Alabama state intelligencer. [volume], January 01, 1831, Image 2

About Alabama state intelligencer. [volume] (Tuscaloosa, Ala.) 1829-183?

Image provided by: University of Alabama Libraries, Tuscaloosa, AL

                
those hereafter to be made, at the expense of
the States which have so largely and dispro- <
portionatcly participated, we have, ns mat- i
ters now stand, but little security that the at- ;
tempt would do more than change the itie- i
quality from one quarter to another.
Thus viewing the subject, I have hereto- i
fore felt it my duty to recommend the adop- \
tion of some plan for the distribution of the 1
surplus funds which may at any time remain i
in the Treasury after the national debt shall i
have been paid, among the States, in propor
tion to the number of their representatives, to i
be applied by them 10 objects of internal im
provement.
Although this plan has met with favor m !
some portions of the Union, it has also elicited
objections which merit deliberate considera
tion. A brief notice of these objections here
will not, therefore, I trust, be regarded as out
of place.
They rest, as far as they have came to my
knowledge, on the following grounds: 1st, an
objection to the ratio <t distribution; 2d, an
apprehension that the existence of such a re
gulation would produce improvident and op
pressive taxftion to raise the funds for dis
tribution; 3d, that the mode proposed would
lead to the construction of works of a local
nature, to the exclusion of such as are general,
and as would consequently be of a more use
ful character; and, last, that it would create
a discreditable and injurious dependence, on
the part of the State Governments, upon the
federal power. Of those who object to the
ratio ot representation as me.oasis ui iu»in
bution, some insist that the importations of
the respective States would e institute one tljat
--would be more equitable! end others, again,
that the extent or their respective territories
would furnish a standard which would he
more expedient, and sufficiently equitable.
The ratio of representation presented itself to
my mind, and it still dees, as one of obvious
equitv, because of its being the ratio of con
tribution, whether the funds to be distributed
be derived from the customs or from direct
taxation. It decs not follow, however, that its
adoption is indispensable to the establishment
of the system proposed. There may be con
siderations appertaining to the subject which
would render a departure, to some extent,
from the rule of contribution, proper. Nor is
it absolutely necessary that the basis of dis
tribution be confined to one ground. It may,
if, in the judgement of those whose right it is
to fix it, it be deemed politic and just to give
it that character, have regard to several.
In my first message, I stated it to he my
opinion that “it is not probable that any ad
justment of the tariff upon principles 'satis
factory to the people of the Union, will, until
a remote period, if ever, leave the Govern
ment without a considerable surplus in the
treasury beyond what may be required for its
current service.” I have had no cause to
change that opinion, but much to confirm it.
Should these expectations be realized, a suit
able fund would thus be produced for the plan
under consideration to operate upon; and if
there be no such fund, its adoption will, in my
opinion, work no injury to any interest; for I
cannrt assent to the justness r.f the apprehen
sion that the establishment of the proposed
system would tend to the encouragement of
improvident legislation of the character sup
posed. Whatever the proper authority, in
the exercise of constitutional power, shall, at
any time hereafter, decide to be for the gene
al good, will, in that as in other respects, de
serve and receive the acquiescence and sup
port of the whole country; and we have am
ple security that every abuse of power in that
regard, by the agents of the people, will re
ceive a speedy anil effectual corrective at their
_hands. The views which I take of the future,
founded on the obvious and increasing im
provement of all classes of our fellow-citizens,
in intelligence, and in public and private vir
tue, leave me without much apprehension an
that head.
I do not doubt that those who come after us
will be as much alive as we are to the obliga
tion upon all tiie trustees of politic power to
exempt those for whom they act from all un
necessary burthens; and as sensible of the
great truth, that the resources of the nation,
beyond those required for the immediate and
necessary purposes of Government, can no
where he so well deposited as in the pockets
of the people.
It may sometimes happen that the interests
of particular States would not be deemed to
, coincide with the general interest in relation
to improvement within such States. But, if
the danger to be apprehended from this
source is sufficient to require it, a discretion
might be reserved to Congress to direct, to
such improvements of a general character os
the States concerned might net be disposed
to unite in, the application of the quotas of
those States, under the restriction of confin
ing to each State the expenditure of its ap
propriate quota. It may, however, be as
sumed as a safe general rule, that such im
provements as serve to increase the prosperi
ty of the respective States in which they are
made, by giving new facilities to trade, and
thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort
of their inhabitants, constitute the surest
mode of conferring permanent and substantial
advantages upon the whole. The strength
as well as the true glory of the confederacy
is mainly founded on the prosperity and pow
er of the several independent sovereignties of
which it is composed; and the certainty with
which they can be brought into successful, ac
tive co-operatit n, through the agency of the
Federal Government.
It is, moreover, with n the knowledge of
such as are at all conversant with public af
fairs, that schemes of internal improvement
have, from time to time been proposed, which
from their < xtent and seeming magnificence,
were regarded as of national ccncernment;
but which, upon tidier consult ration and fur
ther experience, would now be rejected with
great unanimity.
