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ruBJLisiiEn : EVBSY SATURDAY In advance, per year.$'2 00 Not paid in advance, 2 50 Not paid until six months have expir ed, 300 Not paid till the year has expired, 350 No subscription received for a less time than a year, unless the price be paid in advance. J . Cats iii'i. CHARACTER IS AS IMPORTANT TO STATES AS IT IS TO INDIVIDUALS '. AND THE GLORY CF THE STATE IS THE COMMON PROPERTY OF ITS CITIZENS.1 S3T WIH. H. BAXEJ E FATETTEVILLE, N. C, AUGUST 17, 1850. VOL. 11 -NO. 599. THIIJ1S OP . ADVERTISING : Onesquareoftwpnty-oi e lines or less, for one inser tion, (JU cents ; every sub -IWquentinseition, 0 cer;t s jlexcept it reiiiaiu in lor si v- , Social mouths, when it will ::bc- -ii'd i'cr two ..months, -4 for three, kc, 10 for twelve i;,or.t?:s. oO- Liberal t:elwctir: for larc;o advertisement liv t.lip ven c r.r c v i r.i t ! IfOBTH CAROLINIAN. Win. II. Bayne Editor and Proprietor. FAYETTEVILLE, X. C. ATjaUST 17i 1850. GOOD NEWS ! The Senate has passed a bill which will probably pass the House, fixing the boundary of Texas, taking part of her territory, and paying her ten millions dollars, OCJ- A party of sixty U. S. soldiers, belonging to a detachment stationed on the confines of Texas, left their camp on the night of the 1st July last, and proceeded to a neighboring town, says the San Antonio '(.Texas') Ledger, and set fire to a large store of goods, which were all con sumed, together with the papers and records of Gillespie county. Texas. The loss of property estimated at $10,000. The. provocation is said to be an affray between a clerk in the store and a soldier, in which the soldier was killed, and the refusal of the civil authorities of Texas to give the homicide up to military authority J All this points, to the necessity of settling the question of boundary between -Texas and the ter ritory of New Mexico. . ' HOW TO MAKE ABXjLLTIONISTS. The Goldsboro (N. C.) Telegraph says, that "Reid the Wilmot provisoist Ts elected Govern or of the State the black flag of abolitionism waves in triumph over North Carolina." That declaration, so false and unscrupulous, will be reprinted in all1 the northern papers, and ey them trumpeted as true, and thus it will be used to strengthen the cause of anti-slavery, and gain it converts.' 0Cf- It may appear unreasonable to some per sons, to say so, but we firmly believe that the whig presses of the south have done more to strength en the anti-slavery feeling at the north than the real abolition presses have done. . And we give the above as-a sample of the reasons on which we base the belief. OCf-The Goldsboro Telegraph says .that a "storm of locofocoism has swept over the State." We suppose that is an acknowledgement that whiggery was in a very impure condition; so much so that it broughton a storm of locofocoism. The Boll Worm. We heard it re marked, says the Columbus Sentinel of the'.lst inst- by an intelligent . planter-a few days since, that , his cotton fields were filled with the species of fly which it is supposed generate the boll, worm.- The cotton crops in this section are now quite promising, but. they have been so much retarded by '.the unfavorable spring, .that if the worm should ; make its appearance a,t the' usual tiole, it must prove very destru c tive to the hopes of the planter. (tQ- Persons wiro advertise iu the' newspapers. sHoiilJ nlways mark ttieir advertist merits with the -number of insert'ious ; otherwise they often forget and. 'let the ad vertifeuwlit ruu longer than ueeessary : and vrhen the bill comes to be settled, there is something siikl about the cost. And when au article is advertised for sale, v.hk.n it is sold, the advertiser should atteu-d'-to taking H out of tue paper, because it misleads the readers pi" the paver, besides running him to more cost.' NEW GODDS. : COOK & JOHNSON Are now 'receiving and ' opening their usual stock, embracing - Staple Dry Goodsy BOOTS v SHOES, Paints, Oils, Dye-stuffs, Patent Medicines. Hardware, Hollow-ware, Cutlery,' Iron, .Nails, and an extensive stock of GROCERIES. To which they invite the attention of dealers in this market. Aug. 10, 1S30, 5'J-3t STILL MOBS TIME. The subscriber has re cently returned from New York ' with decidedly the largest lot of Watches J t IV dry that he ever otlered for sale in this market. About 12 Doz. Watches on hand of all kinds and prices ; Silver ware, plated ware, MILITARY GOODS, perfumeries, pocket-knives, Razors. Pistols of all kinds; double-barrel Guiw some largeand long; hunting tackle, and almost any thins else that may be'calted for in his line, look for the sign of Iieasly on the Northeast corner of market square. . .. JiNO. M. I3EASLY. Aug. 10, 1S50. 