Alabama state intelligencer. [volume], January 01, 1831, Image 1

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j BV WILEY, M'OCTI.B&HeitSg"_ jUSCALOOSA, SATERHAV MORMHiC, JAMAARE 1, TK3!. VOI.IIME I1...MDKBEK 30. ’
PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.
r On the 7th «f IJfceember, at the hour of 12 o’cloek, V Pw
rsideut of the United States transmitted to both Hot.V«,of
Congress the following
MESSAGES -
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives.
The pleasure I have in congratulating you
upon your return to your constitutional duties,
is much heightened by the satisfaction which
the condition of our beloved country at this
period justly inspires. The beneficent Aut’aof
of all good has granted to us, during the pre
sent year, health, peace, and plenty, and nu
merous causes for joy in the wonderful success
which attends the progress of our free insti
tutions.
With a population unparallelled in 't* in
crease, and possessing a character which com
bines the hardihood of cnterpriie with the
considerateness of wisdom, we see in e ■••ry
section of our happy country a stead: : n
provement in the means of social intercc i***,
and correspondent effects upon the geniu- <nd
laws of our extended republic.
The apparent exceptions to the haiiMiiy
of the prospect are to be referred rather to
inevitable diversities in the various inter*at
whiefi enter into the compo*h’Ton f so e u
slve a whole, than to any want of altar’ ‘‘-’St
to the Union—.interests whose collisions servfc
only, in the end, to foster the spirit of conci
liation and patriotism, so essential to the pre
servation of that union which, I most devoutly
hope, is destined to prove imperishable.
In the midst of these blessings, we have re- .
cently witnessed changes in the condition of
other nations, which mav, in their consequen
ces, call for the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and
unanimity in our councils, and the exercise of
all the moderation and patriotism of our pec pie.
The important modifications of their go
vernment, effected with so much courage and
wisdom by the people of France, afford a
happy presage of their future course, and has
naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of
this nation that spontaneous and universal
burst of applause in which you have partici
pated. In congratulating you, my fellow citi
zens, upon an event so auspicious to the dear
est interests of mankind, I do no more than
respond to the voice of my country, without
transcending, in the slightest degree, that sa
lutary maxim of the illustrious Washington,
which enjoins an abstinence from all interfer
ence with the internal affairs of other nations.
From apeople exercising, in the most unlimit
ed degree, the right of self-government, and
enjoying, as derived from this proud charac
teristic, under the favor of heaven, much of
the happiness with which they are blessed;
a people who can point in triumph .to their
free institutions, and challenge comparison
with the fruits they bear, as well as with the
moderation, intelligence, and energy, with
which they are administered; from such a
people, the deepest sympathy was to be ex
pected in a struggle for the sacred principles
of liberty, conducted in a spirit every way
worthy of the cause, and crowned by an he
roic moderation which has disarmed revolu
tion of its terrors. Notwithstanding the strong
assurances which the man whom we so sin
cerely love and justly admire has given to the
world of the high character of the present
King of the French, and which, if sustained to
the end, will secure to him the proud appina
tion of Patriot King, it is not in his success,
but in that of the great principle which has
borne him to the throne—the paramount au
thority of the public will—that the American
people rejoice.
1 am happy to inform you that the anticipa
tions which were indulged at the date of my
last communication on the subject of our for
eign affairs, have been fully realized in several
important particulars.
An arrangement has been effected with
Great Britain, in relation tothe trade between
the United States and her West India and
Nocth American colonies, which has settled
a question that has for years afforded matter
ror contention and almost uninterrupted dis
'tssion, and has been the subject of no less
an six negotiations, in a manner which pro
ses results highly favorable to the parties.
The abstract right of Great Britain to mo
opolize the trade with her colonies, or to ex
ludeus from a participation therein, has ne
er been denied by the United States. But
we have contended, and with reason, that if,
at any time, Great Britain may desire the pro
ductions of this country, as necessary to her
colonies, they must be received upon princi
ples of just reciprocity; and further, that it is
makingan invidious and unfriendly distinction,
to open her colonial ports to the vessels of o
ther nations, and close them against those of
the United States.
Antecedently to 1794', a portion of our pro
ductions was admitted into the colonial islands
of Great Britain, by particular concession, li
mited to the term of one year, but renewed
from year to year. In the transportation of
these productions, however, our vessels were
not allowed to engage; this being a privilege
reserved to British shipping, by which alone
our produce could be taken to the islands, and
theirs brought to us in return. From New
foundland and her continental possessions, all
our productions, ns well as our vessels, were
excluded, with occasional relaxations, by
which, in seasons of distress, the former were
admitted in British bottoms.
