the doubtful states appear
to be falling Into the democratic column.
Emperor Cholly, of Austria, would like to
try his hand at governing In times of peace.
The experiment of war has not enhanced his
store of haplnesa.
Oeneral Beauregard, we fancy, would. If
living, enthuse over the prospect of a Con
federate coup at 'Washington.
It Is cautiously reported that Mr. Taft has
been offered the presidency of a woman's
college. A former president need never be
out of work In this free-handed country.
We are not warring upon the German peo
ple. We are merely chastising them till they
agree to let go of their Hohenzollerns.
Between the boll weevil’s love of cotton
and mankind’s love of corn, hogs and beef,
Is there any room for doubt as to what to
do?
"Rottenest Week of Season Hurts Baron's
Chances,” reads a blue headline In The Bir
mingham News. But It doesn hurt their
chances of being conscripted.
Our dispatch writers’ complain that the
submarines sink our ships without warn
ing. We, too, are beginning to suspect the
sub. commanders "done It a-purpose.”
Wouldn’t a little Muscle 8hoals talk cool
the summer sun a bltT
AS TO "INCONTESTABLE" INSURANCE
POLICIES.
Montgomery, Ala., June Z, 1917.
Editor The Advertiser:
I notice in the columns of your paper un
der caption head “Mutual Life Wins In
Lovejoy Case" and that in the State of Ala
bama, there Is no such thing as an incon
testable policy. It seems to me that either
in your report, or the decision of the Su
preme Cohrt In this case a very great in
justice has been done all legal reserve life
Insurance companies, as well as the insuring
public. It may be, however, that your re
port does not go quite far enough in ex
plaining the reason for auctt a suit as this,
having been brought by the deceased rep
resentatives against this company, as la
universally known, and practiced by all
first-class legal reserve companies, should
a policy having been Issued on the life of
an applicant and having been in force more
than one year, said policy is Incontestable
by usage, which is common with all legal
reserve companies and no company that has
any regard for its future welfare or the in
terest of its policy holders would even dare
to contest the payment of a policy for sui
cide after it has been in force as long as
one full year. I will now sight you to the
clause with regard to suicide in the policy
of said company:
“This company shall not bs liable In the
event of the Insured's death by his own act
whether sane or Insane during the period of
one year after the date of issue of tl>4»
policy, as set forth in the provisions of the
application endorsed hereon or attached
hereto.
Incontestability Cause.
“This policy shall be Incontestable except
for non-payment of premiums provided two
years shall have elapsed from the date of
Issue."
I call your attention to these clauses in
their contract, as they are the same In all
legal reserve life insurance companies do
ing business In the United States, and If
the deceased In this case had violated the
suicide provision set forth In the policy, then
he was not entitled to recover from the com
pany, as per contract, but if his policy had
been in force twelve months or more, then
he was entitled to recover, as I have known
this company In many Instances to pay a
Buiclde claim within twelv# months from
date of its Issue, and I especially request
that you make this point clear to the Insur
ing public whether or not Mr. Lovejoy’s
policy had been in force as long as one
year or less. As it Is stated in your col
umns, ^t leads the public to believe that a |
Take The Tip.
<*66 Bur X WISH
this war was
over t r—- *
—V I
HIM
*se What Confederate Battle Flag Stood For
''—_.____
(By the Hev. Randolph H. McKlm, D. D.,
Rector of the Church of the Epiphany,
Washington.)
A bishop of the Protestant Episcopal
church speaking In Paris recently described
the Southern Confederacy as "a belligerent
that was fighting to make slavery a per
manent principle on which to establish and
maintain national life." Allow me to sub
ject this statement, so often repeated, to
the acid test of history. I maintain that th*
South was contending for the principle of
self-government, and not for slavery; and
that the North fought the war for the pre
servation of the Vnlon, and not for the
liberation of the slaves.
If these propositions can be established
then the flag of the Confederacy was no
more an emblem of slave power than the
Stars and Stripes, for the Constitution of the
United States recognized the Institution of
slavery as distinctly as the Constitution of
the Confederate States, up to the date of
the adoption of tha Thirteenth Amendment.
In support of my contention I cite first,
the testimony of Abraham Lincoln. In Au
gust, 1862, he wrote Mr. Greeley: "My para
mount object In this struggle is to save the
Union, and Is not either to save or destroy
slavery. If I could save the Union without
freeing any slave, I would do ^lt: and If I
could save It by freeing all the slaves, I
would do It ;and If I could save It by free
ing some and leaving others alone, I would
also do that. What I do about slavery and
the colored race I do because I believe It
helps to save the Union: and what I for
bear, I forbear because I do not believe It
would help to save the Union”—(Short Life
of Abraham Lincoln, by Nicolay, page 336).
Mr. Lincoln, th'en, was waging the war
not to free the slaves but to save the Un
ion; and when he Issued his Emancipation
Proclamation, January 1, 1863, he did not
undertake to free all the slaves, but only
"those persons held as slaves within any
State the people whereof shall then be In
rebellion against the United States." (Id.,
page 341.)