59S-3m . ( "Sill 25 Reward Ranaway from the sub scriber on the 24tli of June, a negro man named RIOS,- ho .formerly belonged to . Joha A Averitt of Onslow. He was purchased from Mr Averitt by Lewis -Wright, of Duplin, of: whom the subscriber purchased! htm. He has a wifeat Mr lahnm Carver's in Cumberland. He is about 5 feet'S or "10 Inches high; is quick motioned, and is apt to-look' down when" speak ing.. His eyes are reddish. He has a remark able spot of gray hair on the fore part of his head, about the size of a quarter of a dollar ; the other hair is black- He is 2S or 30 years old. The above reward will be given for his appre hension and confinement in any jail in the State so that he can be recovered. . Fifty dollars will be given for proof to convict any white man ol harboring said negro. JOHN T.-WRIGHT. Aug. 3, 1S30. 597-tf DEBATE IN THE SENATE. The following sketch of debate, js probably about the most important which has occurred on the all-absorbing topic which has occupied Congress for the last eight months. It is a de" bate which ought to be read by every body. It took place on the 1st of August. "We copy from the Union : Mr MASON. Sir, if there be any event which has not yet transpired, but upon which we can reason from facts that are known, I apprehend it to be this: that the slaveholding States of this Union have made up their minds irrevocably to admit of no further trenching upon what they be lieve to be their rights than was done in the instance of the compromise called the Missouri. Compromise. I think, sir, that those who are conversant with the people of the southern States, those who read the newspapers from those States, and who have looked at their primary meetings,; and the resolutions of their general assem-i blies, -will-find that, although they declare unanimously that it was a concession to sub mit to tiie line of 56 deg. 50 niin., they will submit to nothing below it. I take it for granted that at the proper 'timje. the same, amendment which was o tie red to the bill lately under discussion by the senator from Louisiana Mr Soule will be ottered ! to this, as a substitute for the amendment of the senator from Mississippi, if it shall be carried, or in place of it, if it should be last. I want to know why it is that the majority of this Senate, . having the power, will refuse to do now, in the case of Cali fornia, what they were prepared to do within two short years past, a fleeting t lie very territory now in question, the Terri-, tory of California '?' Sir if a refusal is to; be made, let it be done, .and let our peo ple understand -distinctly where they stand. Sir, i have looked at the record, because it has been said, that this line of 56"deg. 50 mir., much as it has been sought by the people of the southern States, had been refused by them at a former day. In 1848 a proposition was made by the honorable senator from IllinoisMr l)ou glas to extend that line to the Pacific ocean, together with the compromise there in contained, which was declared to be in full force and binding for tlie future or ganization of the Territories of the United States. The effect of that proposition J was to run the Missouri Compromise line through this very Territory ot California, which they now propose to admit as a State. And how was the vote? The amendment was carried by a vote of thirty-three to twenty-two. The whole of the southern senators voted for it, with the exception of one senatoi from the State of Florida, whose name does not appear on the journal, aye or no. Twenty-six votes were given for it by southern sena tors. All the senators from the South voted for it except the one senator; it had seven votes, including four senators now upon this floor. When a proposition fol lowed to engross that amendment, it re ceived twertty-five otes from the South the senator from South Carolina, who is now no more," 'JMr Calhoun. being the only southern senator voting against the engrossment. The amendment was or dered to be engrossed by a vote of thirty three, includinjr 'eight senators from States where there are no slaves, one senator from Illinois changing his vote. Now, sir, I present this trom the record, to show that when this compromise line was offered in 18-J8 it met the unanimous as-se-nt of tiie soiithvni States upon this floor, with the exception of one senator from South Carolina. And further,, when it was stricken out in t lie oilier . wing of the Capitol, and when a motion was made in the Senate to recede, every southern sena tor ('with the exception of one, the gentle man who made the motion to recede) voted against receding, and this vote included the senator" from South Carolina, Mr Calhoun:3"! ': -'"':,! ' : ' :;i ' -' Mr teEftlUEN. Will the