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1 3 .3 21 3 a In advance, per year ,$2 00 tfot paid in advance, 2 50 Not paid uniii six months have expir ed, ' 300 .Not paid till the year has expired, 350 i jfo subscription received ii r a less time than a vear. aiile.ss the price be paid in !, - xTTTSfW H advance. li AEW (JOODS &c NEW STORE- WILLIAM". LATTA Has taken the Store lately occupied by S. T. llawley &. Son, nearly opposite H. &. k. J . Lilly s, and has an entire New Stock of Goods, Selected from the Philadelphia and New Voik market!", and purchased at very low prices. lu th assortment will be found a general and exten.-iv supply of STAPLE AND FANCY DRY GOODS, Hats, Caps, Shoes and Boots, Kvery variety of Hardware and Cutlery, Family Groceries, viz: Coffee, Tea, and Brown Suar; Clarified and Refined Suyar, Wines and French Brandy, China, fine Crockery, and Glass-ware, Paint, Medicines, Oils, &.c, Travelling Trunks, Pails, and Brooms, Also, an assortment of Saddlery. Also, 500 sacks SALT. 300 bushels Alum Salt. All of which will be sold low for Cash or Coun try Produce. January 5, 1S50. 507-y jLO'STT! The Subscriber has lost IiiH Pocket Book containing altout nix huudred dollars in c.i.-h. mostly on the South Carolina Bank, and the following Notes. J udgiiieiitx. Receipts. &.C.: One Note on Aaron William it Aaron Tyson. $1204 00 . ! rinniPTFR TS AS IMPfiUT vt rrn tm., . -" ii i iu l.MJlYluUALSj AND THK UMJRY OP THE STATE IS j trutrtr THE COMMON PROPERTT OF ITS CITIZENS. it FATETTEVILLE, N. C, MARCH 9, One One One One One tine One On One One One One One One One One One One One do U do do 4t do do do do do do do do do do do do do do . On de ou A urea li rower. 4U MJ on Donald Mirt, 1(H) OO do do 100 0(1 n Je.-se L Bryant. 100 00 do do ' 75 00 on Jacob Stutts and Henry Stutts, S00 O0 on James Shields, o"0 00 on J M Sowell. Jesse ti Sowwll. and Jesse Muse. 75 00 on Donald Strwet &. Duncan Murchison 2"0 00 ou do do 32 O0 on do do 10 OO on Dempsy Sowell. 40 OO on Malcoin D .McNeill St Alex Kelly, KM) 00 on de do Ii0 50 on M D McNeill and Bradley Brady, 25 (0 ou Noah Brewer Sc Win Stutts, io 00 on John .VcNvill, 100 00 on do 5 00 on Jesse Spivy, F. Mcintosh, and one McDonald. 300 00 on Vnf;us Martin. John M Black, and John M Curry. 150 00 on Matthew Davis. 144 00 on Adam Brewer. 244 00 on Joseph Tom peon, 4o 00 ou Abram Stutts. lo 0O on Andrew York. 100 00 on Martin Turner. 00 00 on William Stew:irt. 150 00 ou William and Enoch Stewart. 50 00 on William. Knoch and John Stewart, 75 00 on William Davis. Philip Wilson, and Hugh Matthis. 60 00 on Levi Wright and John Dunlap. OO 00 on Samuel G llruce, 50 00 on Win Danielly and Michael Cockman 75 O0 on .las Hillard nud Joel llillard .M) 00 on Jesse Wmnhle. 75 00 on l.ewi Matiess and Oeo M Honeycut 10 OO on John Dunlap. 1 "0 on Duncan Mcintosh. 270 00 on William J Mclntwsh. 2 00 on V Mcintosh. 2 00 Julf inents against A A F Sowell to the amount of 45 00 One receipt on Alfred Brower for about $1000. Several Constables receipts fr papers put in their hands for col lection; and many other valuable papers not now recol lected. Not at this time recollecting the precise dntes of the Notes. Judgment. &.c. 1 have not attempted to state them. I will give a reward of O N K HLNDKKD DOI.l.AKS for the delivery of the Pocket Book and contents. I also hereby notify the obligors in said Notes. .Iulg iiieuts and n eeipts. 4tc. not to pay the debts herein de scribed to any other person than myself or my lawful acnc; aud all persons are forbidden from trading for the money or papers The last place that I recollect having my rx ket Book w;i. at the Briie on Bear 1 'reek, at Mechanic's Hill, about two hours by sun on Saturday evening the 2ltb ult. Any person finding and deliveriiiK my rocket Book will be additionally rewarded, if required. JOHN !i. R1TTER. Carthage, Moor county. Jan. 1, 1S50. 567-tf 1 ADVCSTXSZXfa: . Onc(iuareoftweDtji;c lines or itrfor on insr- tion, 60 rent ; rrtj seqnnt insertion , 30 ceats except it remain in for ser eral months, when it will charged , f 3 for tw months, $4 for three, A e 'i; l v mi la rive uivuuif 11 33 Liberal deSof&n j'for Urge advertisement VOJj- 11 rJO. 570. l'.v the yearor six mottb. KOSTIIJAROLJIM. VVm. II. Bayntt Editor and Proprietor. FAYETTEVILLE, X. C. MARCH 9, 1850. Telegraphed for the Charleston Mercury. New Orleans, Feb. 23. The sales of Cotton amount to 2000 bales, at a decline of c. on quotations ruling previous to the accounts by the America, middling 11 J, and the market is still unsettled. LATER FROM CALIFORNIA. The steamship Alabama has arrived from Chaired