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in i BY II. T. WHITE. RUTLAND, THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1844, VOL. 50. NO. 13. THE II Ell A LI). Published oTory Thursday Slorninc, tkrm. rtn TEAH. Left singly, on routs, at the subscribers door 8 1 i5. "J Delivered in iaclagtt,or taktn at the offitt, 9l,i0 I y mul ------ tl,60 On 0 months credit, -1U tints added if not then paid J Delivered by the Village carrier, - $2.00. Motto far tttrylody ; "Encourw Vour Own" From, tie Cincinnati! Chromctt. Here it something written on tho top of the 'tenih ware,' of whole lido of thought and mournful expe rience, excellent to our finding : THE WORLD FQU SALE. The world lor sale ! lung out ihoflgn. Call every traveller hero lo mo ; Who'll buy this brave estate of mine, And set my weary spirit frco! 'Til going I yc, I mean to fling Tho bauble from my soul away; I'll sell it, whatsoe'er it bring ; The world at auction hero today! It i a glotiou? thing to see Dir. ah ! it has cheated mo soro ! It Is not whit it nccnis to bo ! For sale ! it shall be m'ne no more. Come, turn it o'er and view it well; I would not have your purchaso dear. 'Tis going ! going I must sell ! Who bids ! who'll buy tho splendid tear t Hero's wealtlHn glittering heaps of gold Who bids : But let me tell you fair, A baser lot was never sold 1 Who'll buy tho heavy heaps of care J And here spread out in broad domain, A goodly landscapo all may trace ; Hall, cottage, tree, field, hill and plain ; Who'll buy himsolf a burial plare J Hero's Love, the dreamy potent spoil That beauty flings around the heart ; I know it's power, alas ! too well ; 'Tis going! Lovo and I must part! Must patt 1 What can I moro with Love ! All over'a thu enchanter's reign. Who'll buy the plumoloss, dying dovo A breath of bliss a storm of paint And Friendship rarest gem of earth Who e'er hath found the jcwell his 1 Fiail, ficklo, falsa and Utile worth Who bids for Friendship it in J' Tis going ! going hoar tho call ; Onco, twico and thrico I 'tis very low ! 'Twas onco my hope, my stay, my all, Hut now tho broken staff must go ! Fnmo! hold the brilliant meteor high j How dazzling every gilded tiamo ! Ye millions ! now's the tiino to buy. How much for Fame J how much for Fame I Hear how it thunders ! Would you stand On high Olympus, far renowned, Now purchase, and a world command ! And bo with a worldjs curses crowned. Sweet star of Hope ! with ray to shino In every sad foreboding breast, Save this desponding ono of mine, Who bids for man' last friend and best I Ah, wcro not mine a bankrupt life ; This treasure should my soul sustain ; lint hope and I are now at strife, K JSnr over ma; unito again. Ambition, fashion, show nnd pride, I part from all forever now ; Grief, in an overwhelming tide, Has taught my haughty heart to bow, llv doath! stern sheriff, all bereft, I weep, yet humbly kiss the rod ; Tho best of all I still have left My Faith, my Diblo and my God. n. if. Wit PHELPS' SPEECH, IN THE SENATE, FllIDAY, FKBIIUAIIY 10, 1844 The Senate resumed the consideration of the follnwinc report of the committee of Finance. Jah. 0,1844. Mr. Evans from tho Committee on Fi nance reported tho following resolutions: llesolvtd. That tho bill entitled "A bill to revive Iho act of the 2nd of March, 1833, usually called tho compromise act. and to modify the existing duties upon foreign Imports, In conformity with its provis ions," is a bill " tor raising revenue" within tho meaning of tho 7tn section of the first article of the constitution, and cannot tiicrelore originate In the Senate: therefore. Resolved. That it bo indefintely postponed. wr. PIIKLPS said ho could not concur with the honorable Chairman of tho Committee of Finance, that this was a fiuilless discussion. He was well aware that nothing could be said that would carry -conviction to the mind of any gentleman here, in opposition to tho opinion which ho might tiavo tor nicd on this subject and that nothing could be said that would tnfluoncotho course of this body on this creat question of national policy. Hut there were .other reasons for tho discussion of this subject, which gave U valuo and importtnee, whatever might be tho decisionof tho Senate. An appeal was made by it to the judgement of tho great mass of the Amer ican people, ilowever Incongruos it may appear to some gentlemen that wo, who aro accustomed to re ceive instruction from tho people, should in'our turn attempt to afford instruction to them, ho vet r.onsid. ered the people had a light to know our opinions on tuujects oi sucn general interest as ttm Alt agieod as to the imporlanco of this question as connected with national policy. Tho Senator from South Ca