That tlie plan under consideration would
derive important advantages from its certain
ty; and that the monies set apart for these
purposes would be more judiciously applied
and economically expended under the direc
tion of the State Legislatures, in which every
part of each State is immediately represent
ed, cannot, I think, be doubted. In the new
States particularly, where a comparatively
small population is scattered over an exten
sive surface, and the representation in Con
gress consequently very limited, it is natural
to expect that the appropriations made by the
— Federal Government would be more likely to
be expended in the vicinity of those members
through whose immediate agency they were
obtained, than if the funds were placed under
the control of the Legislature, in which eve
ry county of the State has its own representa
tive. This supposition docs n< t necessarily
impugn the moth cs of such Congressional re
presentatives, ncr is it so intended. We are
all sensible of the bias to which the strongest
minds and purest hearts are, under sucli cir
cumstances, l^ilc. In respect to the last ob
jection, ifc||^^hb^,efTrrt upon the dignity
th
i. - io
Jld be it the measure
i shew that the ope- I
the very reverse
suppose*. 1
In the one case, the State would receive its
qin ta of the national revenue for domestic use
upon a fixed principle, as a matter of right,
and from a fond to the creation of which it had
itself contributed its fair proportion. Surely
there could be nothing derogatory in that. As
matters now stand, the States themselves, in
their sovereign character, are not unfrequent
ly petitioners at the bar of the Federal Le
gislature for such allowances out of the na
tional treasury as it may comport with their
pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon
them. It cannot require argument to prove
which of the two courses is most compatible
with the efficiency cr respectability of the
State Governments.
llut all these are matters tor discussion anu
dispassionate consideration. That the desir
ed adjustment would be attended with difficul
ty, affords no reason why it should not he at
tempted. The effective operation of such
motives would have prevented the adoption
of the Constitution under which wc have so
long lived, and under the benign influence of
which our beloved c; untry lias so signally
prospered. The framers of that sacred in
strument had greater difficulties to overcome,
and they did overcome them. The patriot
ism of tile people, directed by a deep con
viction of the importance of the Union, pro
duced mutual concession and reciprocal for
bearance. Strict right w.ts merged in a spi
rit of compromise, and the result has conse
crated their disinterested devotion to the ge
neral weal. Unless the American people
have degenerated, the same result can be
again he effected, whenever experience points
out the necessity nf 3 resort to the same
means to uphold the fabric which their fathers
have reared. It is beyond the power of man
to make a system of government like ours, or
any other, operate with precise equality upon
States situated like those which compose the
confederacy; nor is inequality always injustice.1
Every State cannot expect to shape the mea
sures of tluGeneralGnvernment to suit its own
particular interests. The causes which prevent
it are seated in the nature of things, and can
not he entirely counteracted by human means.
Mutual forbearance, therefore,becomes a duty
obligatory upon all; and w< may, I am con
fident, count on a cheerful compliance with
this high injunction, on the part of our consti
tuents. It is tv t to he supposed, that they
will object to make such comparatively incon
siderable sacrifices for the preservation of
rights and privileges, which other less favor
ed portions of the world hate in vain waded
through seas of blood to acquire.
Our course is a safe one, if il lie but faithfully
adhered to. Acquiescence iitthc constitution
ally expressed will of the majority, and the
exercise of that will in a spirit of modera
tion, justice, and brotherly kpdncss, will con
stitute a cement which would forever preserve
our Union. Those who chtrish and incul
cate sentiments like these render a most es
sential service to their counttk-; whilst those
who seek to weaken their [influence, are,
however, conscientious and praiseworthy
their intentions, in effect its worst enemies
If the intelligence and influence of the
countrv, instead of laboring to foment section
al prejudices, to be made subservient to par
ty warfare, were, in good faith, applied to
the eradication of causes of local discontent,
by the improvement of our institutions, and
by faciT tat ng their adaptation to the condition
of the times, this task would prove one of less
difficulty. May we not hope that the obvious
interest of our common country, aid the dic
tates of an enlightened patriotism, will, in the
end, lead the public mind in that direction.
After al, 1 the nature of the sufject docs not
admit of a plan wholly free from objection.
That which lies for some time been in opera
tion is, perhaps, the worst that' could exist;
and every advance that can lie made in its
improvement is a matter eminently worthy
your most deliberate attention.
It is very possible that one better calcula
ted to effect the objects in view may yet be de
vised. If so, it is to be hoped that those who
disapprove of the past, and dissent from wlmt
is proposed for the future, will feel it their
duty to direct their attention to it, as they
must be sensible that, unless some fixed rule
for the action of the Federal Government in
tills respect is established, the course now at
tempted to he arrested will he again resorted
to. Any mode which is calculated to give the
greatest degree of 1 fleet and harmony to our
legislation upon the subject—which shall best
serve to keep the movements of the Federal
Government within the sphere intended hv
those who modelled and those who adopted it;
which shall lead to the extinguishment of the
national debt in the shortest period, and impose
the lightest burdens upon our constituents,
shall receive from me a cordial and firm sup
port.
