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j BV WILEY, M'OCTI.B&HeitSg"_ jUSCALOOSA, SATERHAV MORMHiC, JAMAARE 1, TK3!. VOI.IIME I1...MDKBEK 30. ’ PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE. r On the 7th «f IJfceember, at the hour of 12 o’cloek, V Pw rsideut of the United States transmitted to both Hot.V«,of Congress the following MESSAGES - Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives. The pleasure I have in congratulating you upon your return to your constitutional duties, is much heightened by the satisfaction which the condition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires. The beneficent Aut’aof of all good has granted to us, during the pre sent year, health, peace, and plenty, and nu merous causes for joy in the wonderful success which attends the progress of our free insti tutions. With a population unparallelled in 't* in crease, and possessing a character which com bines the hardihood of cnterpriie with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in e ■••ry section of our happy country a stead: : n provement in the means of social intercc i***, and correspondent effects upon the geniu- <nd laws of our extended republic. The apparent exceptions to the haiiMiiy of the prospect are to be referred rather to inevitable diversities in the various inter*at whiefi enter into the compo*h’Ton f so e u slve a whole, than to any want of altar’ ‘‘-’St to the Union—.interests whose collisions servfc only, in the end, to foster the spirit of conci liation and patriotism, so essential to the pre servation of that union which, I most devoutly hope, is destined to prove imperishable. In the midst of these blessings, we have re- . cently witnessed changes in the condition of other nations, which mav, in their consequen ces, call for the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and unanimity in our councils, and the exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our pec pie. The important modifications of their go vernment, effected with so much courage and wisdom by the people of France, afford a happy presage of their future course, and has naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of this nation that spontaneous and universal burst of applause in which you have partici pated. In congratulating you, my fellow citi zens, upon an event so auspicious to the dear est interests of mankind, I do no more than respond to the voice of my country, without transcending, in the slightest degree, that sa lutary maxim of the illustrious Washington, which enjoins an abstinence from all interfer ence with the internal affairs of other nations. From apeople exercising, in the most unlimit ed degree, the right of self-government, and enjoying, as derived from this proud charac teristic, under the favor of heaven, much of the happiness with which they are blessed; a people who can point in triumph .to their free institutions, and challenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as well as with the moderation, intelligence, and energy, with which they are administered; from such a people, the deepest sympathy was to be ex pected in a struggle for the sacred principles of liberty, conducted in a spirit every way worthy of the cause, and crowned by an he roic moderation which has disarmed revolu tion of its terrors. Notwithstanding the strong assurances which the man whom we so sin cerely love and justly admire has given to the world of the high character of the present King of the French, and which, if sustained to the end, will secure to him the proud appina tion of Patriot King, it is not in his success, but in that of the great principle which has borne him to the throne—the paramount au thority of the public will—that the American people rejoice. 1 am happy to inform you that the anticipa tions which were indulged at the date of my last communication on the subject of our for eign affairs, have been fully realized in several important particulars. An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain, in relation tothe trade between the United States and her West India and Nocth American colonies, which has settled a question that has for years afforded matter ror contention and almost uninterrupted dis 'tssion, and has been the subject of no less an six negotiations, in a manner which pro ses results highly favorable to the parties. The abstract right of Great Britain to mo opolize the trade with her colonies, or to ex ludeus from a participation therein, has ne er been denied by the United States. But we have contended, and with reason, that if, at any time, Great Britain may desire the pro ductions of this country, as necessary to her colonies, they must be received upon princi ples of just reciprocity; and further, that it is makingan invidious and unfriendly distinction, to open her colonial ports to the vessels of o ther nations, and close them against those of the United States. Antecedently to 1794', a portion of our pro ductions was admitted into the colonial islands of Great Britain, by particular concession, li mited to the term of one year, but renewed from year to year. In the transportation of these productions, however, our vessels were not allowed to engage; this being a privilege reserved to British shipping, by which alone our produce could be taken to the islands, and theirs brought to us in return. From New foundland and her continental possessions, all our productions, ns well as our vessels, were excluded, with occasional relaxations, by which, in seasons of distress, the former were admitted in British bottoms. By thetreaty of 1794, she offered to concede .ous, for alimited time, the right of carrying to her West India possessions, in our vessels it exceeding seventy tons burden, and upop e same terms as British vessels, any product ns of the United States which British ves Je might import therefrom. But this pri ilege was coupled with conditions which an supposed to have led to its rejection by the Se late; that is, that American vissels