with 05 passengers, and $150,000 in gold dust. She brings San Francisco dates to the 14th of January. Sacramento City had been inundated by an overflow of the River, which has svept ofl large numbers of cattle and an immense amount of other property. Great suffering was the conse quence, and the loss is estimated by millions of dollars. At the mines near Stockton the Chilians cvere attacked by the Americans, and several of them killed, and the rest taken prisoners, but they were soon released. Great excitement prevail ed, and it was supposed the Chilians would be expelled the country. Mrs Fremont had recovered, and with her hus band was about to depart for the United States. One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One One Dim One do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do CKNTUAL RAILROAD great rejoic ing in Ralcisrh. A ;reat rail rum! convention was held at Hillsborough last week, and the remainder of the shares necessary to make up the million of dollars, were taken. So that the stock is all subscribed, the State fur iiishinr the other two millions. GARDEN SEED. A large supply of Garden Seed of the growth of 1840. consisting: in patrt of White Dutch Turnip, Cabb;ige, a gre.it variety, 15cets,' Radish, Lettuces, Tomatoes, Peas, Heaus, Cucumber, Carrot, Parsnip, &c. &.c. Price, 5 cents per paper. Also, Collard Seed, Just received and for sale by Keb y 2. 1S50. 571-tf S. J. IIIXSDALK. Col. Jos VV. Jackson, recently elected to Congress from Georgia, in place of T. 11. King, has for a short time past, filled with ability, the editorial chair of our co temporary, the Georgian, taking the place of his nephew, Col. Henry R- Jackson, who was elected by the last Legislature, Judge of the Superior Court of this Judi cial District. It was the latter gentleman who commanded the Georgia Regiment in the late Mexican war. Jude Jackson was, we believe, the youngest Colonel in the service, as he is now among the young est Judges on the bench. Savannah .Yews Back wheat Sc. Butter, fresh supply, just received and for s-.le by Jan. 1. " GEO. Mc.XF.lLL. MANUFACTORY. The subscriber having taken the Kstablish ment of the late A. C. Simpson, (situated oppo site XV. Mclnt vre's store,) intends carrying on the CARRIAGE MANUFACTURING BUSJJVJiSS in all its various branches, and would respectful ly solicit a share of public patronage. " Having had considerable experience in the business, and having been employed in some of the most extensive Establishments in New York and New Jersey, he flatters himself that he can give general satisfaction. He warrants all his work to be made of the best material the surrounding country affords, and by experienced workmen; and should any of it fail, either in material or workmahship, in twelve months from the time of its delivery, he will repair it free of charge. 03- REPAIRING done in the neatest and best manner, and at the lowest possible prices. i . A. H. WHITFIELD. Fayetteville, Feb'y 23, 1S50 574-tf. HEM ARKS OF HON. ROHERT STRANGK, Jll a southern rights meeting . held in Wil mington N. C , on 29th January 1850 Mr Chairman Perhaps mere personal matters may seem out of place tin an occa sion like the present, but tine does not like to appear before the public in a false position. I would not have it supposed that 1 seek to obtrude my views ami my action upon the people of New Hanover and Wilmington but wish it understood that I have attended this meeting and tak en part iu its deliberations at the special request of a number of fiiends resilient in this place. ' It is a solemn thing to see an assembly of sedate and respectable men, embracing all parties, antl of every employment, with anxious faces, enquiring of each other What is to be done? It indicates some great evil, either existing or feared. This is no holyday occasion. We have not met to rejoice over the birth of a nation. We have not met to celebrate the triumphs of its manhood and vigor. Hut it is to comtemplate the greatest nation upon earth laboring under the premonitory symp toms of severe disease, perhaps of dis?olu lion. Threatened with convulsions which may dislocate every joint in its mighty frame and tear asunder its gigantic limbs To endeavor, if possible, ere it be too late, to anply some remedy that may avert such dreadful consequences, and soothe the irritated nerves before they become fully excited. I am glad that Wilmington is How those wrongs are to be met ? Any tlecided expression on the part of this meeting, further than is done by the reso lutions on your table, would be premature. We there express the anxiety we feel