MISOEXi-A-lSrEOTTS Hr- Burlingame * Statement. A C.vni). On the 21st Jay of June last, Ijnadc a speech in the House of Representatives, which contained the fol lowing language: [Refer to Mr. Burlingame's speech be ginning with the words, ‘on the 22d of May, when the Senate and House had, etc.,’ and ending with the words—‘to express my deep abhorrence of the act.’] On the first day of July, ten days lat er, the Hon. T. S. Bocock of Virginia, called to see mo, and that I may not do him injustice. I give his own words, taken from a statement made for Mr. Brooks, which statement lie placed in my hands, informing me at the same time that Mr. Brooks had a copy :— ‘At the request of the Hon. 1\ S. Brooks, of South Carolina, I called yes terday evening to see the Hon. Mr. Bur lingame of Massachusetts, at his lodg ings at Quig’s National Hotel, in this city. Having informed Mr. Burlingame that I had private communication to make to him, and that 1 desired a pri vate interview for that purpose, we went at his suggestion to his own room where wo were entirely alone. I stated, in the first place, that l wished him to know , that 1 had come merely to deliver a ver bal message to him, and take back such rcpiy as nu iiuuiv iu by me, and that my connection with the matter would, in all events, end there. Having thus explained my own part in the matter, l then informed him that 1 was requested by my friend, Col. Brooks to say that he regarded certain language employed by him (Mr. Burlingame) in his speech on the Brooks and Sumner difficulty affair, as injurious and offensive to him (Mr. Brooks); that, being al ready under arraignment for the assault on Mr. Sumner, he had wished to get no further unnecessary notoriety lor empty challenges and idle demonstrations of fight. He had, for this reason, forborne till now, through several days, to send .him anv message of a hostile character, hut, within the last few days, he had heard through various sources, that lie ' Mr. Burlingame' stood ready to answer in any way and to any person aggrieved, for what he had said. Col. Brooks felt jus tified. therefore, in sending to him to in quire distinctly whether he Mr. Burlin game) would accept a call from him Col. Brooks to answer for the offence which hejhad given him.’ The above discloses the purpose for which Mr. llocock called. \\ hat follow ed is the extract from his own account, published by Mr. ^Brooks, of what oc curred between us. r Reference is here made to Mr. Brooks’s card—extract of Uncock’s state ment to him—which it is not necessary to republish.] This statement was made for Mr. Brooks, bv his select'1 1 tri mil, long att r his conversation, of which it protcssc.l to give the suhst nice. The presumption is, that it contains all that could aid Mr. Brooks. However much it might be to my advantage to state the whole conver sation, as 1 understand it still, inasmuch as it was private, at Mr. Brooks s o\\ n re quest, I refrain from doing so. I have kept what was said t > me in the frankn s.s of a free conversation quite away from the newspapers, an 1 shall contiuu ’ to do go. I c infos, that l w is pi ■ s ■ 1 with thc bearing and conversation of Mr. llo cock. 11c appeared really desirous ot preventing a hostile meeting, and I am sure that nothing but a strong desire to serve his friend could ever have induced him to place in |his hands the above state ment. When examitr d the statem n discloses what is to me a sourc • of satis faction. It appears from it that I did not seek a difficulty with any one,—that I felt tliit no man, not even Mr. Brooks, had cause of complaint against me. that I would not admit my sell a violator of personal or parliamentary propriety, as l should have done had I stated to him that 1 intended to insult Mr. Il*ooks or anybody else on the floor of the House,—that 1 disavowed the character of a boaster,—that 1 retracted none of my language, and was ready to give him satisfaction. 1 may well rest my sell on this statement, leaving a generous pub lic to view it in the light it was made. It will be remembered by Mr. llocock that 1 expressly refused in our subse quent interviews, to p rmit the word “honor,” with respect to Mr. llrooks, to be placed in the statem nt by my friends, and that because of such refusal, he thought Mr. llrojks would deem it unsatisfactory. Mr. llrooks, 1 think on a close examination of his friend s state ment, will fail to find those “apologies,” which he says are there indicated. Would it uot have been wise in Mr. llrooks, and more in accordance with the code wc hear so much about, had he sent u note to me in the first placed instead of resorting to an irregular wuy4 to obtain my views. My answer, it seems, was satisfactory, ami he was impressed with the belief that 1 was an elevated gentle man. On bis own showing the affair was closed, and 1 may say, without doing in justice to Mr. llocock, that a request was made that 1 should keep the trans action a secret. Nearly two weeks after this, Mr. llocock, as Mr. Brooks states, came to me with the singular request, that I would permit a statement of the conversation wc had together to bo plac ed in the hands of Mr. Brooks. 