rolina conienuea mat me protective policy was ru inous to the interests of the country, and he (nr Phelps) tcgarded it as the only means by which the intercuts of the country couli be promoted; but nicy ootn entertained ttio same o, .nion as to tho im portance of the subject. Havinc been a member of the Senate which n.ts H1 bo tariff of 1812, and having given it Ids support he could not but feel some interest ii. ,ts preservation ..... ,0 HCl vvas ln succcssiut operation. The Senator from Souih Carolina proposed to repudiate ...v. -1..SU1U, protection, lie (Mr. r.J was not prepared to take that ground, and ho trusted that the people of the conniry. would feel that their great national interests depended on a close adher cns to this policy. hat woia tIl0 objecUoni , it 1 The Senat.r from South Carolina had donoun- cea h mm a, lle violation of the compro- raise act. Uo has not understood the gentleman as intending to Impeacli the .motives o? those who had passed the tariff act ot 1812; but, when this strong language was ued by the Senator he (Mr ) understood by it roetely. ancxprcsion of the strong confidence felt by the Senator in the correuncis of ht own opinions on the subject Hut the charge was to go before tho country. We are arraigned before tc country on the charge of a foul and faithless violation of a solemn pledge. With what provisions of the compromise act did act of 1813 conflict 1 Whu were the provUions of the compromise ar t. inmetirn puce it provided for the horns valuation of gwis impoited. That provi,,n w-.. ptc-crvca oT mo ac. oi wii. in mo , iiu.. nmv .in. vvii..... 'i " ",v ..v""-"'1jh iiuiiuvm iui mi; .......u . ...w vu.uiiimtui. , miiiijuuv3. i.u nciwi.vti " llio act of 1812. In the third place ihe compromise ... rntArA ll,t lit iliilin tlnil1rl l.n Imnn.ii.l lvill.1 a i lew lo nuch a revenue as would bo necessary to -M - " """'T"" t. DM an SiM raised by the tariff of .1.. I toe wants m tho government. Mid ammtnt nf rnvnr.tin r I i lix lfllO wa nut wnnled t Wa (tin Irrinniv nvRrbur. ' dencd wiih money 1 Was not the Government sill I indeat! I his principle of tho compromise act that the ngeregatc of revenue should not exceed tho svin rrijuucu uy hid warns oi inoEoveinincii.w.ia not violated by the act of 1812. Further, ho con. tended thai tho compromise net had becomo a dead litter on tho 30th of June, 1843, prior to the passage of tho taiiffof 1812. The compromise act had ex hausted itself. It was fundus officio: t had dis charged its office. From the noturo of tho act it- .cirtt had hecome Impossihle to violato it. Hut too tariff of 1842 conflicted with no provision of the compromise act, excepting that clause which de clares that, after the 30th of June, 1812, no duties should bo levied exceeding 20 Per cent, ad valorom. Tt was contended that this provision limited tho power nf Congress on tho subject, nnd restricted them from imposing nny duty higher than 20 per cent. His construction of this provision, taken to gelher with tho other provisions of this act, was, that the aggregate amount of tho duties should not exceed the amount required by tho wants of govern ment. If it was the purpuso of tho act to declare that no higher rate of duty than 20 per cent. , should bo levied, even if necessary for the support of tho government, then tho act was mere nullity. It was not in the power of Congress to mako such a pro vision. They could not, by any legislation, put such a limit on the discretion nf Congress. Gentlemen might take which horn of tho dilema they choose. If Ill's construction of tho act was admitted, then the act only limited the aggregate amount of duties to be raised to tho wants nf Government, and it did not conflict with the provisions of the act of 1812. If it was to be construed as limiting the action of Congress to the imposition of a duty of 20 per cent., then it was an absurd and unconstitutional attempt to iimit and abridge tho discretion of Congress. It was not necessary further to dwell on this subject, hut he had something more to say as to this matter. Ho was desirous to know on what ground he, as a member of this body, was precluded from voting for any action on this subject. Ho looked upon the act of 1833 merely as compromise of opinion pre cisely such as took placo hero on every subject. There was nothing blndintr in it, but it was nocessa ry to any action at all. When Congress had acted, they exercised their legislative power, and when they went away they left the power of their suc cessors in no way abridged by their action. Ho re garded the act as one merely legislative, and no more binding on their successors than any other leg islative act. In regard to private and vested