Among the objects ot great national con
cern, 1 cannot omit to press again upon your
attention the.part of the constitution which
regulates the election cf President and Vice
President. The necessity for its amendment
is made so clear to nvy mind by the observa
tion of its evils, and the many able discus
sions which they have elicited en the floor of
Congress and elsewhere, that I should be
wanting to my duty were I to withhold ano
ther expression cf my deep solicitude upon
the subject. Our system fortunately contem
plates a recurrence to first principles; differ
ing in tills respect from all that have preceded
it, and securing it, I trust, equally against the
decay and commotions which have marked
the progress of other Governments. Our
fellow-citizens, too, who, in proportion to
their love < f liberty, keep a steady eye upon
the means c f sustaining it, do 10 t require to
lie reminded ef the duty they owe to them
selves to remedy all essential defects in so v i
tal a part of their system. While they are
sensible that every evil attendant upon its
operation Is not necessarily indicative tif a bad
organization, but may proceed from tempora
ry cause s; yet the habitual presence, or even
a single instance of evils which can clearly be
traced to an organic defect, will not, I trust,
be overlooked through a too scrupulous venera
tion for the work of their ancestors. The''Con
stitution was an experiment committed to the
virtue and intelligence of the great mass i f our
countrymen, in whose ranks the framers of it
themselves were to perform the part of patrio
tic observation and scrutiny; and if they have
passed from the stage of existence with an
increased confidence in its general adaptation
to our condition, we should learn from autho
rity so High the duty of fortifying the points in
it which time proves to be exposed, rather
than be deterred from approaching them by
the suggestions of fear, or the dictates of mis
placed reverence.
A provision which docs net secure to the
people a direct choice cf their Chief Magis
trate, but has a tendency to defeat their will,
presented to my mind such an inconsistency
with tiie general spirit of our institutions, that
1 was induced to suggest for your considera
tion the substitute which appeared to me, at
the same time, the most likely to correct the
evil and to meet the views of ourci nstituents.
The nu st mature reflection since has added
strength to the belief that the best interests of
eur c mitre require the speedy adoption of
some plan c: 'related to effect this end. A
contingency which sometimes places in the
power cf a single member of the House of
Representatives to decide an election of so
high and solemn a character, is unjust to the
people; and becomes, when it occurs, a source
of embarrassment to the individuals thus
brought into power, and a cause of di'trust of
the representative body. Liable as the confe
deracy is, from its great extent, to parties
founded upon sectional interests, and to a cor
responding multiplication of candidates for
the Presidency, the tendency of the constitu
tional reference to the House of Representa
tives, is, to devolve the election upon that
body in almost every instance; and, whatever
choice may then be made among the candi
dates thus presented to them, to swell the in
fluence of particular interests to a degree in
consistent with the general good. The con
sequences of this feature of the Constitution
appear far more threatening to the peace and
integrity of the Union than any which I can
conceive as likely to result from the simple
legislative action of the Federal Government.
It was a leading object with the framers of
the Constitution to keep as separate as possi
ble the action of the Legislative and Execu
tive brandies of the Government. To secure
this object, nothing is more essential than
to preserve the former from the temptations
of private interest, and, therefore, so to direct
the patronage of the latter as lot to permit
such temptations to be offered. Experience
abundantly demonstrates that every precau
tion in this respect is a valuablejsafcguard of
liberty, and one which my refactions upon
the tendencies of our system iicline me to
think should he made still strutter. It was
for this reason that, in conneiion with an
amendment of the Constitution, removing all
intermediate agency in t*e choice of the Pre
sident, 1 recommended some restrictions upon
the re-cligibilitv of that officer, and upon the
tenure of offices generally. The reason still
exists; and 1 renew the recommendation, witli
’an increased confidence that its adoption will
strengthen those checks by which the Consti
tution designed to secure the independence of
each department of the Government, and
promote the healthful and equitable adminis
tration of all the trusts which it has created.
The agent most likely to contravene this de
sign of the Constitution is the Chief Magis
trate. In order, particularly, that his ap
pointment may, as far as possible, lx- placed
beyond the reach of any improper influences;
in order that lie may approach the solemn re
sponsibilities of the highest office in the gift
of a free people, uncommitted to any other
course than ttie strict line of constitutilmal du
ty; and that the securities for this ildepen
dencc may be rendered as strong as the na
ture of power, and the weakness of itsprsses
snr, will admit, 1 cannot too earnestly invite
your attention to the propriety of promoting
such an amendment of the Constitution as
will render him ineligible after the firtt term
of service.
It gives me pleasure to announce to Con
gress the benevolent policy of the (lovc'rn
ment, steadily pursued for nearly tliirtt years,
in relation to the removal of the lndtms be
yond .the white settlements, is npprnadiing to
a happy consummation. Two important
tribes have accepted the provision nude for
their removal at the last sessirn of Caigres:;;
and it is believed that their example will in
duce the remaining tribes, also, to stek the
same obvious advantages.
The consequences of a speedy removal will
be important to the United Slates, to indivi
dual States, ,’nd to the Indians themselves.