senator1 from Virginia allow me to ask him to what bill he has reference now r Mr MASON. I have reference to the amendment offered by the senator from Illinois fMr Douglas to the Oregon bill, which was before us in 1848. I need on ly read a part of that amendment : That the Sth section, together with the com promise therein found, is hereby revived, and declared to be in fult force," and binding fdr the future .organization of the Territories of the United States, in the same sense and with the same understanding with which it was originally adopted. " ' ' The line was thus to be run to the Paci fic, and through the very territory of Cali- lomia which is now sought to be introduc ed as a State into this Union. Now, sir, if the issue is to be made up between the States holding slaves, here it is. In 1848 it was assented to. ' If, in 1850, it is to be refused, in reference to the very same ter ritory, and if it is-to -be refused under protest of senators from the southern States here, declaring that, in their belief and in their judgVnents, those whom they repre sent will at every risk and hazard insist upon it, 1 siibuVit to 'She Senate and to the natiott; if those disastrous consequences which are anticipated should ensue, upon whom will the responsibility rest ? Sir, this line of 36. 50 min., I believe has been almost odious to the slaveholdmg States. It was done with few votes from those States at the time it was adopted in 1 820, and those votes were ' given ta it in order to make peace and to avoid separa tion. It was done,' as I understand its history, in the belief of the statesmen dan patriots of that day. that when the time had arrived, as to them it appeared it had then arrived, when people living under a common government could not enjoy pro perty iu common, it was prudent to avert the danger that w ould follow discoid and dissensions by dividing the property ; and this line of 36 d.eg. 30 min , since called 'the compromise line,'5 was adopted. The southern States have acquiesced in it from that day to this a period of thirty years. They are prepared to acquiesce in in now. I feel, as one of their representatives, pro pared to vote for it. conscious "that the peo ple of my-State, will approve the vote and acquiesce in it. But they will do it only as a proposition to preserve this Union Sir, 1 have chosen to bring up the vote as it stood w ithin two years, in order that, if the measure is not now assented to, my constituents may see and understand what within two years - the majority .have deter mined against them, ..for we are in.a-mi-! nority- Now, Mr President, one ward in regard to what fell from the senator from Kentucky -I d not;, know; .whether .the.. smiatur. speaks the opinion or judgment of. . a majority .of the States represented on. this-floor. I dx .know that his -.age, his experience, and his position have enabled him, as he is en titled, from his, high and lofty ..intellect toj do.,, to direct .the. , measures if not to mould the opinions of a large -..portion , of the American people ; and I heard him declare; here tOrday in his place as a senator, ad-i dressed to his brother senators, that -it is the duty of the federal government to take no further account of State resistance. than! they would do of. the resistance of i n di vidual s or of private citizens ..against the law of the. land .. . ... Mr CLAiY. That is not what I said',: and I repeat and I wisb .Yall men who have pens to record it r?that if any single State, or the people; -of any State choose;' to: raise ..the' standard. i0f disunion and to defy the authority ot the Union, Ta m for maintaining the authority of the Union.. That is what I said. :! Mr MASON. That is exactly what I understood the honorable senator to say that resistance made under the authority of a State is no further to be respected by the authorities of the United States than if it were made by a bodv of individuals on their own score. - Mr CLAY, (in his seat.; No further ; none whatever. Mr MASON. Then I understood the senator's meaning correctly, an.l stated it so. Now, sir,, what is our government? an association ofth-e individual citizens, extending through, this broadband from sea to sea hund by the acts of a majority, to be corrected into submission. ?if they disagree to or refuse obdience to a.law :? Far from it. We have separately rgaii ed StatesStates that claim to be and are free, sovereign,,, and--independent Stated, but who have yielded a portion ol their power to this general government lor a common object and for the common good; but they have regularly organized govern ments; with executive, legislative, ami judicial branches, with unlimited power of taxation, capable of commanding the