rights, legislation was forever bindincr : but. as recarded general purposes, tho action of Congress was mere- l.. .: r .i j. ty u iuusiiuu in icgisi auvo ui9creuona uioic ijuvb- tion of expediency, in tho decision of which every one was lett to tlio oxerciso of his own judgment. He denied that the compromise act, or any act of general Icgtolal.nn, was binding in ttio oonco that it was alledged to be obligatory. He repudiated the pretension altogether, in whatever point of view it was .o bo considered whether as binding in hon or, or a3 a question of expediency alone. There were other reasons why he, as one of tho Senators Irom the otato ol Vermont, could not looic upon inc compromise act as one which they could not shake off. It was imposed on the people of his State a- gainst their earnest remonstrances. His predeces sors remonstrated against it, and it was imposed on them by the will ol a majoiity. Hut it would have derived no additional force from tho assent of hi predecessors. His own action in regard to it was left free. nothcr question had been raised here, whclh er the act was constitutional or unconstitutional? It was asserted that it was unconstitutional, and if it was so there would bo nn end to tho question.. On what ground was it said to be unconstitutional? It was said it had an eve to nrotection. The Sen ator front New Hampshire had labored very hard, and, as he beleived, very unnecessarily, to make it appear that some of tho duties imposed by this act were protective. He (Mr. P.) voted for the bill because it was protective, and it required no effort to show that it was protective in its character. He would not hnvo supported it cn any other ground, and it was this consideration that governed his vote. He would vote for no tariff bill that disre garded that principle. Let ps look for a moment, said Mr P., to this question of constitutionality, Tho oiiestion was rt complicated ono. It was presented in creat variety of forms. In one sect ion of the country the bill was looked upon ns pro tectivc. nnd therefore unconstitutional : in another section it was not considered as sufficient protect ive. There was no difficulty in making out that it was competent for Congress whenever they might choose, to impose duties for protection, and for nrotection only, even if the want of tho Treas ury did not call revenue from such duties. There was know difficulty in establishing this principle. Where was the power derived? From the pow er to rcsulate commerce. Tho General Gov- eminent derivcu the power to rrp-uiote commerce from tho States, who possessed it to its fullest poss - iblo extent, limited by no possible restraint or ex- cepuon There power was as omnipotent, u I...V.A. flhA.A '.i I I. r. fr..,A It I I 'T . I m fTl ITT ,t-i . r-.i mL- c, , ,i .,1 ,rt , 1, What became Ol It lhO btate CCllCU it lO llie -linemen enlist; 13 in' iiuiiui ui - General Government when the constitution was formed " . , , i i r. . , It was relinquished by the Sta es to the xoyernmcnt; it wnsransfcrrcd, without General G qualification or abridgement, to congress otme u. States, and as such we may exorcise it in v i every tnanner.accordinsr to our discretion part of the Constitution could ocpoinieu out con ' t a taming any limitation or aoriugcmcnt oi tins pow er to regulate commerce t i ncro was none, iis pressed on tho bank and crippled the currency i ."entnr from w iiampthire, diminiahrd our exporis io tho Slates were expressly prohibited from . tho , exer- To lhe coun,;ry it n,cmary ,0 dimi; fc" CISC Of the power, if Congress did not poSSCSS It, j.h tlc JmporlS. The act of 1812 WOS passed to I Ihcclrcum.lances which m.y exist in the intercourse be- then the power was abrogated. 1 here could not fi- t h t 0bjCct to restrict impoitations. It was 1 ra,1iu",1- 'i denied ion that the ivories nppiying In li.n nm. .Ii'tlrn in nrirnrmlp it Whilo the I ei i - . r.u .. f i n . . to the hit e isle of Great tlrilain would suit Una vast and have been any Utsign to abrogate iu wnuo : tne ono orti,0 objccts 0f lhe act 0f 1842 to prevent im-i wid(ir extended region, ith countless million, or people people were creating a more ported torm oi uov i p0rtaiions exceeding the ability of tho country to j that would inhabit it, and tho amount of whose agncuhu crnmcnt, could it bo imagined that they intended, 1 nrov.jQ ror iuer navmcnt. P'vductions it would be imp.iUe to e.nmsio. f.n,;nn iho full nAtrpe nn ihn a nv ' .. . . .... J Was all thu pioduclion to depend on foreign maikcl 1 instead of conferring the full power on tho uo. Th(j country haJ Hcj loudly" for relief, and , u' the policy that wou'd givelt. home msrlct to boeon- eminent, to limit and abridgO It? UOUld It be in- j t.:n.. for tho nurnoSC Now it idis- 'ert a reason for dissolving the Union Ut it be d.