The pecuniary advantages which it promises to
the Government are the least of its recommen
dations. It puts an end to all possible danger of
collision between the authorities of the Gene
ral and Shoe Governments, on account of the
Indians. It will place a dense anil civilized
population in large tracts of country now oc
cupied by a few savage hunters. By opening
the whole territory between Tennessee on the
north, and Louisiana on the south, to the set
tlement of the whites, it will incalculably
strenthen the southwestern frontier, and ren
der the adjacent States strong enough to repel
future invasion without remote aid. It will
relieve the whole State of Mississippi, and the
western part of Alabama, cflndian occupancy,
and enable those States to advance rapidly in
population, wealth, and power. It will sepa
| rate the Indians from immediate contact with
settlements of whites; free them from the pow
er c f the States; enable them to pursue hap
piness in tlicir own way, and under their own
rude institutions; will retard the progress cf
decay, which is lessening their numbers; and
perhaps cause them gradually, underthe pro
tection of the Government, and through the
influence of good counsels, to cast offtheir sa
vage habits, and become an interesting, civi
lized, and Christian community. These con
sequences, some of them so certain, and the
rest so probable, make the complete execu
tion of the plan sanctioned by Congress at
their last session an object of much solicitude.
Toward the aborigines of the country no
one cah indulge a more friendly feeling than
myself, or would go further in attempting to
reclaim them from their wandering habits,
and make them a happy and prosperous peo
ple. I have endeavored to impress upon them
my own solemn convictions of the duties and
powers of the General Government in rela
tion to the State authorities. For the justice
of the laws passed by the States within the
scope cf their reserved powers, they arc not
responsible to this Government. As indivi
duals, we may entertain and express our
opinions cf their acts; hut, as a Government,
we have as little right to control them as we
have to prescribe laws to foreign nations.
With a full understanding of the subject,
the Choctaw and Chickasaw tribes have, with
great unanimity, d.iti rmined to avail them
selves of the liberal offers presented by the
act of Congress, and have agreed to remove
beyond the Mississippi river. Treaties have
been made with them, which, in due season,
will be submitted for consideration. In nego
tiating these treaties, they wc re made to un
derstand their true condition; and they have
preferred*maintaining their independence in
the western foreststo submitting to the laws
of the States in which they now reside.—
These treaties being prqbabiy the last which
will ever be made with them, are character
ized by great liberality on the part of the Go
vernment. They give the Indians a liberal
sum in consideration of their removal, and
comfortable subsistence on their arrival at
their new homes. I fit be their real interest
to maintain a separate existence, they will
there be at liberty to do so without the incon
veniences and vexations to which they would
unavoidably have been subject in Alabama
and Mississippi.
Humanity has often wept over the fate of
the aborigines of this country; and philan
thropy has been long busily employed in de
vising means to avert it. But its progress has
never for a moment been arrested; and one
by one have many powerful tribes disappear
ed from the earth. To follow to the tomb the
last of his race, and to tread on the graves yf
extinct nations, excites melancholy reflec
tions. But true philanthropy reconciles the
mind toihese vicissitudes, as itdoesto theix
tincticn of one generation to make room for
another. In the monuments and fortresses of
an unknown people, spread over the exten
sile regions of the W
morials of a once
t
B ^ _
exterminated, or has disappeared to mae
room for the existing savage tribes. Nor is
there anv tiling, in this, which, upon a co|
prehensi’ve view of the general interests »f
the human race, is to be regretted. X'hila
thropy could not wish to see this continent t
stored to the condition in which it was foud
by our forefathers. W hat good man word
prefer a country covered with forests ad
ranged by a few thousand savages, to our e
tensive republic, studded with cities, towr-,
and prosperous farms; embellished with ll
the improvements which art can devise, r
industry execute; occupied by more tlin
twelve millions of happy people, and filkl
with all the blessings of liberty, civilizatjn
and religion ! j
The present policy of the Government is
but a continuation of the same progress} c
change, by a milder process. The triis
which occupied the countries now constitutfig
the eastern States were annihilated, or hi e
melted away, to make room for the whits.
The waves of population and civilization re
rolling to the westward; and we now propsc
to acquire the countries occupied by the rd
men of the south and west by a fair exchanp,
and, at the expense of the United States, o
send them to a land where their existent
may be prolonged, and perhaps made pet
pi tu.il. lJouoticsh it wm »e painiui to teav
the gra\ es cf their fathers; but what do the
more than our ancestors did, or than our chi
ll re n are now doing ? To better their coi
ditii n in an unknown land, our forefathers
left all that was dear in earthly objects, (Xir
ohildren, by thousands, yearly leave the land
of tneir Dirt'h, to seek new homes in instant
regions. Does humanity werp at these pain
ful separations from every thing animate and
inanimate, with which the young heart has
become entwined ? Far from it. It is rather
a source of joy that cur country affords scope
where our young population may range un
constrained in body or in mind, developing
the power and faculties of man in their high
est perfection. These remove hundreds, and
almost th usands of miles, at their own ex
pense, purchase the lands they occupy, and
support themselves at their new home from
the moment of their arrival. Can it be cru
el in this Government, when/by events which
it cannot control, the Indian is made discon
tented in his ancient home, to purchase his
lands, to give him a new and extensive ter
ritory, to pay the expense ofhis removal, and
support him a year in his new abode ? How
many thousands of our own people would
gladly embrace the opportunity of removing
to the west on such conditions ! If the offers
made to the Indians were extended to them,
they would be hailed with gratitude and joy.