should land their return cargoes in the United States cnlyj and, moreover, that they should, during :he continuance of the privilege, be preclud id from carrying molasses, sugar, coffee, co coa, or cotton, either from those islands, or' from the United States, to any other part of the world. Great Britain readily consulted to expunge this article from the treaty; and subsequent attempts to arrage the terms of the trade, either by treaty stipulations or con certed legislation, having failed, it has been successively suspended and allowed, accord ing to the varying legislation of the parties. The following are the prominent points which have, in later years, separated the two Governments. Besides a restriction, where by all importations into her colonies in Ame rican vessels are confined to our own products carried hence, a restriction to which it does not appear that we have ever objected, a lead ing object on the part of Great Britain has been to prevent us from becoming the car riers of British West India commodities to any other country than our own. On the part of the United States, it has been contended, 1st That the subject should be regulated by trea ty stipulations, in preference to separate le oh That our nrodur'ictio ■ I>e subject to higher duties than the produc tions of the mother country, or of her other cnloiial possessions; and, 3d. That our ves sels thojd(l be allowed to participate in the circuitous trade between the United States and Afferent parts of the British dominions. TUe first point, after having been, for a long time, strenuously insisted upon by Great Bri tain, Was given up by the act of Parliament of July, 1823; all vessels suffered to trade with the colonies being permitted to clear fysm thenefe with any articles which British vessels might export; and proceed to any part of the world, Great Britain and her dependencies alone excepted. On our part, each of the above points had, in succession, been expli citly abandoned in negotiations preceding that of wli'fh the result is now announced. Thi» arrangement secures to the United States every advantage asked by them, and which the Btate of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon. The trade will be placed up on a footing decidedly more favorable to this country than any on which it ever stood; ami our commerce and navigation will enjoy, in the coloni^ ports of Great Britain, every pri vilege allowed to otbfer.nktjon*. 'f>! * the prosperity of tne count v, for as it deDends ort this trade, will he trre.nly I promoted by the new arrangement, there can be no doubt. Independently cf the more ob vious advantages cf an open and direct inter course, its establishment will be attended with other ciiusequenccs of a higher value. That •"hich has been carried on since the mutual interdict under all the expense and inconve nience ana', idably incident to it, would havi been in supportably onerous, had it not been, in a great degree, lightened by concerted eva sions in the mode cf making the transhipments at what are called the neutral ports. These indirections are inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motives, not only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to maintain such relations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects to efforts of di rect, open, and honorable competition only ; and prrserve them fr< m the influence of se ductive and vitiating circumstances. When your preliminary interposition was asked at the close of the last session, a copy of the instructions under which Mr McLane has acted, tog tiier with the communications which had at that time passed between him and the British Government, was laid befoul you. Although there has not been any thing in the acts of the two Governments which re quires secrecy, it was thought most proper, in the then state of the negotiation, to make that communication a confidential one. So soon, however, as the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain is received, the whole matter shall bejlaid before you, when I it will be seen that the apprehension which ' appeal s to have suggested one of the provi- I sions ot the act passed at your last session, that the restoration of the trade in question might be connected with other subjects, and was sought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public interests in other particulars, was wholly unfounded; andthatthe change which has taken place in the views of the British Government has been induced by considera tions as honorable to both parties as, I trust, the result will prove beneficial. This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly promoted by the liberal and confid'rg. provisions of the act of Congress of the last session, by which our ports were, upon the reception and annunciation by the President of the required assurance on the part of Great Britain, forthwith opened to her vessels, be fore the arrangement could be carried into ef fect on her part; pursuing in this act of pros pective legislation, a similar course to that a dopted by Great Britain, in abolishing, by her act of Parliament, in 18J5, a restriction then existing, and pertnitting our vessels to clear from the colonies, cn their return voyages, for any foreign country whatever, before Bri tish vessels had been relieved from the re striction imposed by our law, of returning di rectly from the United States to the colonies —a restriction which slic required and ex pected that we should abolish. Upon each , occasion, a limited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party, but an! aelvantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration of mutual confidence and good feelings, and the ultimate establishment! of the trade upon fair principles. It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you i that this negotiation has been, throughout, j characterised by the most frank and friendly spirit on the part of Great Britain, and con cluded in a maimer strongly indicative of a sin cere desire to cultivate the best relations with the U.States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent of my ability, is a duty which 1 shall deem it a privilege to discharge. Although the result is, itself, the best com mentary en the services rendered to his coun try by cur Minister at the court of St. James, it would be doing violence to my feelings were I to dismiss the subject without expressing the very high sense 1 entertain of the talent and exertion which have been displayed by him cn the occasion. 