By thetreaty of 1794, she offered to concede
.ous, for alimited time, the right of carrying
to her West India possessions, in our vessels
it exceeding seventy tons burden, and upop
e same terms as British vessels, any product
ns of the United States which British ves
Je might import therefrom. But this pri
ilege was coupled with conditions which an
supposed to have led to its rejection by the Se
late; that is, that American vissels should
land their return cargoes in the United States
cnlyj and, moreover, that they should, during
:he continuance of the privilege, be preclud
id from carrying molasses, sugar, coffee, co
coa, or cotton, either from those islands, or'
from the United States, to any other part of
the world. Great Britain readily consulted
to expunge this article from the treaty; and
subsequent attempts to arrage the terms of
the trade, either by treaty stipulations or con
certed legislation, having failed, it has been
successively suspended and allowed, accord
ing to the varying legislation of the parties.
The following are the prominent points
which have, in later years, separated the two
Governments. Besides a restriction, where
by all importations into her colonies in Ame
rican vessels are confined to our own products
carried hence, a restriction to which it does
not appear that we have ever objected, a lead
ing object on the part of Great Britain has
been to prevent us from becoming the car
riers of British West India commodities to any
other country than our own. On the part of
the United States, it has been contended, 1st
That the subject should be regulated by trea
ty stipulations, in preference to separate le
oh That our nrodur'ictio ■
I>e subject to higher duties than the produc
tions of the mother country, or of her other
cnloiial possessions; and, 3d. That our ves
sels thojd(l be allowed to participate in the
circuitous trade between the United States
and Afferent parts of the British dominions.
TUe first point, after having been, for a long
time, strenuously insisted upon by Great Bri
tain, Was given up by the act of Parliament of
July, 1823; all vessels suffered to trade with
the colonies being permitted to clear fysm
thenefe with any articles which British vessels
might export; and proceed to any part of the
world, Great Britain and her dependencies
alone excepted. On our part, each of the
above points had, in succession, been expli
citly abandoned in negotiations preceding that
of wli'fh the result is now announced.
Thi» arrangement secures to the United
States every advantage asked by them, and
which the Btate of the negotiation allowed us
to insist upon. The trade will be placed up
on a footing decidedly more favorable to this
country than any on which it ever stood; ami
our commerce and navigation will enjoy, in
the coloni^ ports of Great Britain, every pri
vilege allowed to otbfer.nktjon*.
'f>! * the prosperity of tne count v, for
as it deDends ort this trade, will he trre.nly I
promoted by the new arrangement, there can
be no doubt. Independently cf the more ob
vious advantages cf an open and direct inter
course, its establishment will be attended with
other ciiusequenccs of a higher value. That
•"hich has been carried on since the mutual
interdict under all the expense and inconve
nience ana', idably incident to it, would havi
been in supportably onerous, had it not been,
in a great degree, lightened by concerted eva
sions in the mode cf making the transhipments
at what are called the neutral ports. These
indirections are inconsistent with the dignity of
nations that have so many motives, not only
to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to
maintain such relations as will stimulate their
respective citizens and subjects to efforts of di
rect, open, and honorable competition only ;
and prrserve them fr< m the influence of se
ductive and vitiating circumstances.
When your preliminary interposition was
asked at the close of the last session, a copy of
the instructions under which Mr McLane has
acted, tog tiier with the communications
which had at that time passed between him
and the British Government, was laid befoul
you. Although there has not been any thing
in the acts of the two Governments which re
quires secrecy, it was thought most proper,
in the then state of the negotiation, to make
that communication a confidential one. So
soon, however, as the evidence of execution
on the part of Great Britain is received, the
whole matter shall bejlaid before you, when I
it will be seen that the apprehension which '
appeal s to have suggested one of the provi- I
sions ot the act passed at your last session,
that the restoration of the trade in question
might be connected with other subjects, and
was sought to be obtained at the sacrifice of
the public interests in other particulars, was
wholly unfounded; andthatthe change which
has taken place in the views of the British
Government has been induced by considera
tions as honorable to both parties as, I trust,
the result will prove beneficial.