And is it supposed that the wandering savage has
a stronger attachment to his home, than the settled,
civilized Christian ? Is it more afflicting to him to
leave the graves ofhis fathers, than it is to our bro
thers and children ? llightly considered, the policy
ofthe General Government towards the red man is
not only liberal, but generous. lie is unwilling to
submit to the laws ofthe States, and mingle with
their population. To save him from this alternative,
or perhaps utter annihilation, the General Govern
ment kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to
pay the whole expense ofhis removal and settlement.
In the consummation of u policy originating at an
early period, and steadily pursued by every adminis
tration within the present century—so just to the
States, and so generous to the Indians, the Execu
tive feels it has a rigiit to expect the co-operation of
Congress, and of all good and disinterested men.—
The States, moreover, have a right to demand it. It
was substantially a part of the compact which made
them members of our confederacy. With Georgia,
there is an express contract: with the new States,
an implied one, of equal obligation. Why, in au
thorizing Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Missis
sippi, and Alabama, to form constitutions and be
come separate States, did Congress include within
their limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and. iu
some instances, powerful Indian tribes? Was knot
understood by both parties that the power ofthe
States was to he co-extensive with their limits, find
that, with all convenient despatch, the General Go
I vernineut should extinguish the Indian title, and! re
move every obstruction to the complete jurisdiction
ofthe State Governments over the soil? Pro baby
not one of those States would have accepted a s;
parate existence—certainly it would never hav*
been granted by Congress—bad it been understood
that they were to be confined forever to those smal
portions of their nominal territory, the Indian title b
which had at the time been extinguished.
It is, there lore, a duty which this Governineit
owes to the new States, to extinguish, ns soon uj
possible, the Indian title to all lauds which Congress
themselves have included within their limits. Whet
this is done, the duties ofthe General Government
in relation to the States and Indians within their
limits are at an end. The Indians may leave tin
State or not. as they choose. The purchase of their
lands does not alter, in the least, their personal rein
tions with the State Government. No act of tht
General Government has ever been deemed neces
sary to give the States jurisdiction over the persons
of the Indians. That they possess, by virtue of
their sovereign power within their own limits, in ai
full a manner before as after the purchase ofthe In
dian lands; nor can this Government add to or di
minish it.
31ny we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens,
and none more Jealously than those who think tli/*
Indians oppressed by subjection tothe laws of the
States, will unite in attempting to open the eyes of
those children of the forest to their true condition,
and, by a speedy removal, to relieve them from the
evils, real or imaginary, present or prospective,
wi'li which they may he supposed to be threatened.
Among the numerous causes of congratulation, the
condition of our impost revenue deserves special
mention, inasmuch as ii promises the means of ex
tinguishing the public debt sooner than was antici
pated, and furnishes a strong illustration of the prac
tical effects of the present tariff upon our commer
cial interests.
The object of the tariff is objected to by some as un
constitutional ; and it is considered by almost all as
defective in lmihy of its parts.
The power to impose duties on imports originally
belonged to the several Slates. The right to adjust
those duties with a view to the encouragement of
domestic branches of industry is so completely inci
dental to that poweP, that it is difficult to suppose
the existence of the one without the other. The
States have delegated their whole authority over im
ports to the General Government, without limitation
or restriction, saving the very inconsiderable reser
vation relating to their inspection laws. This au
thority having thus entirely passed from the States,
the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection
does not exist in them; and, consequently, if it be
not possessed by the General Government, it must
be extinct. Gur political system would thus pre
sent the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to
foster their own industry, and to counteract the most
selfish and destructivepolicy which might be adopted
by foreign nations. This surely cannot be the case:
this indispensable power, thus surrendered by the
States, must be within the scope of the authority on
the subject expressly delegated to Congress.
In this conclusion 1 am confirmed us well -by the
opinions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madi
son, and Monroe, who have each repeatedly recom
mended the exercise of this right under the constitu
tion, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the con
tinued acquiescence of the States, and the general
understanding of the people.
The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment
of the present tariff’ although great, are fur from
being insurmountable. Some are unwilling to im
prove any of its parts, because thi " ’
the whole: others fear to touch
parts, lest those they approve should be jeoparded.
I am persuaded that the advocates of these conflict
ing views do injustice to the American people, and
to their Representatives. The general interest is
the interest of each: and my confidence is entire,
that, to ensure the adoption of such modifications of
the tariff as the general interest requires, it is only
necessary that that interest should be understood.