1 am confident, that it was a request which could not have been willingly made by Mr. Bocock. It is not necessary to dis close the reason given for this remarka ble proceeding. 1 looked at his state ment, and when I had read the first part I thought it did me injustice, but when 1 had read the paper more carefully, I saw that whatever may have been Mr. Bo cock’s intentions it would do me injury, and I refused to give my consent to it. Thus things remained until the following day, when Mr. Bocock addressed me a letter from which, it not being private, 1 extract tho following, having reference to my refusal to endorse tho statement in a previous interview :—“The real poinl of the matter is, that you did not intend to reflect on Mr. Brooks personally.” Al ter suggesting a number ot ways bj which this could be stated, he writes : — ‘‘It may be dono by your saying in rcpl; AMERICANS CAN GOVERN AMERICA WITHOUT THE AID OP POPISH INFLUENCE. VOE. 2. NO. 28. ELLSWORTH. MAINE, FRIDAY, AUGUST 8, 1856. TWO DOLLARS A YEAR. to this note, that you did not intend U reflect on Mr. Brooks, personally.”— Again—“I am sure you ought not to ob jeet to tin latter course.” These fev words disclose the desire of Mr. Brooks through persuasion, to get somethin} which might satisfy his friends for ne glccting me in his liberal calls on gentle men for personal satisfaction. I did no reply to the letter in writing, but states to Mr. Bocock that as the matter seemci complicated, it might he better for hot! of us to hold our future conversations it the presence of others. In consulting the lion. Geo. Ashmun and Mr. Speaker Banks, I stated to then is nearly as 1 can remember, that 1 oh served in my speech the rules of person il and parliamentary decorum—tl t should not qualify or ratract any portioi of it, and that I held myself responsible to any man aggrieved by it. To avoi< misunderstanding, I desired my friend Mr. Ashmun, to rfcducc my views to wri ting, which lie did, approvin'* the posi tion taken by me, as also did Mr. Banks Mr. Bocock said Mr. Brooks would no deem «..y position satisfactory, as it yield ed nothing. Another interview was had, when . adhered to the form substantially a drawn by Mr. Ashmun, which was copie i by Mr. Banks. When the friends of Mr Brooks left, it was not known whethci it would be satisfactory or not. I under stooi 1 Mr. Bocock to say he thought i' would not be. I must not say 1 wai surprised when I saw the memorandun the next day, in the I’nion, not bavin : received notice that it was satisfactory anu appended to the speech of Mr Brooks, in such a way as to give the iin . .. . :.... .i_. ' r...1 .... puiled to the speech of Mr. Brooks, ii such a way as to give the impression tha it was extorted and not persuaded Iron in?. That it was liable to misconstrue tion 1 soon ascertained. Still, I think I should have left it as it was, had I not heard, on what I dccmcc good authority, that Mr. Brooks and sour of his immediate friends were claimin. that I had yielded to his menace—thath had “backed down the North, and con • piered Massachusetts.” Knowing ii my soul that such was a gross perversioi of what I meant by my statement, 1 de terminedat once to make myself under stood. [Here followed Mr. Burlingame’s card published about the 22d July.] Oil the same day 1 received not from Mr. Brooks, which will be fount elsewhere, from the hands of Gen. Lane Trom this point, the history of my con nection with the transaction is most clear ly and truly stated hr my esteemed am gallant friend, the lion. Lewis D. Camp bell. His st itement appended thereto of the conduct of Mr. Brooks in this af fair, 1 can scarcely trust myself to write 1 owe it to truth, to say that from what had heard and seen of him prior to his as sault on Mr. Sumner, I had formed ahigl opinion ot him, and that, which I hav« prop.rly stigmatized, l did think, mus have been abhorrent to bus better nature In remembrance of my opinion of bin and feeling that, through his conduct, could still detect traces of gallantry which, some day, might cause lorn t< condemn as heartily as others did his as sault on Mr. Sumner, 1 had a larger char it y for him than most of my frie. Is; in d cd , I have been blamed for intimatim the opinion that in spite of that act, h was yet a brave man. Even as late a my conversation with Gen. Lane,when h stated that Mr. Brooks desired a speed; meeting, I felt a glow of admiration fu him as a gallant foeman, but 1 was wronu The expressions of kindness for him, i which, following a proclivity of m heart, I had indulged, were entirely mis placed. Out of regard for his feelingi inasmuch us he was