Slaves In all States not In rebellion were
not released from slavery by the Emanci
pation Proclamation, but by the Thirteenth
Amendment to the Constitution. Moreover,
Mr. Lincoln declared that the freeing of
the slaves was a war measure adopted sole
ly because he deemed It would further the
supreme object of the war. namely, the
preservation of^the Union.
On the other hand, I maintain that the
Southern States did not go to war for the
perpetuation of slavery, but for the preserva
tion of the principle of self-government. To.
say that the battle flag of the Confederacy
was the emblem of slave power, and^ that
Lee and Jackson and their heroic soldiers
fought not for liberty but for the right to
hold their fellow men in bondage is to con
tradict the facts of history. Jefferson Davis
declared that the South was not fighting for
slavery and in fact he embarked on the en
terprise of secession, believing that he would,
as a consequence, lose his slaves, for he
wrote his wife in February, 1861: "In any
cstse our slave property will eventually be
lost,’ that is to say whether successful or
not in establishing the Southern Confed
eracy.
Robert E. Lee, the foremost soldier of the
South, had emancipated long before the war
the few slaves that «ant to him by inheri
tance, whereas his Union antagonist, Gen
eral Grant, held on to those that had come
to him through marriage with a Southern
woman until they were freed by the Thir
teenth Amendment. Stonewall Jackson never
owned but two negroes, a man and wom
an, whom he bought at their earnest solici
tation. He l.ept account of the wages he
would have paid white labor and when he
considered himself reimbursed for the pur
chase money (for he was a poor man) gave
them their freedom. General Joseph E.
Johnston never owned a slave, nor did Gen
eral A. P. Hill, nor General Fltzhugh Lee,
General J. E. B. Stuart, the great cavalry
leader, never owned but two and rid him
self of both long prior to the war
To this testimony of the most puissant
men engaged in the conflict I add the tes
timony of the soldiers of the Confederacy.
With one voice the Southern soldier avow
ed then, with one voice they avow now, that
they were not fighting and suffering and
dying for slavery, but for the right of
self-government.
I was a soldier in Virginia in the cam
paigns of Lee and Jackson and I declare that
I have never met a Southern soldier who
had drawn his sword to perpetuate slavery.
Nor was the dissolution of the Union or the
establishment of the Southern Confederacy
the supreme issue in the mind of the South
ern soldier. What he had chiefly at heart
was the preservation of the supreme and
sacred right of self-government.
The men who made up the Southern
armies were not fighting for their slaves
when they cast all in the balance, their lives,
their fortunes and their sacred honor, and
endured the hardships of the march and the
camp and the perils and sufferings of the
battlefield. Besides it was a very small mi
nority of the men who fought in the South
I ern armies that were financially interested
in the institution of slavery.
But the Southern Confederacy is reproach
ed with the fact that it was deliberately
built on slavery. Slavery, we are told, wa«
its cornerstone. But if slavery was a cor
nerstone of the Southern Confederacy what
are we to say of the Constitution of the
United States? That Instrument as original
ly adopted by the thirteen colonies contain
ed three sections which recognised slavery.
And whereas the Constitution of the
Southern Confederacy prohibited the slave
trade, the Constitution of the United States
prohibited the abolition of tho Slavs trade
for twenty years from Its adoption. And if
the men of the South are reproached for
d- tying liberty to three and a half millions
of human beings at the same time that they
professed to be waging a great war for their
own liberty what are we to say of ths re
volting Colonies of 1776, who rebelled against
the British crown to achieve their liberty,
while slavery existed in every one of the
thirteen colonies unrepudlatedT
Cannot these historians who deny that
the South fought for liberty because they
held the blacks in bondage see that upon
the same principle they must Impugn the
sincerity of the signers of the Declaration
of Independence? For while in that famous
Instrument they affirmed before the whole
world that "all men were created free and
equal" and that “governments derive their
Just powers from the consent of the govern
ed," they took no steps whatever to free
the slaves which were' held in every one of
the thirteen Colonies.
No. If the cornerstone of the Constitution
of the Southern Confederacy was slavery
the Constitution of 1789—the Constitution of
the United States—had a worse cornerstone,
since it held Its aegis of protection over the
slave trade itself.
We ask the candid historian, then, to
answer this quetsion: If the colonists o:
1776 were freemen fighting for liberty,
though holding men in slavery in every one
of the thirteen Colonies, why Is the tribut
of patriotism denied to the Southern men of
1861 because some of them too held men
In bondage?
The facts recited show how baseless is
the contention that there is any analog}
(as has been asserted) between “the issues „
at stake between the Allies and the Teutonic
Powers," and those between the North and
the South in the civil war.