resources of their people to an unlimited extent, and recognised and acknowledged as governments. Those States, by the theory ofour government, and by the usage of that government, arc bound to look to and protect the safety and happiness and welfare of their own people ; and if it be true God forbid the experiment should ever be tried? but if it be true that in the government of the confederation a power is lodged to coerce the States into submis sion to ;the.ir will ; if in this federal govern ment a power resides to hold the citizen of a State to an obedience paramount to his obedience at home, I need not say to that senator and to the country that, whenever the experiment is tried, 3ou will have the whole tier of southern States, and I be lieve a large portion of the northern States, denying it. Sir, may Heaven, in its pro vidence and in its beneficence, avert such an issue! , But we are forewarned by the senator from Kentucky, as his idea of the theory of this government, that it is capable, and that it is its duty to enforce obedience to its laws, whether the resistance comes from the authorities of a State or from an individual. Now, sir, how do these States stand ? There is my own. honored Com monwealth, whose limits are within view from the doors of this Capitol, and other States south of this, including Georgia, all of whom, through their own constituted authorities, have declared, and placed it upon their statute-books, that they will resist what they believe to be an uncon stitutional act of power on the part of the federal government, should it be done, in reference to this slave question. The senator from Kentucky replies to them distinctly, Resist at the peril of blood if you do it, and that his counsel and aid shall be given to the bayonets of the federal government to reduce them to submission. Sir, it is well they should know it; and now they do know it, so far as the potential voice of that senator and,, potent it is can enforce it. Let it go to them, and let it go them, as it will do," contemporane ous with the action of the Congress of the U. States upon this question of the exclu sion of slavery in' the territories Sir,'! wish to add no heat to that discussion none iu world, i The subject is one that we should deliberate on calmly and temperately, and I hope we shall do it. I feel at liberty to speak for the State of Virginia only so far as I believe that I un stand what she designs to do. To that ex tent I am bound to speak. I believe, sir, in my best and settled judgment, that when a law shall be passed by the Congress of the United "States, and become the law of the land, which shall by its act exclude the people of the State from taking 'their slaves into territory south of the Missouri Compromise line, Virginia will do what has bectrdeclared in her resolutions already not threatening resistance she will take such measures, by her own sovereignty, as in. her judgment will, be best calculated to preserve the Union, n it can . be preserv ed, and if not, to preserve her own safety and her own welfare out of the Union. Mr President, after the loss of the bill, I really intended to say nothing about it. The senator from Kentuckv insists that it was a bill to give peace and tranquility to ihe country. I am satisfied that he thought soj that that was his design and object,! and that that would be the first and great-: est wish of his heart. But, sir, I am quite satisfied that if it had passed, and if peace had been given to the country, it would i have been a peace purchased by the sur render of the independence of all the southern States -a peace purchased by the surrender on the part of all . the. southern; States of their right to equality with the other States of this Union. I may have been wrong in that judgment; it was the best thatT could pass1 upon it; and that we all. acted upon the best; judgment we could bring to bear upon it, I have no! doubt none in the world. I should havej been highly gratified had it been in my power to have contributed to its passage,: but I found it impossible and impractica ble. . ; : Perhaps, sir, what I have said has been; a little iu advance of the occasion for Ij rose merely to reply to so .much. of the re-' marks of the senator from. ; Kentucky as! implicated what I "believe not -to be the truei theory of our government,, and what. I be-l lieve to be a dangerous one. While I was!, up, I desired to present to ,. the Senate the materials I had collected. to show how thej vote of the Missouri Compromise line of; 36 deg. 30 nun. stood la 1848, and having performed that duty, I will not further trespass on the time of the Senate. Mr BUTlaSill' A great deal, Mr Pre sident, has been said about the responsi