This desirable result was, it will be seen,
greatly promoted by the liberal and confid'rg.
provisions of the act of Congress of the last
session, by which our ports were, upon the
reception and annunciation by the President
of the required assurance on the part of Great
Britain, forthwith opened to her vessels, be
fore the arrangement could be carried into ef
fect on her part; pursuing in this act of pros
pective legislation, a similar course to that a
dopted by Great Britain, in abolishing, by her
act of Parliament, in 18J5, a restriction then
existing, and pertnitting our vessels to clear
from the colonies, cn their return voyages,
for any foreign country whatever, before Bri
tish vessels had been relieved from the re
striction imposed by our law, of returning di
rectly from the United States to the colonies
—a restriction which slic required and ex
pected that we should abolish. Upon each ,
occasion, a limited and temporary advantage
has been given to the opposite party, but an!
aelvantage of no importance in comparison
with the restoration of mutual confidence and
good feelings, and the ultimate establishment!
of the trade upon fair principles.
It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you i
that this negotiation has been, throughout, j
characterised by the most frank and friendly
spirit on the part of Great Britain, and con
cluded in a maimer strongly indicative of a sin
cere desire to cultivate the best relations with
the U.States. To reciprocate this disposition
to the fullest extent of my ability, is a duty
which 1 shall deem it a privilege to discharge.
Although the result is, itself, the best com
mentary en the services rendered to his coun
try by cur Minister at the court of St. James,
it would be doing violence to my feelings were
I to dismiss the subject without expressing
the very high sense 1 entertain of the talent
and exertion which have been displayed by
him cn the occasion.
1 he injury to the commerce of the united
States resulting from the exclusion of our ves
sels from the Black Sea,and the previous foot
ing of mere sufferance upon even the limited
trade enjoyed by us with Turkey has hitherto
been placed, have, for a long time, been a
source of much solicitude to this Government;
and several endeavors have been made to ob
tain a better state of things. Sensible of the
importance of the Object, 1 felt it my duty to
leave no prop, r means unemployed to acquire
for our liag the same privileges that are en
joyed by the principal powers cf Europe.—
Commissioners were, consequently, appoint
ed, to open a negotiation with the Sublime
Porte. Not long after the member of the
commission who went directly from the Uni
ted States had sailed, the account of the trea
ty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects
tn view was suppestd to be secured, reached
this country. The Black sea was understoed
1<J be open to us. Under the supposition that
this was tliu case, the additional facilities to
be derived Um the establishment of com
mercial regulutic ns with the Porte were deem
ed of sufficient importance to require a prose
cution of the negotiation asbriginally contem
plated. Jt was therefore persevered in, and
resulted in a tueaty, which will be forthwith
laid before theTsenate.
By its provisions, a free passage is secured,
without limitation of time, to the vessels of
the United States, to and from the Black Sea,
including the navigation thereof; and our trade
with Turkey is placed on the footing of the
most favored nation. The latter is an ar
lagement wholly independent of the treaty of
Adrianople; and the former derives niucli va
lue, not duly from the increased security
which, undtrany circumstances, it would give
to the right in question, but from the fact, as
certained in the course of the negotiation, that,
by thf * Atruction put upon that treaty by
'1 url f, '■'TjV^icle relating to the passage of
MsjJfesaL '
:lie Bosphorus is Confined '
reaties with the Port**
[eel ngs appear to' / /
tan, and an enligl
>y him to foster ,e ,
:wo countries u bet
nents. Thi. . will Do our diw_,
md interest tc
Our relations with Russia are of the most
tab!" character. Respect for that empire,
nd confidence in its friendship towards the
Jnited States, have been so long entertained
n our part, and so carefully cherished by the
resent Emperor and his illustrious predcces
ir, as to have become incorporated with the
ublic sentiment of the United States. No
leans will be left unemployed on my part to
remote these salutary feelings, and those
nprovements of which the commercial inter
course between the two countries is suscepti
ble, Uul which have derived increased 'mpor
tanedfrom our treaty with the Sublime Porte.
I itnyerely regret to inform you that our
Mindter lately commissioned to that court, on
wh. j distinguished talents and great experi
1 no n oublic affairs I place great reliance,
lias. i compelled by extreme indisposition
'■>. ibC a privilege, which, in considera
I <i\v 'the extent to which his constitution had
I hem impaired in the public service, was com
! mined to his discretion,—of leaving tempo
rarily his pest tnr the advantage of a more
! genial climate.