- tcndeJ to deprive the Government of a necessary 3Ctdh:1t,;3h?sClJasr nd thai Si ?"Jl'3fe po vcr, that was cxerciscu ny every otner oo - ern - mcnt in tho v.unur I" . ...V...-V-. lAei i; 'i tiAir inoiii tmi in inn .(in CU m ItlO UOn- minion n nrnvmon nrohibitinir t ic States from , . , . . .i. . .i., , levying any duties on imports, because that pow - er and tho power to regulate commerce were so intimately blended that they could not bo separa- led . m.mt t .t i r wncincr tno policy oi proHCUonn ... not, it was, therefore, certainly within tho con itional power o congress. naiMi.n uli..llior I yiri rrr n n imnriin fill. or not stitutional The line ition whether Consress can impose du i.. r ...u a r..r in j inruiy lur o urou-viiuii, "inn iiwv numw m,i,.i M n ir.itnlirn opr. Ho would be satisfied with a tariff which, while it imposed such , um.es ns wotiiu, in mo aggregate, j no moro , moiiiu, oy n proper uucriniiiiauuii, promote all Vrnnrhr. nf indium, nnd afford nrotwiin. . . . . J . ... Q ff- r cm turn nnd innnnfiie lUCS. 110 he d Ihn that the imposition of protective duties, to' an extent transcending tho wants or Government, until,! hn iriiiiriniK In tin ntotrctcd tntrrr-t Tim opin- WOtlld bo ItllUNOllS 10 t'10 pTOtrctCU interests The qucMioii resulted in this whcther.tn providing lor no. o$nrv wants oi the uorcrnini'iit, would, by n proper discrimination, promote all branches of in- dtistry, nnd afford protection to agriculture and iii.inuiaciuris. nc nuiu uiu ujniuuii mm mo im position of protective duties, to nryjxtent Irnnscen ding tho wants of Government, would bo inj'urinug to the protected interests. Tho question resulted in this whether, in providing lor thtr necessary wants ofthc Government, wo may impose duties that will afford protection to domestic industry? The idea of n horizontal ndvalorem scale of duties (was out of tho question. It was a Ihing utterly nnpossioic, ami woum never oo at tempted. Discrimination was necessary even with a view to revenue nlono ; for some aiticles would bear a higher rate or duly than others. In im posing duties on articles for revenue, wo must look to the rates ofduty which each article will bear. 1 ho only rlifiiculty was ns to the manner in which we should malte a discrimination. Tho ho norablo Senator from South Carolina had supposed a caso which pot this question in its truo light. Ho had supposed the case of an article paying forty per cent duty, and hand shown that a twenty per cent duty would yield tho same amount of revenue, because double the quantity importation would take place under the lower rate of duty. Why so ? For the benefit, ho says of commerce. Hcre,thcn, he takes leave of the purpose of revenue, and ho makes a discrimination for protection for the protection of commerce and navigation. He (Mr. Phelps) would only ask the gentlemen to extend his principle a little further, so as to embrace the protection of agriculture and ranufacture. Tho principle was right, but it was so applied as to foster only ono of the great interest of the coun try, leaving the other to shift for themselves. Hero, then, was tho only diiTerenco betwen the Senator and himself ; on one side tho principle of protection was applied to commerce alone, and on the other it was extended tothc great and, ho might add, more important interest of manufactures more important, because commerce could not ex ist without productive industry in other occupations. We would not engraft on an idle or unproductive population a prosperous commerce, and it was tho great object of 1842 to promoto porductive indus try. Commerce has always been attended to by this Government. Moro attention has beer; paid to it tnnn to any otner intctercst. it has been a favorite interest to the Government from its foun dation, and it has legislated for Us protection, nnd expenucu enormous sums tor us pruin-iiuii uuu im provement, there has been but a single exception to this policy on the part ol the Government, and that was in resorting to systems of reciprocitv, the operation of which was most severely felt by our commerce, ln those treatise ot reciprocity tho principle of protection was abandoned, and tho fol ly of abandoning protection was fully illustrated by the consciences. Every Senator, in debating this subject, must be imbarasscd bv the consideration that ho can pre sent nothing new in,nrgnmcntorfact in relation to it, and he apprehended that he should fatigue the ot- nuii; uy ii'iui nn'' 10 a view aireauv laminar, inc Senator from South Carolina proposes to repeal this law of 1842, confiding in the belief that anoth er nnd beltepsystem