bility which senators have incurred in re lation to certain measures that have been under consideration, and of other measures that are likely to be introduced. The oc casion and the responsibility connected with it are well calculated to suggest very grave considerations. We are dealing with the events, of a fearful history. Per mit me to .say that certain results which rentleme'n so much .denrecate in words will be hastened by. the language which has been so ireeiy indulged in; by the preachers of harmony. The Senate, will bear, me witness that I have not, in any remarks I have thought proper to submit to the Senate., introduced into the debate a single -element, so far as I am aware, to inflame the public ; mindor the senate. 1 have ma'de up my. mint! as to measures, and am willing to look results in the face- '"The particular subject before the senate at this time I' understand to be the amendment of the senator from Missis sippi, Mr Foote. J I wish to" say a word or two upon that, sirv and then pass to the other' topics. I am perfectly willing to vote for that amendment,' with the und'eH standing that it w ill be'; to make' a future State, or to give authority to make a future State in California in other words to make a southern boundary for California. ' But if it be the intention to curtail the limits of a people to produce a State, with the un derstanding that the senators and repre sentatives elected by the people of Califor nia, or the so-called legislature of Califor nia, shall take their seats unJer the cur tailed limits I do not go for it, because I think we have no right to make any such arrangements for them. It will be a dif ferent State from that which they are fram ing for themselves. But, sir, for the pur pose of harmony, harmonizing, and going so- far as I. can consistently with my duty to a State and obligations to a federal gov ernment for I have obligations to both 1 will yield to all that' honor will allow; j but to oppression arm injustice, to me pre tenders of arrogant dictation, I will yield nothing on this question. 1; will yield, sir, so far as 1o say, I - will take a new boundary 35 degl 30 min because that boundary is said to be convenient arid na tural along a mountain. Thirty-six deg. aud thirty min. is that which has been of ten indicated as the line: this is arbitrary, and if it become a point of honor I will in sist on it. This proposes 35 deg. and SO min. because it has eternal landmarks to indicate it. It takes oft' nothing valuable below. .. In looking to a decision, I will consult good faith and the dictates of nature. But we become heated in coutroversy. I had been willing to that as a line of a territory. But, sir, under no circumstances can 1 go for the amendment to curtail limits, with the understanding that the senators and representatives can take their seats as the representatives of a State that has been or ganized. I look to a State to be organized, and to be organized underthe constitution and in a mode known to the constitution In my present situation, I owe obligations to that constitution : -they impose impor tant duties on me. They are such, how ever, as I must regard as consistent with those of my own State. My opinions am! judgment may be very different from gen tlemen who have but one government to serve.! Mr President, my opinions of duty vary very materially from those w hich have been expressed by the honorable senator fiom Kentucky fMr Clay. If, sir, the honor able senator from Kentucky is anxious for an occasion to trv the strcDirth of this irv eminent, perhaps he may biing ab.out 4 he occasion by measures of injustice, and op pression, of which I belieye. him the com mitted advocate. Sir, it will never be brought about any otherwise. It may be hastened, ant! if so, it Will be by those who consult the apparent strong. And I will say that, if that occasion ever shall arise for tiyiiig the' strength of this government against a slnglcState, or a uurnber of States, who mav disnute its authority, the senator and myself w ill be f uiTd in very different attitudes. Sir, if I understand" 'his pro position, fand it is not the first time he has made it here; J it is "that under no circum-i stances under no circumstances : would1 he be found to resist the federal govern-i merit, provided its measures .