If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of
his health should be such as to justify him in
doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburg, and
resume the discharge of his official duties. 1
have received the most satisfactory assurance
that, in the meantime, the public interests in
that quarter will be preserved from preju
dice, by the intercourse which he will conti
nue, through the Secretary of Legation, with
the Russian cabinet.
You are apprised, although the fact has
not yet been officially announced to t ie House
ot Representatives, that a treaty wo , in the
month cf March last, concluded between the
United States and Denmark, by which §650,
000 are secured to o,.r citizens as an indemni
ty for spoliations upon their commerce in the
years 1808, 1809, 1810. and 1811. This trea
ty was sanctioned'by the Senate at the close
of its last session, and it now becomes the duty
of Congress to pass the necessary law s for the
organization of the Board of Commissioners to
distribute the indemnity amongst the claim
ants. It is an agreeable circumstance in this
adjustment, that its terms are in conformity
with the previously ascertained views of tilt
claimants themselves; thus removing all pre
tence for a future agitation of the subject in
any farm,
The negotiations in regard to such points in
our foreign relations as remain to be adjusted,
have been actively prosecuted during the re
cess. Material advances have been made,
which are of a character to promise favora
ble results. Our country, by the blessing of
God, is notin a situation to invite aggression;
and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so.
Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most libe
ral and friendly relations with all; ever ready
to fulfil our engagements with scrupulous fi
delity; limiting our demands upon others to
mere justice; holding ourselves ever ready to
I do unto them as we would wish to be dong by;
arid .'.voiding even the appearance of undue
partiality to any nation, it appears to me im
possible that a sinple and sincere application
ofour principles to our foreign relations can
fal to place them ultimately upon the footing
onwhich it is our wish they should rest.
Of the points referred to, the most promi
nent are, our claims upon France for spolia
tions upon our commerce; similar claims upon
Spain, together with embarrassments in the
commercial intercourse between the two coun
tries, which ought to be removed; the con
clusion of the treaty of commerce and naviga
tion with Mexico, which has been so long in
suspense, as well as the final settlement of
limits between ourselves and that republic;
and, finally, the arbitrament of the question
between the United States and Great Britain
| in regard to the northeastern boundary.
The negotiation with France has been con
ducted by our Minister with zeal and ability,
and in all respects to my entire satisfaction.
Although the prospect of a favorable termi
nation was occasionally dimmed by counter
pretensions, to which the United States could
not assent, he yet hud strong hopes of being
able to arrive at a satisfactory settlement with
the late Government. The negotiation lias
been renewed with the present authorities;
and, sensible of the general and lively confi
dence of our citizens in the justice and magna
nimity of regenerated France, I regret the
more not to have it in my power, yet, to an
nounce tlie result so confidently anticipated.
No ground, however, inconsistent with this
expectation, lias been taken; and I do not al
low myself to doubt that justice will soon be
done to us. The amount of the claims, the
length of time they have remained unsatisfied,
and their incontrovertible justice, make an
earnest prosecution of them by this Govern
ment an urgent duty. The illegality of the
seisures and confiscations out of which they
have arisen is not disputed; and whateverdis
tinctions may have heretofore been set up in
regard to the liability of the existing Govern
ment, it is quite clear that such considerations
cann >t now be interposed.
The commercial intercourse between the
two countries is susceptible cf highly advan
tageous impr cements; but the sense of this
injury lias had, and must continue to have, a
very unfavorable influence upon them. From
its satislactc ry adjustment, not only a firm and
cordial fr.cndship.but a progressivedevelope
nient of all their relations, may be expected.
It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old
arid vexatious subject of difference may be
speedily removed.
1 feel that my confidence in cur appeal to
the mctlVes which should govern a just and
magnanimous nation, is alike warranted by the
character of the French pec pie, and by the
high voucher we possess for the enlarged
views and pure integrity of the monarch who
now presides over their councils; and nothing
shall be wanting on my part to meet any ma
nifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one-of
corresponding frankness and liberality.
The subjects of difference with Spain have
been brought to the vie w of that Gu\ eminent,
by our Minister there, with much f rce and
propriety; and the strongest assurances, have
been received of their early and favorable con
sideration.