our warm, heartfelt attachment to the Union ; while at the same time we declare that, as honor and a just sense of the claims of their posterity induced our Revolutionary fath ers to sever the ties of blood and political association when they could no longer be maintained but at the expense of these, so should the same necessity impel us, upon like cousiderations, however reluctantly, to sacrifice even our ardent love for the Union to honor and the just claims of that posterity for whom it is our duty to provide Yet we desire to make every effort for the preservation of the Union, and we meet not for the purpose of discussing a plan of dissolution, but to devise one by which it can be honorably prevented. This it would be inexpedient to do in a primary meeting to attempt further than to devise some mode by which we may have an opportu nity of a grave and deliberate conference with all those who stand related to the subject in like manner with ourselves- Not to forestall, by any expressions in ad vance of our own views, the free and dis passionate result of such a conference. 1 he conference itself is all we should de cide upon; and even that conference only in the event that future development may make its necessity more apparent. llus distant period, therefore, of the first Mon day in June next, wc would fix upon for the meeting at Nashville. In the mean time, the further action of Congress, and of those who agitate the subject at the North, will enable us tojudge more proper ly whether such meeting be necessary and what that meeting ouht to do. This ini tiatory step is particularly called for on the part of North Carolina, for it is greatly to be feared her position is much misunder stood by both the parties to this great question. Our wide extent of territory aud sparseness of population, together with those geographical disadvantages which prevent that speedy interchange of senti ment between one portion and another of our people, enjoyed by other States, ren ders us necessarily very slow in collecting, and, therefore, in expressing, the public sentiment of our State. This slowness of ed and dishonored flag of the Union. But Heaven forbid that this event should ever happen. Perhaps it is true that by the administration of the General Government burdens and advantages of the Union have been very unequally distributed. That a much larger portion of the revenue, by an unwise and unjust system of taxation, has been collected from the south than from other parts of the Union, and that by a still more unequal expenditure of the revenue in the different parts thereof, the Soulh has been impoverished, and the other portions of the Union enriched. Besides this, we have contributed more than our portion to the wealth of the Union by our great staple productions, and more than our proportion to her glory in her achiev ments in arms. But grant that, in these things injustice may have been done us, and that it is likely- we will, through all time to come, be equally unfortunate. What are considerations such as these, to the many advantages the Union has, and we trust will continue to aftoul us r It is better to enjoy a morsel in peace and security, than to have great riches con stantly exposed to the grasp of the spoiler, and which can only be held amid the din of arms and the outpouring of blood. This peace and security the Union, under the Constitution, has so far afforded us. A peace antl security we could no longer hope to enjoy after its dissolution. Even among ourselves, strife would be inevita ble. This Union could not be dissolved without involving a long and bloody strife among the members composing it. Grant for a moment, that one portion of the States should be willing to acquiesce in the quiet secession ofanother portion from the Union, what would become of our vast public domain of our armaments, and the countless items composing the public treasure ? Would the the seceding States be willing to surrender all interest, in these ? Certainly not. The same con siderations of honor and just regard to posterity which would prompt succession, would also prompt us to insist on carrying with us a portion of what had been ac quired by the common enterprise, ami the common suffering. But would those claim ing to be adherents to this Union, agree to a just partition with us, or to any parti turn r ,We need not hope it expression has been has been usually at-i sword, the only earthly arbiter aiming the earliest portions of the State to eiviii-e in this important work. Peters- been calleil the cockaue ol tributed to some peculiarity in the people