-should bei adopted bv a mere maturity, ; havin'ir thei sanction of his judgment that they werei constitutional, and the .sanction of a ma-; jority would make anything constitutional.; In other words, the States of this confed-i ' e racy are to have their destinies and their, rights subjected to the arbitrary decision of an uncontrolled, self-sustained, and inter-, ested majority, and that makes the law forj him; and he says, sir, that he will follow! the standard of such a government to blood, and that if any State, or the people of any State, should raise the standard of resist ance to such measures, he will be found; readv, with his arm and voice, to stand bv: that standard and miimle in the blood of civil war. The State of South Carolina, : Mr President, has been too often alluded to for one of her representatives to mistake the aim.; I do. not. think that South Caro lina. has ever gone further or has gone as far as other southern States in the Union. The senator from Kentucky limited his re mark to a single State, or the people of a single State. Mv friend from Virginia noticed that part of his remark, and I shall not add anything by way of amplification. But,' sir, lie has said that the Wilmot pro viso, that the abolition of the slave trade of the District of Columbia, or the aboli tion of slavery anywhere, any measure that could be adopted, connected with this bill, that he could regard as constitutional and he regards them all as constitutional should have his support, calling to his aid the bayonets of this confederacy to put down all measures of resistance. lie ad vocates the doctrines of a despotism, un der the disguise of a name. Mr President, Virginia I believe North. Carolina, cer tainly South Carolina I speak for her Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and 1 speak confidently of these States have said, in solemn legislative resolves, that if tiie Congress of the U. States shall enact the Wilmot proviso, or ahy kindre d meas ure to insult and degrade the States whose rights would be threatened- by them, they would resist it: some form or other; and I will sav to the honorable senator that he! might find something more than pleasing the gallery necessary to sustain htm in such a conflict. The gallery, with their endorser near me, might not be so potent as appearances would indicate. Mr President, I believe the honorable senator is a Virginian by birth. Sir, he has in some degree, reflected honor on his mother, and has given reputation to the State with which he has been identified Kentucky, I award him all that history will award him, and what history may not deny him; but I will bring to him a beau tiful illustration ol the feeling which a child feels for the mother, even under the temptation of commanding duty. When Bernadotte was combining with the allied powers to make war with Bonaparte, he was both a sovereign and an ally;-but it was one of tiie most touching incidents of history that, while he was willing to devise measures to put down Napoleon Honaparte who was as an enemy to Europe and the na tion of which he was sovereign, he said, when he approached the confines of Fiance, he could nut press a hostile toot upon the land of his nath ity. Such a sentiment would not control the honorable gentleman. I heard the honorable senator from Kentucky say that if Virginia, true to her history, should undertake to maintain Irer resolu tions and resist the Wilmot Proviso, and other acts of injustice and oppression brought about by the acts of this govern ment, and which she has denounced as a cause of resistance, he would be found mingling his blood upon the soil of his birth, to put her down as a traitor to- the confederacy or government, as he' calls it. Sir, those who have been spoken of as resisting I have enumerated: they are. Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia; Alabama, and Mississippi. - They all.made the same declaration It is for for history to say thesje resolves are good when the occasion shall occur; as indicated in them. It will be for history to say how far their sons will be found" ready to co operate with the. federal government in extinguishing an honorable determination of the members to resist measures of des potism br blood. Sir, there are in Virgin ia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and the other States enumerated, officers in the army paid by-the federal government in partpaid bv those States I should like to See the recreant who could come with his sword against his uative Statefor I would call such a one a recreant in every s.enseof the word. Sir, of the oflicer that would do it, (I will not undertake to name him,) I have givvn the anecdote tf Berna dotte as an illustration ot tTte opinion ; I should entertain. Now, sir, I shall not arraign the motives of the honorable seua tor, nor shall I undertake to dispute hij principles; for he has openly said, right or w rong,-if he believed any measure of the. majority of ;this government constitutional nd all a-ctsi under its forms, he would regard constitutional he' would maintain it to, blond .umder the .obligation of his allegiance 4o the -Union. My allegiance, as 1 have aid,.is to the State of my r.ativ vityiaud tiie St;tte- that gives me protec tion, and bur voice will always command my services; Yes, sir, I will go to her bidding, as a dutiful child to that of Ids mother. (Ivd , knows the last thing I could think of it is, so far to be involved in. civil strief as to exemplify this duty. There is uotliing moie appalling than the -thought.. that-.