The steps which Remained to place the
matter in controversy between Great Britain
and the Unjted States fairly before the arbi
trator, have all been taken in the same libe
ral and friendly spirit which characterised
those before announced. Recent events have
doubtless served to delay the decision, but our
Minister at the court of the-distinguished ar
bitrator has been assured that it will be made
within the time contemplated by Uy 4
I am particularly gratified in peu
-\__
1 favo»- -id, as I
.id in our
1A- epublic of
■mnded sns
*er vocation, have been, I believe, entirely
removed; and the Government of Mexico has
been made to understand the real character
of the wishes and views of this in regard to that
country. The consequence is, the establish
ment of friendship ami mutual confidence.
Such are the assurances which I have re
ceived, and 1 see no cause to doubt their sin
cerity.
I had reason to expect the conclusion of a
commercial treaty with Mexico in season for
communication on the present occasion. Cir
cumstances which arc not explained, but
which, I am persuaded, are not the result of
an indisposition on.her part to enter into it,
have produced the delay.
There was reason to fear, in the course of
the last summer, that the harmonv of our re
lations might be disturbed by the acts of cer
tain claimmts under Mexican grants of terri
tory whichJias h itherto been under our juris
diction. Tae co-operatii n of tl*e represen
tative cf Mexico near this Government was
asked or,■the ecemson, and was r adily afford
ed. Instructions nn-1 advice have been given
to the Governor cf Arkansas and the officers
in command in the adj .ning Mexican State,
by which it is hoped, the quiet of that fron
tier wiil he pre served, until a final settlement
of the dividing line shall have removed all
ground of cor.tr .verse.
The exchange; of ratifications of the treaty
concluded last rear with Austria has not yet
taken place. I he delay has been f ccasioned
by the nc n arrival of the ratification of that
Government within the t' ae proscribed In
the treaty. Renewed authority has been ask
cdfor by the representative of Austria; and,
in the meantime, the rapidly increasing trade
and navigation between the two countries
have Inc n placed upon the most liberal foot
ing of the navigation acts.
Several alleged depredations have been re
cently committed on our commerce by th nu
ti' nui rcssels of Portugal. They hive been
made :he subject of immediate remonstrance
ami reclamation. I am not yet possessed of
sulficirnt information to express a definitive
opinio of thi ircharactcr, but expect soon to
receive it. No proper means shall be omit
ted toobtain for our citizens ail the redress to
which they may appear to be entitled.
Alnost at the moment cf tile-adjournment
of yovlast session, two bills, the one entitled
“An :ct for making appropriation f, r building
light-louses, light-bents, beacons, and monu
ments. placing buoys, and for improving har
bors aid for directing surveys,” and the other
“An ict to authorize a subscription for stock
in the Louisville and Portland Canal Compa
ny,” were submitted for my approval. It was
not possible, within the time allowed me, be
fore tie close of the session, to give these bills
the consideration which was due to their cha
racter and importance; and I was compelled
to retain them for that purpose. 1 now avail
myself of this early opportunity to return
them to the Houses in which they respectively
Originated, with the reasons which, after ma
ture deliberation, compelled me to withhold
tov approval.
I lie practice cf defraying out of the Trea
sury of the United States the expenses incur
red by the establishment and support of light
houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers,
within the bays, inlets, harbftrs, and ports of
the United States, to render the navigation
thereof safe and easy, is coeval with the adop
tion of the Constitution, and has been continu
ed without interruption or dispute.
As our foreign commerce increased, and
was extended into the interior of the country
by the establishment of ports of entry and de
livery, upon our navigable rivers, the'sphere
of those expenditures received a corrcspond
enlargement. Light-houses, beacons, buo ys,
public piers, and the removal of sand-bars,
sawyers, and other partial or temporary impe
diments in the navigable rivers and harbors
which were embraced in the revenue districts
from time to time established by law, were
authorized upon the same, prnciple, and the
expense defrayed in the same manner. That
these,expenses have at times been extrava
gant and disproportionate, is very probable.