can bo substituted for it. Wo could doubtless haveanothcr.ifwe could agree upon its principles. In judgingoftheproprictyofihe exist ing bill,wcmust gobacktotho propriety of tho bill, wo must go back to the condition of things when it was adopted. We have then just passcd'through an extraordinary political revolution, and thoso succeeding to power in tho Government found that domestic industry and com'mcrco were prostrated, the sources of revenue wero dried up, and tho peo ple were in n stato of Bankruptcy. Theso cir cumstances had produced this political revolution. Congress met here to redeem the country from im pending ruin to remedy the evils under which tho country was suffering. We were sent hero to provide means of relief to devise means enable the peoplo to breathe moro freely : and tho - , Si i ,. , ,ii t I only thing that was done which COtlld havo theso effects was tho ennctmcntof the tariff act of 1842. 1 rjo.l ilmi Kill r:io.l ;i l.l i l . ,,, Had that bill failed, t would have been at onco the cause Of the dcsolution of the party Which had the ascendency-the defeat of its chief obiict. Wei . . r . proposccKsniil Air. lJ.)a Bank of tho United Stales, winch, by the wny, was never a creat lavoritc With him. Ho Viewed tho Question of thecurrcn- cy as a subordinate one; for, t.-A itin Whlle tno country ivn pmlnrrnwpil it ii-tiq tmnnaeilitn In j SUStnill nni,c , Cm,n,i -,irr.nn : nn.i iln mim emtt to 1 regunte tho currencv by legislation alone was tho most :j,e (h, that-evt.r rntercci ,1Cmimi of man. We nlso proposed a bankrupt act and this tariff, j' ill. What was propo? cd on the other side? To'JJ .,, i j 1 1 wjmt was nrono- 1 t - . ... m, ..,'., nn.l rnnslmrt run chests, nm wl nil uild vaults, and construct iron chests, nnd get nil L l.l I :i ,1 M .ml l..l. : lh nl(I . .. ,.1PV rnllM anJ i , ;, i uiu i;uiu uuu auvui ini-y iuuiu umu tuuiv uii. I That WM th(J proposhon on tl0 0,iier 8jdct0 a(i. here to the sub-treasury. Ruin hung over this imposition on tlio otner s treasury. Ruin hung t nml hMlcrt0 prosperous people, and it was id thnt overtrading was the difiiculty, not in do- t mcstic interests, for it was impossible to ovcrtrndo - , at jlomC) bm it waJ in th(J over importation of for I IIII.WSIV lltsitl ( - 'ei 00j? t()0 contracl,on 0f foreion debts, whici Clgn goods: tllO contraction of foreign debts, Which , o(jr ,.hc fict instpa!, nf i,- ,!,, ,rn n-,n.-, t... . . - i.orro... ' .. . . J ,3' ..Z. . ,i . ..... ... .iA uiu 3um.a ncii.uioo"iii im.u nig iuii,uiv i , sha of forei!in ribricJi wilich n-eresoon us. cors.Iincd nnJ ,eft nolKm t0 shovv. fnrt)e, ... M11,n,i nr ,l je;,, in the. cd and them. It nujftim hiw m". wt fw iiustau posites had caused the mischief: butlhough illegal nnd im- pruJent) ,hal fncajure on,y lhc whieh disclosed the embarrassments of the banks and the country. , -i, .,:.. W0prOtCCt0 , . , VJtCm bCCn, during that tirno, ia MUtcacc, money would have been brought mto the country instead of goods, and wc should li.ive hnil I in tni i means for n,tving the debt. In 1S33 " o j this compromise act was pawed. It provided for a gradual reduction of duties, prostrated domestic manufactures, and filled the country with foreign goods. It was the policy of encouraging foreign labor instead of our own that had embarrassed the country. We needed not the iinpottation of Eng lish or Scotch books to tell us that tho production ofogriculttiro hero was too great. Out of n pop ulation of twenty millions we had but cieht hun dred thousand engaged in manufactures. Wliilo tho umount of produce was increasing, and tho surplus already ceased to have any value, wo now proposcu locinpiuy lorcign laooriu tnanui.iciunng for us. Tho foundation of tho protective policy was the employment of our own industry in pro viding us with tho articles necessary for our con sumption. A vast deal nf wisdom has been slicd on thi world by theorists ; but tho best mode of investi gating a subject was the yankeo one of looking at things ns they are discarding tho speculations and theories of philosophers. To call into opera tion our resources and mako tho most of them, and to curtail all the expenses that aro unnecessa ry, was the principle proper for us to act upon. In other wonli, produce oi much m vnu ran. nnd emend as little aa you can, and you bare a ryitem nf rennomj ap plicant to individuals and to nations Tho Tint thing, then, to ba done is to itiitributo labor so as to giva it as much effect as possible. Ry diverting from ajiicultujp a portion of labor lo manufactures, we prrvent oter-producion in agricutturo and make for ourselves articles tint we must otherwise purcliam from abrnid. This would bo tho prop er system for individuals, and