-.friends and neighbors should .carouse over a brook in the evening, and Stain it with blood the next morning in ci.vil strife 7-tq think of; sustaining life by drinking of the stream (hat should be dis colored by the blood of slaughter arid death. X do not wish to ba in ;tbout occasion for such scenes for I do ;not look upon them with: the same conteniplacy that the honor ble gentleman does. . Peiliaps I have not the same heart and courage to look upon them. They may be averted, but it must be by something more than the mere prais es of Union in terms. South Carolina has given real evidence of her willingness to avert such a state of things. Ay, sir, upon a mere point of honor she has looked.to the termination of this con troversy. Her people have .made sacrifi ces and have abided by,tvafious compromises- But, we are not exactly worship pers of Juggernaut, to prostrate ourselves, and to be .crushed by the wheels of the Union, when, it shall- be wielded by an unprincipled and insolent majority. No, sir; duty to herself self-respect -will re quire her to stand to her rights. She did not go into the confederacy to have them sacrificed under the name of the Union. The views of the senator and myself spring entirely from our notions of allegiance, , no doubt. 1 never could go to South Caroli na, and cross the line to fight under any banner but I never could do it under the command of an unjust government, and, in my opinion, under the authority of meas ures brought about by a system policy look ing with a selfish regard to a majority in disregard to the interests intended to be secured by that holy instrument; and when tiie covenant is torn to pieces, I shall be ready to act under ttyedictatcs of my true allegiance for. myself. , It may be averted, a.nd. the honorable, senator supposes it may be aver.tqd.by hi bill. That is an assump tion -a pure assumption Is he to sup pose that nothing .can .secure the govern ment but compromises, made not., exactly at iiis instance but tuch compromises as he shall regard .as a sovereign remedy? I must be permitted to say, as my friend from Maryland has said, Mr Pearce, he ought to allow gentlemen to have some thing of self-respect in giving utterance to their opinions? Are his measures alone to escape opposition? I hope, sir. that fear is no councellor with me. 1 have, however, as i.mqch fear of consequence as any man; and 1 say now, that if you can have no better, measures than tle one now proposed to avert what I fear is. coining upap the country, it would .not have, done it. And I have not had so much fear as to yield to a name. 'There may be a contest, and it win not ue mane uy. a single oiaie. 1 lie gentleman, will have, to encounter a. com bination of States. He may wish to select' a "Stule, or the people of a State. 1 will not deny to him the tribute I have paid hi a talentsr I could not withhold what history may award; but in such a contest his name will be as nothing. I believe he loves this Union that his fame is identified with it, -and I pardon' much in one whose history.! so much connected with' it; but he must pardon me at the same time for saying, that in his eagerness to preserve this Union, he is advocating doctrines and usins lanuasre that will destroy it. Praises of the;U'ifI6n are not device's that may tend to preserve it. Do justice to the obligations of the constitution injustice and not insult the weak: that is'tjn; way 'to inculcate har mony. To threaten violence, to use dis respectful language, is the' surest ay to kindle strife, ami bring sections into hos tile array. To talk of treason, and to im pute it, will not make it so. Treason con sists in betraying 'a triJst, or a refusal to discharge a duty to the constitution of the country. ' I atHI conclude by saying that people whff have the privilege of dying with arms' in their hands willrweyer be hutig:as trait ors; and shooting iiiay be ari even game. I do not wish .thodccaiioir, a's the gentleman does, 'to try : the trcngtl) of his govern ment. ' r ""'...'-. Lakgk Cqttos Stalk The Central Georgian of yesterday Vays: "Mr Win. Fi '.Wamble, brought in a cotton stalk last weekl'thai beats'anything that we have seen , It; was five feet eight inches high, am! had on it ' three " hundred 2 and , aixty bolls and squares." 4 7 '"t ' " -.