1 he injury to the commerce of the united States resulting from the exclusion of our ves sels from the Black Sea,and the previous foot ing of mere sufferance upon even the limited trade enjoyed by us with Turkey has hitherto been placed, have, for a long time, been a source of much solicitude to this Government; and several endeavors have been made to ob tain a better state of things. Sensible of the importance of the Object, 1 felt it my duty to leave no prop, r means unemployed to acquire for our liag the same privileges that are en joyed by the principal powers cf Europe.— Commissioners were, consequently, appoint ed, to open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte. Not long after the member of the commission who went directly from the Uni ted States had sailed, the account of the trea ty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects tn view was suppestd to be secured, reached this country. The Black sea was understoed 1<J be open to us. Under the supposition that this was tliu case, the additional facilities to be derived Um the establishment of com mercial regulutic ns with the Porte were deem ed of sufficient importance to require a prose cution of the negotiation asbriginally contem plated. Jt was therefore persevered in, and resulted in a tueaty, which will be forthwith laid before theTsenate. By its provisions, a free passage is secured, without limitation of time, to the vessels of the United States, to and from the Black Sea, including the navigation thereof; and our trade with Turkey is placed on the footing of the most favored nation. The latter is an ar lagement wholly independent of the treaty of Adrianople; and the former derives niucli va lue, not duly from the increased security which, undtrany circumstances, it would give to the right in question, but from the fact, as certained in the course of the negotiation, that, by thf * Atruction put upon that treaty by '1 url f, '■'TjV^icle relating to the passage of MsjJfesaL ' :lie Bosphorus is Confined ' reaties with the Port** [eel ngs appear to' / / tan, and an enligl >y him to foster ,e , :wo countries u bet nents. Thi. . will Do our diw_, md interest tc Our relations with Russia are of the most tab!" character. Respect for that empire, nd confidence in its friendship towards the Jnited States, have been so long entertained n our part, and so carefully cherished by the resent Emperor and his illustrious predcces ir, as to have become incorporated with the ublic sentiment of the United States. No leans will be left unemployed on my part to remote these salutary feelings, and those nprovements of which the commercial inter course between the two countries is suscepti ble, Uul which have derived increased 'mpor tanedfrom our treaty with the Sublime Porte. I itnyerely regret to inform you that our Mindter lately commissioned to that court, on wh. j distinguished talents and great experi 1 no n oublic affairs I place great reliance, lias. i compelled by extreme indisposition '■>. ibC a privilege, which, in considera I <i\v 'the extent to which his constitution had I hem impaired in the public service, was com ! mined to his discretion,—of leaving tempo rarily his pest tnr the advantage of a more ! genial climate. If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburg, and resume the discharge of his official duties. 1 have received the most satisfactory assurance that, in the meantime, the public interests in that quarter will be preserved from preju dice, by the intercourse which he will conti nue, through the Secretary of Legation, with the Russian cabinet. You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been officially announced to t ie House ot Representatives, that a treaty wo , in the month cf March last, concluded between the United States and Denmark, by which §650, 000 are secured to o,.r citizens as an indemni ty for spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810. and 1811. This trea ty was sanctioned'by the Senate at the close of its last session, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessary law s for the organization of the Board of Commissioners to distribute the indemnity amongst the claim ants. It is an agreeable circumstance in this adjustment, that its terms are in conformity with the previously ascertained views of tilt claimants themselves; thus removing all pre tence for a future agitation of the subject in any farm, The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as remain to be adjusted, have been actively prosecuted during the re cess. Material advances have been made, which are of a character to promise favora ble results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is notin a situation to invite aggression; and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most libe ral and friendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfil our engagements with scrupulous fi delity; limiting our demands upon others to mere justice; holding ourselves ever ready to I do unto them as we would wish to be dong by; arid .'.voiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any nation, it appears to me im possible that a sinple and sincere application ofour principles to our foreign relations can fal to place them ultimately upon the footing onwhich it is our wish they should rest. Of the points referred to, the most promi nent are, our claims upon France for spolia tions upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the two coun tries, which ought to be removed; the con clusion of the treaty of commerce and naviga tion with Mexico, which has been so long in suspense, as well as the final settlement of limits between ourselves and that republic; and, finally, the arbitrament of the question between the United States and Great Britain | in regard to the northeastern boundary. The negotiation with France has been con ducted by our Minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termi nation was occasionally dimmed by counter pretensions, to which the United States could not assent, he yet hud strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satisfactory settlement with the late Government. The negotiation lias been renewed with the present authorities; and, sensible of the general and lively confi dence of our citizens in the justice and magna nimity of regenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power, yet, to an nounce tlie result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation, lias been taken; and I do not al low myself to doubt that justice will soon be done to us. The amount of the claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and their incontrovertible justice, make an earnest prosecution of them by this Govern ment an urgent duty. The illegality of the seisures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed; and whateverdis tinctions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the liability of the existing Govern ment, it is quite clear that such considerations cann >t now be interposed. The commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible cf highly advan tageous impr cements; but the sense of this injury lias had, and must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. From its satislactc ry adjustment, not only a firm and cordial fr.cndship.but a progressivedevelope nient of all their relations, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old arid vexatious subject of difference may be speedily removed. 1 feel that my confidence in cur appeal to the mctlVes which should govern a just and magnanimous nation, is alike warranted by the character of the French pec pie, and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure integrity of the monarch who now presides over their councils; and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any ma nifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one-of corresponding frankness and liberality. The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the vie w of that Gu\ eminent, by our Minister there, with much f rce and propriety; and the strongest assurances, have been received of their early and favorable con sideration. The steps which Remained to place the matter in controversy between Great Britain and the Unjted States fairly before the arbi trator, have all been taken in the same libe ral and friendly spirit which characterised those before announced. Recent events have doubtless served to delay the decision, but our Minister at the court of the-distinguished ar bitrator has been assured that it will be made within the time contemplated by Uy 4 I am particularly gratified in peu -\__ 1 favo»- -id, as I .id in our 1A- epublic of ■mnded sns *er vocation, have been, I believe, entirely removed; and the Government of Mexico has been made to understand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard to that country. The consequence is, the establish ment of friendship ami mutual confidence. Such are the assurances which I have re ceived, and 1 see no cause to doubt their sin cerity. I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the present occasion. Cir cumstances which arc not explained, but which, I am persuaded, are not the result of an indisposition on.her part to enter into it, have produced the delay. There was reason to fear, in the course of the last summer, that the harmonv of our re lations might be disturbed by the acts of cer tain claimmts under Mexican grants of terri tory whichJias h itherto been under our juris diction. Tae co-operatii n of tl*e represen tative cf Mexico near this Government was asked or,■the ecemson, and was r adily afford ed. Instructions nn-1 advice have been given to the Governor cf Arkansas and the officers in command in the adj .ning Mexican State, by which it is hoped, the quiet of that fron tier wiil he pre served, until a final settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of cor.tr .verse. The exchange; of ratifications of the treaty concluded last rear with Austria has not yet taken place. I he delay has been f ccasioned by the nc n arrival of the ratification of that Government within the t' ae proscribed In the treaty. Renewed authority has been ask cdfor by the representative of Austria; and, in the meantime, the rapidly increasing trade and navigation between the two countries have Inc n placed upon the most liberal foot ing of the navigation acts. Several alleged depredations have been re cently committed on our commerce by th nu ti' nui rcssels of Portugal. They hive been made :he subject of immediate remonstrance ami reclamation. I am not yet possessed of sulficirnt information to express a definitive opinio of thi ircharactcr, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means shall be omit ted toobtain for our citizens ail the redress to which they may appear to be entitled. Alnost at the moment cf tile-adjournment of yovlast session, two bills, the one entitled “An :ct for making appropriation f, r building light-louses, light-bents, beacons, and monu ments. placing buoys, and for improving har bors aid for directing surveys,” and the other “An ict to authorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal Compa ny,” were submitted for my approval. It was not possible, within the time allowed me, be fore tie close of the session, to give these bills the consideration which was due to their cha racter and importance; and I was compelled to retain them for that purpose. 