Squally baseless and more cruel still is
the comparison, recently made, between the
spirit of the Hohenzollerns and that of the
Southern Confederacy, whose soldiers ever
conducted war in the spirit of humanity and
civilization.
policy Is never Incontestable for suicide or
anythin? else which is not true, and all
companies will bear me out in my conten
tions aloAg this line, but I trust that you
will be kind 'enough to tell us through the
columns of your paper how many premiums
had been paid on this policy. X make this
request of you in the interest of all legal
reserve life insurance companies and for
the benefit of the Insuring public.
Yours respectfully, •
F. C. PRYOR.
AVBIRVS HIGH WATF.R MARK.
The Advertiser is in receipt of the new
catalogue of the Alabama Polytechnic In
stitute. 1916-1917. from which are gathered
some very Interesting statistics. The col
lege reached its high-water mark in enroll
ment, the total attendance for the entire
year being 2,127. The factors of this en
rollment are: College winter term, 930; col
lege summer term, 364; boys’ summer school
at Auburn, 123; farmers’ summer school at
Auburn. 710. T'ese figures do not Include
any work not done at the college. In addi
tion, the farm demonstration, boys' corn
clubs, girls' canning clubs, farmers' insti
tutes, etc., number approximately 11,000 or
ganised workers.
Some of the larger county enrollments
are: Jefferson. 103; Lee, *0; Montgomery, 25;
Walker. 21; Mobile, 17; Geneva, 17; Mar
shall. 15; Talladega. 15; Marlon. 15; Wilcox.
13- Dallas, IS; Houston, 13; Limestone, 10;
Etowah. 10; Escambia, 10; Barbour, 10;
Coosa, 9; Pike. 9; St. Clair, 9. Three foreign
countries are represented: Brazil. China,
and Mexico.
Some of the larger State delegations oth
er than Alabama are: Georgia, 72; South
Carolina. 27; Mississippi, 20; Florida, 20;
Tennessee, 17; Louisiana, 9; North Caro
lina, S.
In some of the leading departments the
number of students is as follows: Electri
cal engineering, 150; mechanical engtneer
/
Ing, 241; civil engineering, 45; surveying,
290; agriculture, 439; animal husbandry,
497; horticulture, 183; forestry, 40; chemis
try, 491; tmtany, 178; physics, 4C7; Spanish,
70; pharmacy, 60; English, 696; history, 573;
mathematics, 543; Spanish, 70; education,
162. Among the leading denominations the
enrollments, are: Methodists, 397; Baptists,
286; Presbyterians, 99; Episcopalians, 51;
Catholics, 32; Christian, 27? Jewish, 12; etc.
Four hundred and thirty-one students are
over thirty-one years of age.
A feature" of the new publication is the
military organization under Captain Frank
W. Rowell, United States infantry, together
with three sergeants. United States army, as
drill masters. The regimental roster In
cludes 134 officers.
THE W AR.
There ain’t nothin’ to it
And I don't care
Ma says them Germans not a fightln’
Just a flyin’ in the air.
Registration Day’s a cornin'
But 1 ain’t a goln'
Ma says, its lots more honor to be
Plowin’ and a hoein'.
There ain’t nothin’ to it.
So X hearn them say.
These Mexicans jest a sttrrin’ the whole of
all creation.
To make a hody think, we are a mighty
nation.
We don't take the papers.
An’ ma can’t read nor write,
But she tells me when I come a walkin'
in o'nights.
There ain’t nothin to it,
And you are not goin’ to fight.
But something seems to me to say
Near to Registration Day *
There is something to it,
And you had better care
To fight for your country
And watch them Germane in the air.
—E. M. 8
MRS. HETTY GREEN’S SON.
Fort Worth Record.
Colonel Edward Herrash Rhodes Green
gave twenty years of his busy life to Texas
before he waa called to Gotham. He is one
of the richest men in America. He is the
owner of the Texas Midland railroad and
largely interested in several Texas banks.
He lives in New York City; he votes in
Texas; his name is on the tax r la and the
roll of registered voters.
Through the American National Bank of
Terrell, the colonel has subscribed for $S,
000,000 in Liberty Bonds. He is a director
of this bank. Green Is a Texas nqade col
onel. Oscar B. Colquitt and Green were
warm personal friends. Colquitt became
governor and he made the banker and rail
road magnate an officer on his staff. The
colonel is an executive of one of the largest
banks in New. York City, but he made hla
big purchase through a Texas bank.
He comes to Texas every year to cast hla
ballot. He is a republican in politics, but
he kicks over the traces at times and. votes
for democrats. He is loyal to the Lone Star
and has ever been a big booster for the '
State, its people, Its resources and Its prod
ucts.
"Yes; they dint ■ t. way the receiver
as handlin’ the Iwiy-tsfcsB nohow.”
Fghty crusty!"
mayor to the
>w you manage
out here when
ip in that thar
•. I was tailin’
‘RIVER,
earnest llaten
It they did.”
jr tell yer. They
—Puck