so tender of mine, will abstain from any further expressio of my opinion, leave men of honor t determine his position in view ofhisow conduct. In response to his numerou insinuations, let him take my reason Why did he linger in the district, wher he was exposed to arrest: The iutim tion that my friends 'arrested him, uhwrurthy even of him. I do not kno the man who did it. The dearest friends I had, could get n clue from me of the affair. I thougl Mr. Brooks was in earnest, and prepare mysolf to meet him sternly and withoi fail. If he was afraid to go to Canadi the nearest neutral ground, why did 1 not name some other place ? \\ as I m equally with himself exposed to the ha; ard of jurisdiction. He could have read ed the place of meeting in a few hour keeping most of the way in the States . | Pennsylvania and Maryland, hut this 1 deemed the enemy’s country. It is kind of Mr. Brooks to hand rc over to reprobation of men, and then t propose to admit me to the position of gentleman, providing 1 would ciialleul him. He soems to have forgotten hov ' in his card, he had just stated it W; : said of me that I would not send, a though I would challenge. If 1 oannt hereafter praise the gentleman’s courag I can commend his prudence. 1 his revealed to us in the fact that withoi seeking another place of meeting, 1 rushed into print iu such a way as f make one forget my triumph in tl shame I feel at the conduct of my anti "onist. As if suspecting that I migl change the place, he closes the do. against it by stating that he should ha. no further demands on me. I now dismiss, as far as I can, the e: member from South Carolina, from m 1 mind. Self-respect requires mo to say ■ that I can never again recognize, save to ■ do him a kindness, if it should be in my power, l’reston S. Brooks. 1 hand him over to that public, North and South, : which is ever scornful of those who boast much and perform little. And now I hereby submit myself to the public, whose convictions I have in 1 vaded. I I pray them to remember that forgive ness is a higher quality than justice.— I cast myself on their generous hearts, which arc always loving. Let them not , forget, when passing on my conduct, the i sneers, I have seen and the taunts 1 have heard,—how the old State we nil love 1 has been insulted and her cherished Sen ator has been stricken down, and how he i yet lingers in almost helpless illness. 'i As you of my own State remember ' these things, you will not entirely blame j me if, in a moment of indignation 1 was . willing to stand up at all hazard of my | life, and what is dearer than 1 if’e, for the l insulted honorof those who have always ; been kind to me. I am no duellist. I | seek no man’s life. I have but acted in the spirit of the speech I made, when 1 said that there were men from the Old - Bay State who would defend her honor and the freedom of speech, in whatever Held they might be assaulted. My course became to me a defence of liberty against slavery, and a struggle for freedom of speech against freedom of the bludgeon, and tbe way which seemed to he left was here, by whicn wo could defend our selves. , | A. BoItI.IJfCA.ME. Washinylon July 2Sllt 185G. WHAT MAKES. THE MAN ? The hoy thinks he is a man when he 1 can smoko a cigar, and do as a man docs in general, which, by the way, is one of the evils of our country. i’hc dandy thinks it consists in dress and flirtation, and gives more attention to his mous ‘ taebo and head than lie does to his brain or his heart, l he upstart places it in his own superlative conceits, anil so treats : his equals and superiors with contempt. The ruffians thinks it lies in superiority 1 of brute force, and sobe feels lie is a man 1 when lie can insult and knock down all ' (that come in his way. The Irishman ’ | thinks it is in having a wife, and there ■ fore, if unmarried, calls himself a boy > though he is fifty years old. Let us, therefore, see what is included • in the term man, for it is unquestiona I bly the loftiest title that any earthly be . ing can hear. Lords, dukes, emperors, ■ dee., are unknown to nature; they arc ■ political fabrications. i The C rcator has formed three great ■ class’s of creatures—brutes, men, and . angels. Unites are governed by instincts. ■ They possess animal power controlcd by , mere blind impulse. \\ aatever they do —whatever ferocity or irregularity they ■ exhibit, no blam: attaches to them. The i. Quaker was right when he said it was • only a jackass that kicked him. Man s i1 lot is a different one. lie is not to cm . ploy brute force ; if lie does, lie makes a II beast of himself just as much as if he [ laid down and wallowed like a hog. In , truth, could we see a soul, fragrant.as it ) is with the odors of heaven, and winged - for a flight that has no end, depose itself . to imitate the acts of a brute, wo should . be apt to exclaim, “Oh! how 1 alien ! ; Man's lot is far otherwise. It