1 now avail myself of this early opportunity to return them to the Houses in which they respectively Originated, with the reasons which, after ma ture deliberation, compelled me to withhold tov approval. I lie practice cf defraying out of the Trea sury of the United States the expenses incur red by the establishment and support of light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, within the bays, inlets, harbftrs, and ports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and easy, is coeval with the adop tion of the Constitution, and has been continu ed without interruption or dispute. As our foreign commerce increased, and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of ports of entry and de livery, upon our navigable rivers, the'sphere of those expenditures received a corrcspond enlargement. Light-houses, beacons, buo ys, public piers, and the removal of sand-bars, sawyers, and other partial or temporary impe diments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced in the revenue districts from time to time established by law, were authorized upon the same, prnciple, and the expense defrayed in the same manner. That these,expenses have at times been extrava gant and disproportionate, is very probable. The circumstances under which they are in curred ure well calculated to lead to such a result, unless their application is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages arising from the disbursement of public money too frequently, it is to be feared, invite appro priations for objects of this character, that are neither necessary nor useful. The number of light-house keepers is already very large, and the bill before me proposes to add to it iifty-one more, of various descriptions. From repre sentations upon tire subject, which are under stood te be entitled to respect, Iain induced to believe that there has not only been great im providence in the past expenditures of the Government upon these objects, but that the security of navigation has, in some instances been diminished by the multiplication of light houses, and consequent cb mge of lights, up on the coast. It is in this, as in other respects, our eluty to avoid all unnecessary expense, as well ns e v ery increase of patronage not called for by the public service. Hut, in the dis charge of tii.it duty in this particular, it must net Ik- forgotten that, in relation to our fo reign commence, the burden and benefit of ■protect ng end accommod .ting it necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the pet pie thro’ the cu»tcm-hi use. It is indisputable, that whatever gives facility and security to navi gation, cheapens imports; and all who cc n sume them arc alike interested in whatever produces this effect. If they consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise, they do not pay. The consumer in the most in land State derives the same advantage from every necessi.ry and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our foreign com merce and navigation, that he dees, who re sides in a maratime State. Local expendi tures have not, of themselves, a correspond ent operation. From a bill making direct appropriations for such objects, I should not have withheld my assent. The one now returned does so in several particulars, but it also contains appro priations for surveys of a local character w n.ch i cannot approve. It gives me satisfaction to find that uo serious inconvenience has arisen from withholding my approval from ibis bill; nor will it, 1 trust, be cause of regret that an opportunity will he thereby afiorded for Con gress to review its provisions under circum stances better calculated for full investigation than those under which it was passed. In speaking of direct appropriations, I mean not to include a practice which has ob tained to some extent, and to which 1 .have, 'U one instance, in a different capacity, givtin ■s^rit—that of subscribing to the stock Vf private associations. Positive experience, and a more thorough consideration of the subject, have convinced me of the impropriety as well as inexpediency of such investments.— All improvements effected by the funds r f the nation for general use should be open to the enjoyment of all our fellow cittzcns, exempt from the payment of tolls, nr any imposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the concerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals is inconsistent witli the object of its institution, and highly impolitic. The successful operation of the Fe deral system can only be preserved by con fining it to the few simple, but yet impor tant objects for which it was designed. A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately change the character of this Government, by consolidating into one* the General and Stato Governments, which were intended to be kept forever distinct. I can not perceive how bills authorizing such sub scriptions can be Otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and consequently subject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the Con stitute,n. If the ir crest of the Government in private compan.es is subordinate to that of individuals, the management and control of a portion of the public funds is delegated to an authority unkpo" ‘- ■ ’ .. c , —.1 oeyonci tne supervision ot our constituents; u superior, its officers and agents w;U be con stantly ex post d to imputations of favoritism and oppression. Direct prejudice to the pub lic interest, or an alienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people, may therefore, in addition to the general discredit resulting to the Government from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary speculations be looked for as the probable fruit < f such as sociations. It is no finswer to tills objection to say that the extent of consequences like these cannot be great from a limited and small num ber of investments: because experience in ■ tlier matters teaches us, and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions, that un less an entire stop be put to them, it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation, until