it would apply equally well to tlio policy or nations. Ho would notice a few n( llic objections to tho protect ive policy. It w:is Mid that it would dctttoy commerce Wo were asked if we would destroy commerce 1 Nn, wc had no euch intention. Jut no designed to give it a differ ent result to limit our importation to the amount of ex portation, nnd to prevent tho over-importation of fore en goodi and the consequent burden of foreign debt. Why was it suppoced tint the destruction of commerce would follow tho establishment of manufactures 1 Tho experience of the world showoj that a nation that had nothing to rs port could have no commerce , and that ever would be the experience ofthc world. Tho only pirlicular in which tho interests of Great IJritain and this nition were conflicting was in their rivalry of commerce, Hngland prohibited tho agricultural productions of nil countries, except so far as starvation compelled her to admit them. Had this policy destroyed her commerce t Her commerce rested chiefly on her manufactures, It was this resource that had given rig. orond sustenance to her commerce. No nation ever flour ished without a divcrsiiy of pursuits. Suppose we tvero cxcluivc!y agricultural would the whole world supply us with a market for our surplus? If a market could not be found abroad, there must be creat ed a market at home. If you would sustain your commerce you must protect your industry, nnd that will sivo the peo ple tho means or purchasing luiports.and ofproducing some thing to send abroad. What was the condition of com merce when tho people were disablril from purchasing goods by poverty ? Tho goods were sent bick ng.iln ; but when industry was revived, and agriculture and commerce began lo flourish, they afforded a reward to labor, commerce also revived. Ho bad witnessed tlio operation of this prin ciple ln the part of the country whc.c he came. When the price ofnrlicles produced by them was biuh, they would indulge freely in the consumption of foreign imports, TJie result ofall investigation of thut xubicet was. that if give prniiiau:o employment to industry, you will promote commerce. If it was true that we had imported more than wc could pay for, why-should we not diminish our importation ? Wo had manufactured fur ourselves tho forty millions excluded bv .he tariff, and diminished our expenditures to that extent. This result accorded with Iho practical doctrines of Iho people ofNcw I'neland. Ifo encouraced industry bv this system tothc full extent of tne produco of minufjcturcs , lor we took tlio ground that the products ol agriculture were carried to their highest profnable point. Thus the system added to the aggregate wealth of the country bv Ihe amount produced by manufactures. The people of New r.nglanu who were so much uclund the ago in political i con omy, Ind protided from manufactures the means of suopur. tins commerce. They formerly sent specie to China, but ! nyc" obuU, fZttci! "'e cummercc of Cl'ina They alio sent cotton (roods to .South America, and it had increased instead of diminishing Ihe trado. The argument of tho.Scnator from South Carolina was, that by providing nev markets for the consumption oTprrducts, wo destroy the old ones a doctrine which ho (Mr P ) did not concur with. When the Senator drew a comparison between the English market and tho oaltrv home market of New Ene land, it would have been wed hid he staled their relative value. It was ascertained that the State of Massachutrlts used as much flour, for starch for suing, as nil the flour taken from us by Great llrilain. The Slate of Jlatsachusetts alioconrumcd more of the western produce than all that was expnrKd to England. This flour was not sent to Eng land for domestic, consumption but it went into bond at the rustom liousc.nnd was used for the commercial miriuo Hill was llic wnuiu umimiil ill Ik l 11 r.iijii urn .vn -ii between two and three hnndred thousand barrels of flour. The aggregate amount ol wheat raised in tho country was, according to the late census, sixty-four millions of bushels. Mr Ellsworth estimates it at the present time at one hundred millions of bushels. We had been able to sell of this just ono hundred part lo that grcit nation whoso workshops we proposed to employ for the manufacture of sll tlio articles we consumed, we sold doulilo lie amnuni to I to Cunnda, lie had been undor the imprenion that onr flour sent lo uanaua was cxpurlcu to t-njl.iml , nut ho nail asccr- lameu nim ii i ns inn in. t lie pvupiu 01 wanaua caiiu inr protection, and discriminating duties wcro imposed on ihe Importation of our flour into Canada. Ilut our wheat was admitted and miQur.clurcd by them Into flour. 