is to ’ subdue the material and animal forces to s the control ot the spiritual nature. His ■ condition is surely a beautiful one. At ■ his birth he is the most helpless, lowly, r and ignorant vitality on earth. He has a few of the lowest animal instincts, but i gives no signs ot a spiritual life. \ et . from this very humble state he is des - tilled to mount upward, distancing all an imal creation, to a pinacle of grandeur » .. lUfl.. tlmn flint, of thn an , gels. What he wants to fit him for his position as a man, is moral cultivation. :1 Not wealth, not fashion, not intelligence, s not genius, or smartness—not titles, nor |. any other of the thousand ridiculous , paraphernalia with which fools deck 1 themselves, will make the man. A ma 1 s mav act morally, and still he not moral. V He may be all the time acting the hyp ocrite. " This is no uncommon fact ; lor 0 if "Final Perseverance” is not a truth in r religion, I doubt much whether it is not 1 in morals, for this very reason : In eur l veving the operations oi nature, we arc I struck with this fact—that she designs c all action to be instil ctive. Among the t lowest class of animals it is so ; and doubtless among the angels it is even the ^ same. It springs forth spontaneously , from the deep fountains of their nature. |f How is it with the human race ? Take a child ; it must learn everything,except swallowing and breathing. It tries of* c ! ten before it can make a step ; and it has only learned to walk after it can make !l a step without effort or any attention, be e I it is with talking, with judging of dis . i tauco, size, and so on. It has only learn j ed these things when it knows them without going through the places o! t thinking. So it is in our acquiring u , trade or an art. We have it when ll ^ comes to us like second nature—that is, , when it becomes au instinct. So, also c it is when we rise from the mechanical and rational operations to the moral. A virtue is as much a thing to be learn t ed and cultivated ns an art. Take tin 'I virtue of honor. What does a chili know about it, before it is developed ii c his breast ? And agrin, it must be nur tured ; for it is not so strong in thi .. breast of the boy as in that of the man ' \ow no individual is a man in the virtu of honor, unless this principle is so fully matured in him that it would no more enter his mind to act dishonorably, than it would to jump into a well, or crawl in place of walking ; so no individual is a man or a woman in honesty, or truth, or justice, or kindness, or any other vir tue, unless it is us natural for either to practice them as it is to make steps in walking, or to move tho tongue in speak ing. When a person has to reason and fight with himself, whether he shall be honest in a case where he has the oppor tunity to act the rogue, put him down as something of a savage yet in that par ticular. When any individual in high or low position, rich or poor, educated or igno rant, can have the meanness to treat another incivility or unkindness, put him or her down as a low bred semi-sav age, and neither man or woman, though lie or she may be loaded down with jew eliy, whalebone, titles and gold. He only deserves the name of man or gcn:lo man, who has lifted his soul above the filth of selfishness, ferocity and mean ness. into the pure atmosphere of gener ous impulses, from whose nature flows every virtue, fresh and sparkling as the springs gush from the green mountain’s side. lie only merits the name of man who counts his soul not liis own, hut as the handmaid of honor, justice and hu manity. and is ready to offer it up if they demand the sacrifice. There were two ages of high strung virtues. One is called the age of hero ism, and the great Homer sings it in his immortal iliad. It must ho this : the I chief glory of man is war. Therefore ' be a lion, pocket no insult or even a harm, but avenge it any way you can. | The other is called the age of knighthood when gallantry was the code of morali ty- it meant, -he a fighter ; only give your antagonist notice ; then rush upon him and demolish him with any ferocity you please. Those were ages of bully ism. The modern civilization is now a thousand years old, hut still there is enough barbarism among those nations that call themselves refined- [Atlas. [From the Richmond ( Va.)Enr/uircr.J Tiie True Issue.—The Democrats of the Sir til (’ll in tlu» twaannl nunvnaj ... .1,. 