themselves, involving the imputation of Beotian stupidity or phlegmatic indiffer ence. Never was there a greater error. In no part of the Union are the pulsations of the heart warmer, or the operations of the intellect more active, than among the people of this State. But from the causes already assigned, our aggregate actions is not altogether consistent with these indi vidual characteristics. Public opinion everywhere must have attained a certain volume before its action can be felt ; and this volume must be in proportion to the numbers and space upon and within which it is to act. The public sentiment of Nortli Carolina, therefore, upon this great ques tion, is not yet understood abroad per haps, even by a greut many, not fully un derstood at home. It is important that it should be understood both at home and abroad, and now is the time to begin its expression. This expression must begin somewhere and in some way, and I know no place or way at and in which it can better begin than here, in the adoption of these resolutions. They embody, I be. lieve, the true sentiments of the people of North Carolina, and it is all important that it should be known that they do. It is important to our own position among our sister States It will have a decided ef fect on the controversy now going on. I fear some of our Southern brethren look upon us with contemptuous doubt, con struing our silence into a sordid love for n flesh and the between disputing communities, would have to re cord its decision in blood. Nor would one decision be final. But by successive appeals, this fearful litigation would pro bably be protracted through indefinite ages. But if this were not so, there are family jewels belonging to this great con federacy, which admit of no partition. To whom would belong the sacred mem entoes of our Revolutionary Fathers ? Which of us would inherit the imperisha ble laurels gathered in the war of 1812? And even these yet green antl reeking with the blood of our valorous sons, lately won in the campaign in Mexico, would have no just claimants. All these national trophies wou!dCease to be of value, for no one would be left to appropriate them, and they would be as completely lost as if swallowed up in the ocean wave. Who is there, either at the north or south, that is willing to see the sponge of oblivion sweep over the record that speaks of the gallant doings the holy brotherhood the profound wisdom the great "moral achievements of the people of the United Stales of America? Is the proud distinc tion of an American citizen to be forever lost? That name which is now a passport of honor to him who bears it in any of the four quarters of the globe. When the peo ple of this land go abroad, that is the title by which they desire to be known. We may boast among ourselves of being a Vir ginian, a Carolinian, a Georgian, a New pots of Egypt, or a dastardly Yorker, a Pennsylvanian, a native or in- Osnaburgs, Sheetings, and cot ton Yarn, a constant supply at Factory prices, and in quantities to suit, for sale by Fes. 16. B. ROSE &. SON. JOHN D. WILLIAMS, COMMISSION & FORWARDING BIER CHANT, Fayetteville, N. C. Feb, 23, 1550. this important bur"; lias Virginia. With equal propriety may Wilmington be called the cockadeof North Carolina. In everything noble, generous, and public spirited, she is is ever the first to act, aud to act efficiently. It is but in character, then, for her to be on this occa sion among the first to act; to throw off, as it were, from the heart, a warm and vital current, that may give pulsation to every artery near and distant in our wide spread State. But the question is What should wc do? We desire to soothe and to save the life of the patient, aud not further to excite, when evcitement is already so great as to threaten the most alarming consequences. : While at the same time we should not, from imbecile timidity, withhold such a decided course of practice as may shield us from the imputation of suffering the patient to die for the want.of remedies sufficiently strong and active. That the south has been wronged, ami is threatened with yet more serious wrongs, no one can deny. But I do not propose to repeat a recital of those wrongs which have been already made with sufficient animation by. my friends who have preped- o.l ... I . nnrnnf to illfldOie vour feelings, but to aid in the enquiry 1 in the place - o ' the fear of the consequences to which an ex pression of our opinions may lead. These doubts should be dispelled, for our honor and for the success of the common cause. 