■firmity of our nature to mingle our inte
ijudices with the operation of our rea
’
soiling powers, and attribute to t[m object of our
likes and dislikes, qualities they do not posstss, and
effects they cannot produce. The effects ofUie pre- ,
s6nt tariff are doubtless overrated, both in is evils
and in its advantages. By one class of rt tanners. |
the reduced price of cotton and other agricultural
products is ascribed wholly to its influence, imi l»y j
another, the reduced price of manufactured si-tit les. ;
The probability is, that neither opinion approaches
the truth, und that both are induced by that iijluence ,
of interests and prejudices to which I have referred. ,
The decrease of prices extends throughout \ke com- |
mercial world, embracing not only the raw material
and the manufactured article, but prov isiigis and
lands. The cause must, therefore, be deeper and
more pervading than the tariff of the United‘States.
It may, in a measure, be attributuble to the increased
value of the precious metals, produced by t dimi
nution of the supply, and an increase in the de
mand ; while commerce has rapidly extended itself,
and population has augmented. The supply of gold
and silver, the general medium of exchange, has
been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions, in the
countries from which they are principally draw'ii.—
A part of the effect, too, is doubtless owing to an in
crease of operatives and improvements in machine
ry. But, on the whole, it is questionable whether
the reduction in tho price of lands, produce, and
manufactures has been greater than the appreciation
of the standard of value.
While the chief object of duties should be reve
nue, they may be so adjusted as to encourr<re manu
factures. In this adjustment, however, it is the du
ty ofthe Government to he guided by tlie general
good. Objects of national importance uloue ought
to be protected : of these, the productions of our soil,
our mines, and our workshops, essential to national
defence, occupy the first rank. Whatever other
species of domestic industry, having the importance
to which I have referred, may be expected, after
temporary protection, to compete with ibreiim labor
on equal terms, merit the same attention in a subor
, dinute degree.
l no present taritt taxes some of the comforts of
life unnecessarily high: it undertakes to protect in
terests too local and minute to justify a general ex
action ; and it also attempts to force some kinds of
manufactures for which the country is not ripe.—
Much relief will be derived, in some of these re
spects, from the measures of your last session,
j The best, as well as fairest mode of determin
ing whether, from any just considerations, a parti
cular interest ought to receive protection, would lie
to submit the question singly for deliberation. If,
after due examination of its merits, unconnected
with extraneous considerations—such as a desire to
sustain a general system, or to purchase support for
a different interest—it should enlist in it s favor a
majority of the Representatives of the people, there
can be little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting
the? tariff with reference to its protective effect, it
this obviously just principle were honestly adhered
to, the branches of industry which deserve protec
tion would he saved from the prejudices excited
igainst them, when that protection forms part of a
lystein by which port ions of the country feel, or con
ceive themselves to he. oppressed. W hat is incal
culably more important, the vital principle of our
system—that principle which requires acquiescence
in the will of the majority—would he secure from
the discredit and danger to which it is exposed by
the acts of majorities, founded, noton identity of con
viction, but on combinations of small minorities en
tered iuto for the purpose of mutual insistence in
measures which, resting solely on their own merits,
could never be carried.
I am well aware that this is a subject of so much
delicacy, on account of the extended interests it in
volves, os to require that it should be touched with
the utmost caution; and that, while an abandon
ment of the policy in which it originated—-u policy
coeval with our Government, and pursued through
successive administrations, is neither to be expected
or desired, the people have a right to demand., and
have demanded, that it be ho modified ^as to correct
abuses and obviate injustice.
That our deliberations on this interesting subject,
should he uninfluenced by those partisan conflicts
that are incident to free institutions, is the fervent
wish of my heart. To make this great question,
which unhappily so much divides and excites the
public mind, subservient to the short-sighted views
of faction, must destroy all hope of settling it satis
factorily to the great body of the people, and for the
general interest, i cannot, therefore, on taking leave
of the subject, too earnestly for my own feelings or
the common good, warn you against the blighting
consequences of such a course.
According to the estimates at the Treasury De
partment, the receipts in the treasury during the pre
sent year will amount to twenty-four millions one
hundred and sixty-one thousand and eighteen dol
lars, which will exceed by about three hundred
thousand dollars the estimate presented in the last
annual report of the Secretary of the Tie usury. The
total expenditure during the year, exclusive of pub
lic debt for the same period, is estimated at thirteen
millions seven hundred and forty-two llsousand three
hundred and eleven dollars; and the payment on
account of public debt for the same period will have
been eleven millions three hundred mid fifty-four
thousand six hundred and thirty dollars ; leaving a
balance in the Treasury, on the first of January,
eighteen hundred and thirty-one, of four miHious
eight hundred and nineteen thousand seven hundred
and eighty-one dollars.
In connection with the condition of our finances, it
affords me pleasure to remark that judicious and effi
cient arrangements have been made by the Treasury
Deportment for securing the pecuniary responsibility
of the public officers, and the more punctual pay
ment of the public dues. The revenue cutter ser
vice has been organized and placed on a good foot
ing. and aided by an increase of inspectors at ex
posed points, anil the regulations adopted under the
act of Muy, 18IM, lor the inspection and appraise
ment of merchandise, have produced much improve
ment in the execution of the laws, and more securi
ty against the commission of frauds upon the reve
nue. Abuses in the allowances for lishing boun
ties have also been corrected, and a material saving
in that branch of the service thereby effected. In
addition to those improvements, the f v- tem of ex
penditure for sick seaman belonging to die merchant
service has been revised; and, by being rendered
uniform and economical, the benefits of the fund ap
plicable to this object have been useful I v extended.