they are spread over the whole country, and made to embrace many of the private and appropriate coiicems of individuals. The power which the General Government we uld acquire within the several States by becoming the principal st: ckliolder in corp - rations, c ntrolSng every canal, and each six ty or hundred miles of every important road, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is alnost inconceivable, and, in my view, dangerous to the liberties of the people. This mode of aiding such works is, also, in its nature, deceptive, and in many cases con ducive to improvidence in the administration of the national funds. Appropriations will he obtained with much greater facility, and gran ted witli less security to the public interest, when the measure is thus disguised, than when definite and direct expenditures of mo ney are askfd for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular ob jects. In a Government like ours, more espe cially, should all public acts be, as far as prac t cable, sjtnple, undisguised, end intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for the ap approbatiui oranimadversion of the people.— Thebill authorizing a subscription to the Lou isville and Portland canal affords a striking il lustraion of the difficulty of withholding addi ditional appropriations for the same object, when the first erroneous step has been taken by inslitutinga partnership between the Go vernmehtand private companies. It proposes a third subscription on the part of the U. States, when each preceding one was at the time re garded as the extent of the aid which Go vernment was to render to that work; and the accompanying bill for light-houses, &c. con tains an appropriation for a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its improvement, by removing the obstruction which the canal isdcsignedto avoid. This improvement, if successful, would afiord a free passage to the river, and render the canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is the course of legisla tion subject, in relation to internal improve ments on local matters, even with the best in tentions on the part of Congress. Although the motives which have influenc ed me in this matter, may be already suffi ciently stated, I ant nevertheless, induced by its importance to add a few observations of a general character. In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions to the Maysville and Rockville Road Companies, I expressed my views fully in regard to the power of Congress to con struct roads and canals within a State, or to appropriate money for improvements of a lo cal character. I, at the same time, intimated my belief that the right to make appropria tions for such as were of a national character had been so generally acted upon, and so long acquiesced in by the Federal and State Go vernments, and the constituents of each, as to justify its exercise on the ground of continued and uninterrupted usage; but that it was, ne vertheless, highly expedient that appropria tions, even of that character, should, with the exception made at the time, be deferred until the national debt is paid, and that, in the mean while, some general rule for the action of the Government in that respect ought to be established. These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of tnc question then before me, and were, I readily admit, intended to awaken the attentu u and dyaw forth the opinions and i b servatu ns of c ur constituents, up; n a subject of the highest importance to their interests, an . one destined to exert a powerful influence upon the future operations • four p litical sys tem. l.kuow of no tribunal to which a pub lic man in tins country, in a case of doubt and difficulty, can appeal with greater ad’mtage or more propriety, than the judgement of the people; and although 1 must necessarily, in the discharge of my official duties, be govern ed'by the dictates of my own judgement, I have no desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform, as far as lean, to the views of those for w horn I act. All irregular expressions < f public opinion are ol necessity attended witli some doubt as to their accuracy; hut, making full allowan ces in that account, 1 cannot, 1 think, deceive myself .n helloing, that the acts referred to, as well us the suggestions which 1 allowed my self to make in relation to their be .ring upon die future operations of the Government, have been approved by the great body cl the people. That those whose immediate pecu niary interests arc to be affected by proposed expenditures should shrink irom the applica tion of a rule winch prefers their mol e gener al and remote interests to those which are personal aiul immediate, is to be expected. But even sucli objections must, from the na ture of our population, be but temporary in their duration; and if it were otherwise, our course should be the same; for the time is yet, I hope, far distant, when those entrusted with power to be exercised for the' good of the Y mt.—mi - whole, will consider it either honest or wise if! to purchase local favor at the sacrifice of prin ciple and the general good. So understanding public sentiment, and tho roughly satisfied that the best interests of our -ft common country imperiously require that the course which 1 Inve recommended in this re gard should be adopted, I have, upon the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it. It is due to candor, ^ well as to my own feel ings, that I should express the reluctance and anxiety which I must at all times experience in cxercising'the undoubted right of the Exec utive to withhold his assent from bills on other grounds than their unconstitulionality. That this right should not be exercised on slight oc casions all will admit. It is only in matters of deep interest, when the principle involved may be justly regarded as next in importance to infractions of the Constitution il self, that such a step can be expected to meet with tiie ap probation