The circumstances under which they are in
curred ure well calculated to lead to such a
result, unless their application is subjected to
the closest scrutiny. The local advantages
arising from the disbursement of public money
too frequently, it is to be feared, invite appro
priations for objects of this character, that are
neither necessary nor useful. The number of
light-house keepers is already very large, and
the bill before me proposes to add to it iifty-one
more, of various descriptions. From repre
sentations upon tire subject, which are under
stood te be entitled to respect, Iain induced to
believe that there has not only been great im
providence in the past expenditures of the
Government upon these objects, but that the
security of navigation has, in some instances
been diminished by the multiplication of light
houses, and consequent cb mge of lights, up
on the coast. It is in this, as in other respects,
our eluty to avoid all unnecessary expense, as
well ns e v ery increase of patronage not called
for by the public service. Hut, in the dis
charge of tii.it duty in this particular, it must
net Ik- forgotten that, in relation to our fo
reign commence, the burden and benefit of
■protect ng end accommod .ting it necessarily
go together, and must do so as long as the
public revenue is drawn from the pet pie thro’
the cu»tcm-hi use. It is indisputable, that
whatever gives facility and security to navi
gation, cheapens imports; and all who cc n
sume them arc alike interested in whatever
produces this effect. If they consume, they
ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise, they
do not pay. The consumer in the most in
land State derives the same advantage from
every necessi.ry and prudent expenditure for
the facility and security of our foreign com
merce and navigation, that he dees, who re
sides in a maratime State. Local expendi
tures have not, of themselves, a correspond
ent operation.
From a bill making direct appropriations
for such objects, I should not have withheld
my assent. The one now returned does so in
several particulars, but it also contains appro
priations for surveys of a local character w n.ch
i cannot approve. It gives me satisfaction to
find that uo serious inconvenience has arisen
from withholding my approval from ibis bill;
nor will it, 1 trust, be cause of regret that an
opportunity will he thereby afiorded for Con
gress to review its provisions under circum
stances better calculated for full investigation
than those under which it was passed.
In speaking of direct appropriations, I
mean not to include a practice which has ob
tained to some extent, and to which 1 .have,
'U one instance, in a different capacity, givtin
■s^rit—that of subscribing to the stock Vf
private associations. Positive experience, and
a more thorough consideration of the subject,
have convinced me of the impropriety as well
as inexpediency of such investments.—
All improvements effected by the funds r f the
nation for general use should be open to the
enjoyment of all our fellow cittzcns, exempt
from the payment of tolls, nr any imposition of
that character. The practice of thus mingling
the concerns of the Government with those
of the States or of individuals is inconsistent
witli the object of its institution, and highly
impolitic. The successful operation of the Fe
deral system can only be preserved by con
fining it to the few simple, but yet impor
tant objects for which it was designed.
A different practice, if allowed to progress,
would ultimately change the character of this
Government, by consolidating into one* the
General and Stato Governments, which were
intended to be kept forever distinct. I can
not perceive how bills authorizing such sub
scriptions can be Otherwise regarded than as
bills for revenue, and consequently subject to
the rule in that respect prescribed by the Con
stitute,n. If the ir crest of the Government
in private compan.es is subordinate to that of
individuals, the management and control of a
portion of the public funds is delegated to an
authority unkpo" ‘- ■ ’ .. c , —.1
oeyonci tne supervision ot our constituents; u
superior, its officers and agents w;U be con
stantly ex post d to imputations of favoritism
and oppression. Direct prejudice to the pub
lic interest, or an alienation of the affections
and respect of portions of the people, may
therefore, in addition to the general discredit
resulting to the Government from embarking
with its constituents in pecuniary speculations
be looked for as the probable fruit < f such as
sociations. It is no finswer to tills objection to
say that the extent of consequences like these
cannot be great from a limited and small num
ber of investments: because experience in
■ tlier matters teaches us, and we are not at
liberty to disregard its admonitions, that un
less an entire stop be put to them, it will soon
be impossible to prevent their accumulation,
until they are spread over the whole country,
and made to embrace many of the private and
appropriate coiicems of individuals.
The power which the General Government
we uld acquire within the several States by
becoming the principal st: ckliolder in corp -
rations, c ntrolSng every canal, and each six
ty or hundred miles of every important road,
and giving a proportionate vote in all their
elections, is alnost inconceivable, and, in my
view, dangerous to the liberties of the people.
This mode of aiding such works is, also, in
its nature, deceptive, and in many cases con
ducive to improvidence in the administration
of the national funds. Appropriations will he
obtained with much greater facility, and gran
ted witli less security to the public interest,
when the measure is thus disguised, than
when definite and direct expenditures of mo
ney are askfd for. The interests of the nation
would doubtless be better served by avoiding
all such indirect modes of aiding particular ob
jects. In a Government like ours, more espe
cially, should all public acts be, as far as prac
t cable, sjtnple, undisguised, end intelligible,
that they may become fit subjects for the ap
approbatiui oranimadversion of the people.—
Thebill authorizing a subscription to the Lou
isville and Portland canal affords a striking il
lustraion of the difficulty of withholding addi
ditional appropriations for the same object,
when the first erroneous step has been taken
by inslitutinga partnership between the Go
vernmehtand private companies. It proposes a
third subscription on the part of the U. States,
when each preceding one was at the time re
garded as the extent of the aid which Go
vernment was to render to that work; and the
accompanying bill for light-houses, &c. con
tains an appropriation for a survey of the bed
of the river, with a view to its improvement,
by removing the obstruction which the canal
isdcsignedto avoid. This improvement, if
successful, would afiord a free passage to the
river, and render the canal entirely useless.