The prosperity of our country is also further evin
ced by the increased revenue arising from the sale of
public lands, as will appear from the report of the
Commissioner of the General Land Office, and the
documents accompanying it, which are herewith
transmitted. I beg leave to draw your attention to
this report, and to the propriety of making early ap
propriations for the objects which it specifies.
Your attention is again invited to the subjects
connected with that port ion of the public interests
entrusted to the War Department, Sdme of them
were referred to in my former message ; and they
are presented in detail in the report of the Secreta
ry of War, herewith submitted. I refer you, also,
to the report of* that officer for a know ledge of the
state of the Army, fortifications, arsenals, and In
dian affairs : all of which, it will he perceived, have
been guarded with zealous attention and care. It U
worthy of-your consideration whether the arma
ments necessary fin the fortifications on our mari
time frontier, which are now, or shortly will be.
completed, should not he in readiness sooner than
the customary appropriations will enable the Deport
ment to provide them. This precaution seems lo
he due to the general system of fortification which
has been sanctioned by Congress, and is recom
mended by that maxim of wisdom which tells us in
peace to prepare for war.
.1 refer you to the report of the Secretary ol the
Navy for a highly satisfactory account of the maimer
in which the concerns of that Department have been
conducted during the present year. Our position in
relation to the most powerful nations of the earth,
and the present condition of Europe, admonish us to
cherish this urni of onr national defence with pecu
liar care. Separated by wide seas from all those
Governments whose power w«r might have reason
to dread, we have nothing to apprehend from at
tempts ut conquest. It is chiefly attacks upon our
commerce, and harrnssing inroads upon our coast,
against which we hare to guard. A naval force
adequate to the protection of our commerce, always
afloat, with an accumulation of the means to give it
u rapid extension in caso of need, furnishes the
power by which all such aggressions may be pre
vented or repelled. The attention of the Govern
ment has, therefore, been recently dieted more to
preserving the public vessels already b^U,und pro
viding materials to be placed in dep use\
than to increasing their p**~*1— of
v nkLi
Congress in u lew years, the Government w ill be
prepared, in case of emergency, to put a flout a
powerful Navy of new ships almost as soon as old
ones could be repaired.
The modifications in this part of the service sug
gested in my last annual message, which are noticed
more in detail in the report-of the Secretary, of ther
Navy, arc again recommended to your serious at-»
tention.
The report of the Postmaster General, in like
manner, exhibits a satisfactory view of the impor
tant branch of the Government under his charge.
In addition to the benefits already secured by the
operations of the Post Office Department, conside
rable improvements within the present year have
been made by an increase in the accommodation af
forded by stage coaches, and in the frequency and
celerity of the mail between some of the most im
portant points of the Union.
Under the late contracts, improvements have been
provided for the southern section of the country,
and, at the same time, on annual saving made of
upjvnrds of seventy-two thousand dollars. Notwith
standing the excess of expenditure beyond the cur
rent receipts for a few years past, necessarily incur
red in the fulfilment of existing contracts, and in
the additional expenses, hoi ween the periods of con
tracting, to meet the demands created by the rapid
growth and extension of our flourishing country;
yet the satisfactory assurance is given, that the fu
| ture revenue of the Department will he sufficient to
meet its extensive engagements. The system re
| eently introduced, that subjects its receipts and dis
bursements to strict regulation; has entirely fulfilled
i ifc design. It gives full assurance of the punctual
! tiansmission, as well us the security of the funds of
the Department. The efficiency and industry of its
officers, and the ability and energy of contractors,
. justify an increased confidence in its continued pros
perity.
J he iittohtmn of Congress was called, on a former
t occOMAn, to tho necessity of such a modification of
* ‘,,e ofliee of Attorney General of the United States
| as would render it more adequate to the warts of the
public service. This resulted in the establishment
oi the office of Solicitor of the Treasury: and the
earliest measures were taken to give effect to the
provisions of the law which authorized the appoint
ment ol that officer, and defined his duties. But it
is not believed that this provision, however useful in
itself T is calculated to supersede the necessity of ex
tending the duties and powers of the Attorney Gene
ral's office. On the contrary, 1 am convinced that
j the public interest would bo greatly promoted by
; giving to that officer the general superintendence of
the various law agents of the Government, and of
all law proceedings, whether civil or criminal, in
which the United States may be interested, allow
ing to him, at the same time, such a compensation
as would enable him to devote bis undivided atten
tion to the public business. I think such a provision
is alike due to the public .and to the officer.