'Iherfxpur ulIen or8our ,hl0 c,nadl ,lt'd cca,eili The rutt o(Uc Secretary of Stale gave us Ihe additional duties Imposed bJ Great Wmn on oittcics imported into Canada. Iio srluarlti.l In I l.ocn ititomnnli lnlinur tVial I Im tin t Pflivn p(,,lc WJf Rriiwin!, upin ;1Mii ,,nU hld mardo.tsway .from England m i,or remote f!-rwndcncics. . Hoeiulalned the eh.racter of these duties, to show that me? uau uiu iicnucncy 10 proinoic irio navigation oi i-.na- a,tI,s Tho circuitous iraiio.thmu .li Ccacln In Knnl.nri lanu. i irj cui-uiiuui iiauc, iiiruu"ii lysnaua to j,ncisna. had been unprofitable and hid iM-en abandoned. There i w" lariietiponaunn to me uriusii west muies, it wis I ?jft I nit. We sent lo them 210.000 barrels of flour: to all the er islands between eighteen and nineteen thousand bar- I Ins market, whatever it was, was forced by ncccs rhey would take our produce if necessary to prevent vation, not without. It was a trade that existed inde- 1 not qua iirnucnuy ni auv 1.11111 rr-.uiaiiona on our pari. 1 ner wouia ! not buv from usifth-vcuuld b suonlie.1 r,nm mnv nth-r quarter. What wis the result of Ibis rule I We exported i . , "J I p In lui: lo lheo islands three or four millions In amount, mporleil but about one fourth nfthat amount nf their produce The reason of this was that wa mads our rum, molasses and sugsr ourselves. We had reduced our Imports ' m'a",c" every four w so lint we took Irom Iheni only ono dollar fur rxportod lo Ihem, Thliiijontj the bent-fit ur own induslrv ; of protecting our own industry formerly wr bnuzhl IJ these thinci from the West India 1 petition with lhirs. had not, according to tha'iheorr oftho producers, uui die protection ol our own products, In c un- htD,o rf ,hv, r;,u. i nM ,,, ,blBdoa ,ne ii .. . i ..i.i i it.i. , Union than yield up this polity. Ilut it was not ia the powerpfaDylejitlative action tojlesiroy thii Union It had been said that the orosress of anatiCisot at t'le north would destroy it he rejrettcd as much as any nn (he tendency of that spirit ; but lucb imprudencles on the part nflhe people would occur, ind he did not apprehend from Iheci any dso;er. Tbedaywodtd not arrive within i rum inrci mar uu?rr, pc uay wi'UaU uoi irrivc the limit of nur existence, nor in tbut or our sue un itji UncoM du.ohed ft.., .he ope,. pra-tiWtity oNi nollinj thu Union, but tbo mm I. . . I'M. a t . . . . successors. ilioo of bililyor pra'liblllty ol uiisoiirin tins union, but tne man was not i living that would lift bis bind for tho purpuie of earrjln,' ILedesijn Into riirei. ller-lli I'lIK' WvieUed the floor. Tvlthoat coseluJimr ( sdt!it Stc:t adjourned to Jloodsy. GKN. JACKSON'S FINE. Washington, Feb. 20,1844. Mr. Stacv, T notice i't iho Truo Democrat of tho i!tst inst. nn article in il lation to Iho recent ac tion of the Senate upon tho Dill refunding to (Jen Jacktnn tho fine Imposed upon him by Judgo Hall in lets, in which it i assarted that both tlio Sena, tors from Veimont voted against doing justice to tho hero of New Utloans. The editor gives tho voto upon thu amendment proposed by the Commlttco on the Judiciary, providing "Hint nothiiipr In tho Hill should be considered an Imputation upon tho con duct of Judge Hall in imposing tho fine." This mendmeut was resisted by tho friends nf Con Jack son and of the bill, not upon the ground that their design was to re (loci upon tho conduct of the de ceased Judge, but upon the c round that tho bill Im plied no suih imputation, ami lhal the amendmont was unnecessary. If such was their construction of the bill, 1 saw no harm In expressing what they considered implied, nor did i ea any injiislice to Gen. J.irksnn in rendering them more explicit in extiresflng their views. It Is true, howuvcr, that I vntod against the bill upon its final passage, and for reasons which I most cheerfully submit to tho good sonso and deliberate Judgment of the peoplo ol Vermont. A more Rrost deception was never practiced upon Iho American peoplo than has boon imposed upon thorn In relation to this matter. It has been represented that iho transaction for which tho fine was imposed occurred in the presence of the auny, and while the city of JNew Orleans was in imminent tlaiiRer. Indeed, i have recently seen it assorted that Judeo Hall wns conspiring with a class ol'men, who wero engaged , in a secret conespondence witli the enemy. 