To such improvidence is the course of legisla
tion subject, in relation to internal improve
ments on local matters, even with the best in
tentions on the part of Congress.
Although the motives which have influenc
ed me in this matter, may be already suffi
ciently stated, I ant nevertheless, induced by
its importance to add a few observations of
a general character.
In my objections to the bills authorizing
subscriptions to the Maysville and Rockville
Road Companies, I expressed my views fully
in regard to the power of Congress to con
struct roads and canals within a State, or to
appropriate money for improvements of a lo
cal character. I, at the same time, intimated
my belief that the right to make appropria
tions for such as were of a national character
had been so generally acted upon, and so long
acquiesced in by the Federal and State Go
vernments, and the constituents of each, as to
justify its exercise on the ground of continued
and uninterrupted usage; but that it was, ne
vertheless, highly expedient that appropria
tions, even of that character, should, with
the exception made at the time, be deferred
until the national debt is paid, and that, in the
mean while, some general rule for the action
of the Government in that respect ought to be
established.
These suggestions were not necessary to the
decision of tnc question then before me, and
were, I readily admit, intended to awaken the
attentu u and dyaw forth the opinions and i b
servatu ns of c ur constituents, up; n a subject
of the highest importance to their interests,
an . one destined to exert a powerful influence
upon the future operations • four p litical sys
tem. l.kuow of no tribunal to which a pub
lic man in tins country, in a case of doubt and
difficulty, can appeal with greater ad’mtage
or more propriety, than the judgement of the
people; and although 1 must necessarily, in
the discharge of my official duties, be govern
ed'by the dictates of my own judgement, I
have no desire to conceal my anxious wish
to conform, as far as lean, to the views of
those for w horn I act.
All irregular expressions < f public opinion
are ol necessity attended witli some doubt as
to their accuracy; hut, making full allowan
ces in that account, 1 cannot, 1 think, deceive
myself .n helloing, that the acts referred to,
as well us the suggestions which 1 allowed my
self to make in relation to their be .ring upon
die future operations of the Government,
have been approved by the great body cl the
people. That those whose immediate pecu
niary interests arc to be affected by proposed
expenditures should shrink irom the applica
tion of a rule winch prefers their mol e gener
al and remote interests to those which are
personal aiul immediate, is to be expected.
But even sucli objections must, from the na
ture of our population, be but temporary in
their duration; and if it were otherwise, our
course should be the same; for the time is yet,
I hope, far distant, when those entrusted with
power to be exercised for the' good of the
Y
mt.—mi -
whole, will consider it either honest or wise if!
to purchase local favor at the sacrifice of prin
ciple and the general good.
So understanding public sentiment, and tho
roughly satisfied that the best interests of our -ft
common country imperiously require that the
course which 1 Inve recommended in this re
gard should be adopted, I have, upon the
most mature consideration, determined to
pursue it.
It is due to candor, ^ well as to my own feel
ings, that I should express the reluctance and
anxiety which I must at all times experience
in cxercising'the undoubted right of the Exec
utive to withhold his assent from bills on other
grounds than their unconstitulionality. That
this right should not be exercised on slight oc
casions all will admit. It is only in matters of
deep interest, when the principle involved may
be justly regarded as next in importance to
infractions of the Constitution il self, that such
a step can be expected to meet with tiie ap
probation of the people. Such an occasio n
do I conscientiously believe the pheserc to,
be. In the discharge of this deliciue and
highly responsible duty, I am sustained by the
reflection that the exercise of this power has
been deemed consistent with the obligation of
official duty by several of my predecessors;
■ ■ ' 7 - n ns inn, tor , that, whatever
liberal institution*ovdy hav- - r— ..