1 fear greatly, too, that the invaders of our rights, from the same causes, impudently calculate that they may count on us as an ally in their wicked assaults upon the great Southern family, and that we will be found treacherous to our brethren and our father's house. This emboldens them in their diaDolical attempts. One party is disheartened by the want of confidence iu our support ; the other is encouraged by the belief that they occupy that strong position of having a secret friend in the camp of the enemy. Nothing, I am per suaded, will tend more to prevent these encroachments upon Southern rights, which so seriously threaten this Union, than a conviction that the whole South will be found one and undivided in maintain ing those rights at every sacrifice. Men crush the worm, but pause before they wake The sleeping venom of the folded snake. North Carolina, for the reasons before wiven, is more doubted on one side, and calculated on by the other, than any other Southern State. Without meaning to provoke, then, let her proclaim that she knows her rights, and knowing, will main tain them. Let her boldly unfurl her flag, the glorious stripes and stars of the Union, nailed to the flag-staff of the Constitution. But should that flag-staff be broken and cast away, let her own original flag, as one of the thirteen independent States that formed that Cons titution, be found waving with the liberty cap conspucious thereon, nations in a moral conflagration, but the spark that kindled it came from Heaven; and while we mourn over the consequen ces, we cannot but respect the source from whence they proceed. But from a differ ent source does danger now threaten us. The lust of civil power, and the desire of political triumph are now the impulses that prompt these attacks upon our property our peace and our domestic quiet. The religious fanatics are but as torch bearers for the political incendiaries, and only here and there in the anti-slavery ranks is found a bosom burning with religious zeal, while the fires ot hell itself warm the hearts of the masses of those who constitute the anti slavery army at the north. It is time, then, that we should speak; it is time that we should warn one another, ere we find ourselves so entirely surround ed, that we cannot escape, and so closely pressed upon by the foe, that our arms can not be wielded to advantage. Political strategy is as dangerous as the strategy of war, aud there is a period in both when you are rendered powerless by your ad versary, and it is the part of wisdom to act before that period arrives. We must wait until every post has been seized by the enemy, anil nothing is left us but to sur render at discretion, or fight at disadvan tage. But by taking our position in time, within the yet unshaken fortress of the Constitution, and manfully defending it against the first encroachments of the foe, we may be able to preserve both,it and ourselves. If we must perish, let us per ish under its ruins. To give it up, or to suffer one fragment of it to be destroyed without resistance, is the most certain way to consummate that disunion that we so much dread. It is to cry loud against encroachments upon the Constitution, and to declare our determination at every haz ard to maintain it, that we meet, and not for the purpose of plotting against it. By thus acting, if disunion is forced upon us, if the fair fields of these States must be fattened with the blood of their sons if the swords of brothers must pierce the vi tals ot each other if the ties of blood must be disregarded, and the bonds of political association be dissolved, let us at least, amid all the sorrows and troubles that must follow, have the comfort of a good con science, and looking -upon the desolation that may surround us,' be able to say of our Northern brethren they would have it so. But never let us surrender tht Consti tution, and the Union it secures, until we can with truth say they will have it so. But when that awful period arrives, if come it must, let us be prepared for the duties it shall demand, and with manly hearts, to sacrifice every thing else for our domestic altars, the rights of our posterity antl our sacred honor. Mr President, I rejoice once more to see meetings holden in our Slate without re spect of parties. It is almost the only cheering circumstance growing out of this sectional question, that it brings us nearer to each other at home. The sense of com mon danger wakes up within us those kindly feelings which party bitterness had subdued. The danger which wc are now contemplating, and against which we are endeavoring to provide, is in part the bit ter fruit of party strife. Y'ear