of the people. Such an occasio n do I conscientiously believe the pheserc to, be. In the discharge of this deliciue and highly responsible duty, I am sustained by the reflection that the exercise of this power has been deemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of my predecessors; ■ ■ ' 7 - n ns inn, tor , that, whatever liberal institution*ovdy hav- - r— .. encroachments cf Executive power, which lias been every where the cause of so much strife and bloody contention, hut little danger is to be apprehended from a precedent by which that authority denies to itself the exer cise of powers th it bring in their train influ ence and patronage of great extent; and thus excludes the operation of personal interests, every where the bane of official trust. I de rive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from the reflection, that, if I have mistaken the in terests and wishes of the people, the Constitu tion affords the means of soon redressing the, error, by selecting for the place their favor' has bestowed upon me, a citizen whose opin ions may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean time, the interests of the nation will be saved from prejudice, by a rigid applica tion of that portion of the public funds which might otherwise be applied to different ob jects, to that highest of all our obligations, the payment of the public debt, and an opportu nity be afforded for the adoption of some bet ter rule f r the operations of the Government in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon. Profoundly impressed with the importance of the subject, not merely as it relates to the general prosperity of the country, but to the safety of the federal system, I cannot avoid repeating my earnest hope that al) good ci tizens, who take a proper interest in the suc cess and harmony of our admirable political institutions, and who arc incapable of desiring to convert an opposite state of things into means for the gratification of personal ambi tion—will, laying aside minor considerations and discarding local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establish some fixed ge neral principle, which shall be calculated to effect the greatest extent of public good in re gard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford the least ground for sectional dis content. The general ground of my objection to lo cal appropriations has been heretofore ex pressed; and I shall endeavor to avoid a re pitition of what has been already urged—the importance of sustaining the State Sovereign ties, as fur as is consistent with the rightful action of the Federal Government, and of pre serving the greatest attainable harmony be tween them. I will now only add an expres sion of my conviction—a conviction which ev ery day’s experience serves to confirm—that the political creed which inculcates the pur suit of those great objects as a paramount du- ' ty, is the true faith, and one to which we are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire system, and to which we must alone look for its future stability. That there are diversities in the interests of the different States which compose this ex tensive confederacy, must be admitted.— Those diversities, arising from situation, cli mate, population, and pursuits, are doubtlessj as it is natural they should be, greatly exag gerated by jealousies, and that spirit of rival ry so inseparable from neighboring commu nities. These circumstances make it the du ty of those who are entrusted with the man agement of its affairs, to neutralise their ef fects as far as practicable, by making the be neficial operation of the Federal Government as equal and equitable among the several States as can be done consistently with the great ends of its institution. It is oidy necessary to refer to undoubted facts, to see how far the past acts of the Go vernment upon the subject under considera tion have fallen short of this object. The ex penditures heretofore made for internal im provements, amount to upwards of five mil- i lions of dollars, and have been distributed in very unequal proportions amongst the States. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that of others projected and partially surveyed, amount to more than ninety-six millions of dollars. . , That such improvements, on account' of particular circumstances, may he more ad vantageously and beneficially made in some States than in others, is doubtless true; but that they are of a character which should pre vent an equitable distribution eif the funds •rnongst the several States, is not to be con- _ *' ceded. The want of this equitable distribu tion cannot fail to prove a prolific source of ir.itation amongst the States. We have it constantly before cur eyes, that professions of superior zeal i n the cause of in ternal improvement, and a disposition to lav ish the public funds upon objects of that cha racter, are daily and earnestly put forth by aspirants to power, as constituting the highest claimstothe confidence of the people. Would it be strange, under such circumstances, and in times of great excitement, that grants of this description should find their motives in objects which may net accord with the pub- \ lie good ? Those who have not had occasion to see and regret the indication a of sinister in fluence in these matters in past times, have been more fortunate than myself in their ob servation of the course of public affairs. If, to these evils be added the combinations and angry contentions t > which such a course of tliingsgivcsri.se, with their baleful influences iipm the legislation of Congress touching the leading and appropriate duties of the Federal Government, it was but doing justice to.the JIB character of our people to expect the severe condemnation of the past w'f.th the recent exhibition of public senfl-s in the vtsjcejl. Nothing short, of a del- of the board,’*-Jhe action of the Govcit J. W. FiRWIN^xt. can. in my opinion, it would be natm which have been 1 priations should i' »■ »'