encroachments cf Executive power, which
lias been every where the cause of so much
strife and bloody contention, hut little danger
is to be apprehended from a precedent by
which that authority denies to itself the exer
cise of powers th it bring in their train influ
ence and patronage of great extent; and thus
excludes the operation of personal interests,
every where the bane of official trust. I de
rive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from
the reflection, that, if I have mistaken the in
terests and wishes of the people, the Constitu
tion affords the means of soon redressing the,
error, by selecting for the place their favor'
has bestowed upon me, a citizen whose opin
ions may accord with their own. I trust, in
the mean time, the interests of the nation will
be saved from prejudice, by a rigid applica
tion of that portion of the public funds which
might otherwise be applied to different ob
jects, to that highest of all our obligations, the
payment of the public debt, and an opportu
nity be afforded for the adoption of some bet
ter rule f r the operations of the Government
in this matter than any which has hitherto
been acted upon.
Profoundly impressed with the importance
of the subject, not merely as it relates to the
general prosperity of the country, but to the
safety of the federal system, I cannot avoid
repeating my earnest hope that al) good ci
tizens, who take a proper interest in the suc
cess and harmony of our admirable political
institutions, and who arc incapable of desiring
to convert an opposite state of things into
means for the gratification of personal ambi
tion—will, laying aside minor considerations
and discarding local prejudices, unite their
honest exertions to establish some fixed ge
neral principle, which shall be calculated to
effect the greatest extent of public good in re
gard to the subject of internal improvement,
and afford the least ground for sectional dis
content.
The general ground of my objection to lo
cal appropriations has been heretofore ex
pressed; and I shall endeavor to avoid a re
pitition of what has been already urged—the
importance of sustaining the State Sovereign
ties, as fur as is consistent with the rightful
action of the Federal Government, and of pre
serving the greatest attainable harmony be
tween them. I will now only add an expres
sion of my conviction—a conviction which ev
ery day’s experience serves to confirm—that
the political creed which inculcates the pur
suit of those great objects as a paramount du- '
ty, is the true faith, and one to which we are
mainly indebted for the present success of the
entire system, and to which we must alone
look for its future stability.
That there are diversities in the interests
of the different States which compose this ex
tensive confederacy, must be admitted.—
Those diversities, arising from situation, cli
mate, population, and pursuits, are doubtlessj
as it is natural they should be, greatly exag
gerated by jealousies, and that spirit of rival
ry so inseparable from neighboring commu
nities. These circumstances make it the du
ty of those who are entrusted with the man
agement of its affairs, to neutralise their ef
fects as far as practicable, by making the be
neficial operation of the Federal Government
as equal and equitable among the several
States as can be done consistently with the
great ends of its institution.
It is oidy necessary to refer to undoubted
facts, to see how far the past acts of the Go
vernment upon the subject under considera
tion have fallen short of this object. The ex
penditures heretofore made for internal im
provements, amount to upwards of five mil- i
lions of dollars, and have been distributed in
very unequal proportions amongst the States.
The estimated expense of works of which
surveys have been made, together with that
of others projected and partially surveyed,
amount to more than ninety-six millions of
dollars. . ,
That such improvements, on account' of
particular circumstances, may he more ad
vantageously and beneficially made in some
States than in others, is doubtless true; but
that they are of a character which should pre
vent an equitable distribution eif the funds
•rnongst the several States, is not to be con- _ *'
ceded. The want of this equitable distribu
tion cannot fail to prove a prolific source of
ir.itation amongst the States.
We have it constantly before cur eyes, that
professions of superior zeal i n the cause of in
ternal improvement, and a disposition to lav
ish the public funds upon objects of that cha
racter, are daily and earnestly put forth by
aspirants to power, as constituting the highest
claimstothe confidence of the people. Would
it be strange, under such circumstances, and
in times of great excitement, that grants of
this description should find their motives in
objects which may net accord with the pub- \
lie good ? Those who have not had occasion
to see and regret the indication a of sinister in
fluence in these matters in past times, have
been more fortunate than myself in their ob
servation of the course of public affairs. If,
to these evils be added the combinations and
angry contentions t > which such a course of
tliingsgivcsri.se, with their baleful influences
iipm the legislation of Congress touching the
leading and appropriate duties of the Federal
Government, it was but doing justice to.the JIB
character of our people to expect the severe
condemnation of the past w'f.th the recent
exhibition of public senfl-s in the vtsjcejl.
Nothing short, of a del- of the board,’*-Jhe
action of the Govcit J. W. FiRWIN^xt.
can. in my opinion,
it would be natm
which have been 1
priations should i'
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