after year, for many years, has party spirit been in creasing in bitterness; it has even marred the relations of social life. It has destroy ed those safe standards by which fitness for office ought properly to be tested ca pacity antl integrity. And men of all par ties have come to make availability the only question in our elections. This is the it to their interest to hold slaves "m tl&fcf, strict sen-c of that term, and as might feeT expected, are very ready to denounce itisf those who do, antl especially in those who are under tl e most iiresistible moral ne cessity to continue to hold them. , Thi very moral necessity under which we live makes their denunciation the more violent, for the devil is always the most disposed to meddle where he "can do the most inii- chief; aud you will always find inankimf s more ready to censure you for differing-' from them in things that you cannot avoid. ' than in things that yon tun. A personal ' defect brings a man much more into Con-' tempt than a vice. These are alt tnoral evils that we may deplore, htot they are' not likely ever to be eradicated. It is in vain for us to endeavor to convince thei proud Pharisees scattered all over the world, for almost every man is a Pharisee upon every subject where he can make a plausible moral argument on one side re proachful to others, when he himself finds no temptation in that direction, and espe cially if what temptations he may have are in an opposite one. ' ' Compound for sins lie has a mind to ly damning those he's not inclined to. M e shall never gain anything in the present state of the world by an argument iu favor of slavery in the abstract. Bat ' we can appeal to the regard of our northern brethren for the compromises of the Con-: stitution to their sense of interest in pre-1 serving their political association with us, and' allowing us to make in quiet those staples from which they chiefly derive their wealth to their sense of justice to us antl those ties of blood which are strong--' er between us and them, than between' them anil the race of Africa. Those dis passionate and wise men who respect these views, and who, upon constitutional prin ciples would have always stood by us, we have caused to be killed off politically by requiring them to stand out and proclaim' themselves pro-slavery men before any cri-' sis demanded such a sacrifice. Just, as wise would it be for a General, in antici pation of a battle, to require his soldiers to' stand out aud be shot at with loaded rifles,' that he might know whether they could be1 relied upon in the day of battle. Quite as reasonable would it be for one to say to1 another who professed to be his friend. that he would never believe him until he should openly insult some man whom be ' knew to be his foe. A man runs no risk; at the south by vaunting pro-slavery opin ions in the abstract or in any other way. But it is not so at the north. It can never -be done there without some moral risk; for such sentiments are against a strong' current which no wise man would like to encounter, but on some urgent necessity, or for some great good to be achieved, well knowing that whenever he does it, it is at the risk of drowning. We have not con sidered this; aud one after another we have, needlessly sacrificed useful northern men by compelling them to avow pro-slavery opinions on an insufficient occasion. And even after compelling them to this need less display of friendship when they have magnanimously exposed themselves to this discharge of moral artillery for our gratifi cation, we have told them that we still dis trusted them because they were northern men, and for no other reason, and refused to give them our confidence. Thus have we been continually weakening ourselves, and but for our own folly, I am persuaded where we have now a corporal's guard at the north, we should have had legions to stand by us in the defence of the constitu tion But still 1 have a strong confidence same spirit which leads on at the north the j that there is sufficient political integrity habitant of this or that State. But abroad these respective States are scarcely heard of they are unknown to tame, while the uld blush to own that he knew not the fame of the Unitetl States of America, or that her flag waved among the proudest of the proud of the nations of the earth. Yes, the title ot an American citizen is more honorable now than that of a Roman in the ancient days. Even the great Apostle, St. Paul, was not so insensible to earthlv pride, as not to value the title of the Roman citizen; and when one spoke in his presence of having purchased