'lliN assertion is nn invention of very recont origin. No man hero pretends that such was tho ian. lint un der tho iiiipiessiun that tho condtictof Gen. Jack'm was demanded by tho extreme exigency oflho caso that tlio salvation uflho country required that ho should put himself nbovo alt law, and tramplo upon the judicial authorities, a clamor for the remission of too line has bean tniscd, and even Stulo Legisla tures have hKiit in llicir resolutions lo this effect. which show upon their faco that ttio men who adop ted them wero utterly ignorant of the real facts of tho case. What are theso facts 1 On tho 8th of January 1813. the decisivo battle of New Orleans was foueht, The enemy wcro discomfited nearly annihilated. I heir army, alro.iuy crippled by tlio trninenduous slaughter of th it day, was daily wasting without tho moans ol recruiting. Under tlicse circumstan ces, a renewal ot tne attacic would nave uecn mao ness. 1 heio Writ no danger of it. et Oen Jnck son, havinp, in the first placo illegally and without authority dedarcd martial law, persisted in main taining it. A citizen by tho name of Louallior hav ing at some tiino previous to tho 3d of Much, publhlied in tlic papers ot tho city all article oiiun sive to Gen. Jackson, ho caused LoualHct to bo ar tested and placed in confinement with a view to hid trial by a court maitial. Louallier,concolvin! hint- self answeraole to a civil tribunal, if at all, and not to n military coiut; applied to Judge Hall for a Ha beas cotpus, which tho Judge, ns ho was bound to do, irranioJ This ims isjsued on the 3d1 of March. 1815 iicnriy t'Shl weeks after the Iwttle, ana ajtir tnt newt of peace hid arrived in the city. The General instead of obeying tho writ, caused tho Judge to be arres'ed by a military guard and taken out of tho city. It was for this act of arresting nnd imprison ing the Judgf , in order to prevnt the exorcise of his judici.il lunctions, that tho fino was imposed. It will be seen that this proceeding was not only a high handed abuse of Hilary power, trampling upon the civil authority, but an act which had not the plea of necessity lo oxcuso it, the danger being over and the war at an end. I did not deem it my duty, under those circumstances, to give to tho act the sanction of my approbation. I shall enter into no argument upon a point so clear.for my own vindication, nor tihould I have no ticed iho paragraph in the Truo Democrat, at all, wero it not for the purposo of removing a misappre hension, so gonerally prevailing, as to the period when the transaction took place, and tho supposed necessity for such a high handed measure SAMUEL S. PHELPS. Late from africa. By the arrival hcrcof Lieut. Ferris, an officer ofthc U. S. Squadron upon the African Coast, in formation has been received that three of tho ves sels composing it, have had some warm work up on the Const in tho way of punishing the natives, concerned in the murder ofthc coptain nnd crew ofthc schooner Mary Carver, about two years a- go On tho 4th of December lost, thcthrco vessels met at Monrovia, ond after taking the Governor Monrovia on board proceeded down tho Coast to about 00 or 80 miles below Capo Pnlmas, and on the 12th landed n forco of about S00 officers and men. A council house was erected on thobrachi for their use, to which on tho 13th tho African King and Ifis interpreter came, attended by his people all fully armed to hold n palaver. Tho "talk" was very unsatisfactory, nnd finally ihrl K.ng, his Interpreter, and the peoplc,tuinid tuid ran, out nau not proceeded Jar beloro a volley j ' .1 r 1 mi 1 .1 ir 1 ,rom tlle American force killed ll)0 King, lllS in . icrprcier anu otiiers. l lio nntivis litu too un"it. trom whence they continued tor above an hour to fire upon tho Americans, who rc turned volley for volley, burned their towns, ihstroytd their canoes and then rt turned to their ships. On the following day tho force landed n few miles Anther down, burned five more ton ns, des troyed a considerable number of ranors, &c. In one of these towns tho Register of tho Mary Car ver was found also a private letter belonging to the caplnin of that vessel, and other papers which had clearly belonged to it. Tho bouts again re turned to the ships, and a few miles further down n treaty ol pt-dce was concluded with another tribe of Africans. Tho Saratoga arrived at Madcria on tlio 20tlt from Monrovia, nnd just before she left the latter place, the Rf-v. Mr Stwyer, ono 6T the missiona ries stationed about 50 miles below Monrovia, died. , Influenza. The editor of the N. Y. Mercury siys. "Wo have had tho influt-nzi for rt fort night ; and if the weather is n't more steady and regular in iis habits,we may have it for o fortnight to come. Wow, 0 blow, ye fitkle breezes, All among the leafless iiee.ea ! (Jive oa jnuflles, jilvo us neesei Uiye us paint, and ache, and wheezes; Oire us any tl. g you please.- but do n't give us tbo influcnzj oficncr than our times a year." Tho shortcrt name in England is ISy. Bel gium, however, bears tho palm of brerityharinga noble family by the name of O.