Occasions of reference from the different Execu
tive Departments to the Attorney General, are of
frequent occurrence ; and the prompt decision of
the questions so referred lends nmch to facilitate the
despatch of business in those Departments. The
report of the Secretary of the Treasury, hereto ap
pended, shows also a brunch of the public service
i not specifically entrusted to any officer, which might
lx* advantageously committed to the Attorney Gene
ral.
But, independently of these considerations, this
office is now one of daily duty. It was originally
onganized, and its compensation fixed, with a view
to occasional service, leaving to the incumbent time
for the exercise of his profession iii private practice,
The state of things which wamnted such an orga
nization no longer exists. The frequent claims upol
the services of this officer would render his absenci
from the Seat of Government, in professional utteq
dance upon the courts, injurious to the public service
and the interests of the Government could not f’ai
to be promoted by charging him with the generi
superintendence of all its legal concerns.
Under a strong conviction of the justness of thes
suggestions, I recommend it to Congress to niak
the necessary provisions for giving effect to tlieqjj
and to place the Attorney General, in regard to ioij
pensation, on the same footing with the heads of'tlj
several Executive Departments. To this office
might also he intrusted a-cognizance of the cases a
insolvency in public debtors, especially if the view
which I submitted on this subject last year shoo
moot the approbation of Congress—to which I agaj
solicit your attention.
Your attention is respectfully invited to the situ%
tion of the District of Columbia, Placed, by tfai
Constitution, under the exclusive jurisdiction an
control of Congress, this District is certainly entitli
to a much greater share of its consideration than
has yet received. There is a want of uniformity ii,
its laws, particularly those of a penal character,
which increases the expense of their administrat^oiii
and subjects the people to all the inconvenience*
which result from the operation of different codes j $
so small a territory. On different sides of the Poj J
mac, the same offence is punishable in unequal J |
grees; and the peculiarities of many of the eal*j
laws of Maryland anil Virginia remain in force, ■
withstanding their repugnance, in some cases, tol j|
improvements which have superseded them in tl« J
States.
nesidcs a remedy lor these evils, which is loci
called for, it is respectfully submitted whetluy ^
provision authorizing the election of a Delegate ||
represent the wants of the citizens of this Distric
the floor of Congress, is not due to them, and tf jflj
character of our Government. No portion <V <jR
citizens should he without a practical enjoym/ JR
the principles of freedom; and there is none I
important than that which cultivates a propel j
tion between the governors and the governedi lR
perfect as this must he in this case, yet it is bd. j
that it would be greatly improved by a represen,
in Congress, with the same privileges that are f|R
ed to that of the other Territories of the United» JH
The penitentiary is ready for the reception ( 'JR
victs, and only awaits the necessary legisla JR
nut it into operation; as one object of wh RR
beg leave to recal to your attention the proprl 1 j
providing suitable compensation for the oj Jfl
charged with its inspection. ,J
The importance of the principles involved t^R
inquiry, whether it will he proper to recharti R V
Bank of the United States, requires that I J R^f
again call the attention of Congress to the sul Rj
Nothing has occurred to lessen, in anv dcgreA R.J
dangers which many of our citizens apprehend!
that institution, as at present organized. Ii
spirit of improvement and compromise whicllH;|
tinguishes our country and its institutions, ithccl^R
us to inquire, whether it he not possible to securt^Rj
advantages aflbrded by the present bank, thrdfl]
the agency of a Bank of the United States, so . J j
difled in its principles and structure us to olri Ml
constitutional and other objections. i
It is thought practicable to organize such a InH|
with die necessary oflicers, as a branch of the xRi
sury Department, based on the public and lH|
vidual deposites, without , the power to make
I <>»' purchase property, which shall remit the funlHJ
the Government, and the dxpenses of which
paid, if thought advisable, by allowing its ofll^R
to sell hills of exchange to private individnnlRHi
moderate premium. Not being a corporate jR^B
having no stockholders, debtors, or property,R^Rl
but few oflicers, it would not be obnoxious tRI
constitutional objections which are urged agninRlH
present bank; and having no means to operuRH
the hopes, fears, or interests of large masses oRqR
community, it would be shorn of the influence w 3
makes that bank formidable. The States vrouRiR
strengthened bv having in their hands the incR^fl
furnishing the local paper currency through theiiKj||
banks; while the Bank of the United Statos, thRR
issuing no paper, would check the issues oiS
Htate banks, by taking their notes in deposite^RS
for exchange, only so long as they continue toa
redeemed with specie. In times of public JwjM i1'
gency, the capacities of such an institution mij^Hlu
enlarged by legislative provisions.
These suggestions are made, not so much a|M|
commendation, as with a view of calling theHIftk
tion of Congress to the possible modificationdMrm
system which cannot continue to exist in its pRpjj
form without occasional collisions with the IocRmR
thorities, and perpetual apprehensions and dj^R ^
tent on the part of the States and the people. HSR
In conclusion, fellow-citizens, allow me to in|RR
in behalf of your deliberations, that spirit of
liation and disinterestedness which is the* gift flRJR
triotism. Under an overruling and merciful R^R
deuce, the agency of this spirit has thus fnrjB
ol our bon^fe