that honor, he somewhat boastful ly replied, but I was free born." And so, wherever an American citizen may go whatever may be the boastful titles claim ed even by the nobles of the earth; he may lift up his head among them and exclaim, but I was tree born I am an American, citizen." But dissolve the Union, and with it that charm will also be dissolved. Are not these considerations (and the half has not been told,) sufficient to induce every sound head and honest heart to pray for the perpetuity of this Union? And who desires its dissolution? Not we of the South, for our ardent love tor it has enabled us to bear much very much. At first we were annoyed by the outcries of religious fanatacism against an institution interwoven with the very texture of our existence; and while we pitied the short sighted folly of those fanatics, and felt sore under the ascriptions of moral infamy thev were disposed to heap upon us, we could not but respect the motives that prompted them. Religious fanaticism may where floated the torn, tatter-1 do much mischief it may involve whole heterogeneous army now making war upon southern rights. In conclusion, permit me to say that we of the south are not altogether clear in this matter. To some extent, our blood will be upon our own heads if the worst should come. We have in a good degree, pan dered to the factious spirit of local distinc tions. In many respects we have acted most unwisely and unjustly to our breth ren at the north, we have not made proper allowances for the position of public men in that part of the Union. We have been unreasonable in our demands upon them, and have greatly diminished our own moral force in the present controversy. We need not wonder that the opinions of men take their hue from surrounding cir cumstances, and that there is a tide in the opinious as well as in the affairs of men, and that both these tides have their ebb and flood. No incident so much affects the opinions of men as their interest. This matter of slavery stands upon the same footing with everything else. 11 it were to the interest ot the greater part ol man kind to dispense with the use of horses, and a very small portion of men w ere left who found it to their interest io continue their use, they would likewise continue as the majority now do, to think that their use was altogether right and proper per haps even praiseworthy. But that ma jority would sotai come to denounce it as a most flagrant injustice to mat uooie animal which God had made to enjoy his freedom in the boundless plains and the trackless wilds: and not to be subjected to the drudgery of the plough, or the cruel inflic tion of the whip and spur. And so we who hold slaves in the strict sense of that term, are in a very small minority, al though our slaves are irTfact more free and happy han the larger portion of the so called freemen who are more truly slaves. The majority of mankind have not found and irood Sense, at the north, to aid us in averting the consequences to which we are apprehensively looking; and that ail that is needed, is that they shall know that we will be true to o irselves, aud will not meanly desert them when they shall have committed their political fortunes to the cause of honor and justice to the south. For these reasons, I think we should cause ourselves to be represented in the Nashville Convention And that is all that it would be wise for us at present to determine, ou this all important subject. This being done, our glorious Union will continue through indefinite ages, growing and spreading until the stars upon its ban ner shall become a countless host ; and like the blue canopy of heaven, which it represents, bo looked up to by men of all nations with reverential awe. T A lawyer built him an office in the form of a hexagon, or six square. The novelty of the structure attracted the attention of some Irishmen who were passing by; they made a full stop and viewed the building very carefully. The lawyer, somewhat disgusted at their curiosity, lifted up the window, put his head out and addressed them: What do you stand there for like a pack of saucy blockheads, gazingat my oflicv? Do you take it for a church?" One of them replied. 'Why, indeed, I was thinking so, till I saw the'devil poke his head out of the window." New Yohk Fashions.--The Tribune says it sees some times in Broadway a fashionably drensed lady leading a mod erate sized Italian greyhound, with a scar let monkey jacket round his shoulders, and reaching to his middle. Two other ladies have a poodle dog walking between them, and attached to their hands by ribbons.