4 •/ the old grounds of defence and excuse for slavery ; fur they seek not merely to retain it where it is, hut to extend it into regions where it is unknown. Much less ran they rely on the mere constitutional guarantees of slavery, f >r such reliance is pregnant with the admis sion that slavery is wrong, and hut for the constitution should be abolitionists. They are clearly right if slavery ho morally wrung f»r to get rid of it under the constitution, or by aim aiding the constitution, is confessedly i m practicable. In truth, the constitution cannot help sla very, if it be a violation of the laws of God and of morality. In that case, the constitu tion should be changed, or the free States should secede, rather than continue to guar anty what they consider immoral and pro fane. The constitution cannot help slavery for another reason. That institution, extend ing through fifteen States, and interramified with the interests, the feelings, and the very existence of many millions of men, is much stronger than the constitution, than to abol ish slavery. Besides, slavery is older than the constitution, existed before it, and inde pendently of it. We derive no right to our slave's from it, and weaken our cause by seeming to rely on it. I Nor will it avail us aught to show that the negro is most happy and host situated in the condition of slavery. If we stop there, we weaken our cause by the very argument intended to advance it; for wo propose to in whom wo assort to be untit for liberty, self government, and equal association with other men. Wo must go a step farther. We must show that African slavery is a moral, religious, natural, and probably, in the gen eral a necessary institution of society. This is the only line of argument that will enable southern democrats to maintain the doctrines of state equality and slavery extension. Fur if Slavery be not a legitimate, useful, moral, and expedient institution, we cannot, without reproof of conscience and the blush of shame, seek to extend it, or assert oui equality with those States having no such institution. Northern Democratv need not go thus far. They do not seek to extend Slavery, but onty agree to its extension, as a matter of right on our part. They may prefer their own social system to ours. It is best that they should Our friends aro conservatives at home, and conservatives of the Union—conservatives o religion, of marriage, of property, of state I institutions, and of feberal institutions.— But whilst they may prefer their own social system, they will have to admit in thisean i vass that ours is also rightful and legitimate, and sanctioned alike by the opinions am usages of mankind, and by theauthority am ! express injunctions of Scripture. They can 1 not consistently maintain that slavery is im moral, inexpedient and profane, and yet con tinue to submit to its extension. W. know that we utter Isdd truths. Bui the time lias now arrived when their utter ancecanbeno longer j*ostponed. The tru issue should stand out so boldly and clearl 1 that nont may mistakt it. Burlingame has been urged by the West orn Republicans to take the stump in Iowa ! and 1ms agreed to do so. ! AN AWKWARD SITUATION. The love of intoxicating drinks often leads persons into awkward and unpleas ant scrapes. An incident, which was related to us a number of years ago, will serve to illustrate this. One wintry day, a wood-cutter, who had been regaling himself at a tavern, on the banks of the Connecticut in New Hampshire, until he had become somewhat tipsey, under took to cross the river on the ice. Hut feeling indolent and drowsy, he throw himself down, am oon fell fast asleep. He slept for som hours, but the air, which was mild and pleasant in the af ternoon, when he laid down, had in the meantime become quite changed. He awoke during the night, and found him self chilled, and nearly expiring with the cold. He attempted to get up, but found, to his consternation, hat his hair, which was long and abundant, was firm ly frozen in the ice. He could not move his head without suffering great agony. After several desperate but fruitless efforts to raise his head from its cold and comfortless pillow, which made him grin like a hyena, ho raised his voice and call ed right lustfully for help; and the shores of the Connecticut resounded with his cries. But his calls were un heeded, even if they were heard ; and after screaming until he was hoarse, he wisely resolved to remain quiet until morning, when he hoped to be able to summon assistance. But the poor fel low passed a long and dreary night, and had full leisure to review ami lament the folly of his conduct. 1 laylight no sooner appeared in the east than the suffering wood-cutter again shouted for help, and soon succeeded in exciting attention. The inhabitants of the neighborhood were alarmed, and one and all turned out to learn the cause of the strange uproar. They soon found the poor man flat on his back, with his hair frozen to the ice, and fast perishing with cold. Thev relieved him from the unpleasant situation to which he hail been brought by his appetite for rum, anil conveyed to a house hard by. Medical aid was summoned, but it was long be fore he recovered his wonted health.— The lesson which he received was a se vere but useful one. He was never seen intoxicated after that night. Snuffed Our.—The New York Ex press has been very much exercised in regard to Mr. Fremont's religion. It has had a great deal to say about Aider man Fulmer’s statement, contending that it was true ; that it stamped Mr. Fre mont as a Catholic beyond all doubt.— But this Roman-candle is extinguished suddenly by a correspondent of the N. Y. Herald, whose communication reads thus:— 11 To the Editor of the Herahl: Alderman Fulmer, on the 10th of July inst., at the Clerk'8 office of the Common Council in the city of New York, said, in presence of several gentlemen, that the con versation he had with Col. Fremont at Browns Hotel, in Washington, relative to Fremont's religion, as stated in the New York Express, took place in the latter part of January or the fore part of February, 1852; as he, Ful mer, went to Washington the fore port ol January, 1852, remained there about sis weeks, and returned home to New Aork be fore the middle of February of that year. I On looking at the files of the New York i Evening Express of the year 1852, the fol lowing appears; March 1, 1852.—Among the passengers by the Tennesse to 1‘annum, [from Sun Francis eo,J were Col. John C. Fremont and family The Col. is now on his way to Europe,todis JHJ3U Ul lllf IJUUI lino iu mo .UHiijniPii. The same paper of the date of March C j lb.")2, says : Passengers arrived in Empire City—“ Col Fremont and his family.” And under tin head of personal—“ Mrs. Fillmore, Mr. SI P. Fillmore, and lion. J. C. Fremont am family are at the Irving House. Col. Fre moot’ lady and children were among the pas sengers in the Empire City, to-day, frou Chagres.” The same paper further says, of the dati March 10, 1S52:—Passengers sailed in tin steamship Africa, for Liverpool, Col. J. C i Fremont and family. IIimbl'u.” I George Law’s Opinion.—The coun i try has not a purer patriot nor an hones tor man than Live Oak George. W 1 have had an immense liking for the mai ' ever since we became acquainted wit! j the story of his life, and were not in tin 1 least surprised at the stand ho has late ly taken for Fremont and a rcgcneratei 1 government. George Law writes in th sledge-hammer style—every word a ring ing blow, lie states the crimes of th administration and the perils of th country with a force derivable alone fror ' patriotic feeling, and he expresses hi opinions of the candidates with hones bluntncss. The name of George Law i justly held in honor among the working men and capitalists of this country, an this emphatic indorsement of the Rc publican nominations by him will hav its due weight with those two great co operating classes. ArrnorniATE. In the N. H. legif lature, whilo that bounty act for killin 1 wild nnimals was up. Col. Urown c Manchester offered the following resolvi which was rejected: ' | lti.ni/ru/, that the hill fixing a bounty o foxes bo referred to the following eouiunttei f, Chase, Hunt, Shiite, FOX. Mockesv of Justice. At Albany, A bra: Thompson, for attempting to kill his motlii - with a butcher knife, wub fined $10 ui , costs, and sentenced to the penitentiary sixl days. “ DON! STAY LONG." It is rarely, imb ed, that we bare read anything .more truthfully pathetic than the subjoined waif, which we find float, ing among our exchanges. Would that every husband in the land might rad and profit by it: “ Don't stay long, husband,*' said a young wife tenderly one evening, as her husband was preparing to go out. The words themselves were insignificant, but the look of melting fondness with which they were accompanied, spoke volumes. It told all the whole vast depth* of a woman’s love—of her grief when the light of his smile, the source of all her Ijoy beamed not brightly upon her. “ Don't stay long, husband," and I ! fancied I saw the loving, gentle wife sit-1 ting alone, anxiously counting the mo ments of her husband's absence, every few moments running to the door to see if he was in sight, and finding that he 1 was not, I thought I could hear her ex- 1 claiming in disappointed tones, “ not 1 yet.” 1 “ Don't stay long, husband,*' and I » again thought I could sec the young wife , rocking nervously in the great arm chair, | weeping as though her heart would t break, as her thoughtless “ lord and master ’’ prolonged his stay to a weari- ^ some length of time. O, you that have wives to say—“Don't stay long," when you go forth, think of * them kindly when you arc mingling in 1 the busy hive of life, and try, just a lit- 1 tic, to make their homes and hearts hap- 1 pv, for they arc gems too seldom repine- i ed. You cannot find amid the pleasures i of the world, the peace and joy that a t quiet home blessed w ith such a woman's L presence will afford. i “ Don’t stay long, husband,'' and the], young wife's look seemed to say, “ for j hc*c in your own sweet home is a lov ing heart, whose music is hushed when you arc absent; here is a soft breast for , you to lay your head upon, and here arc ! pure lips unsoiled by sin, that will pay you with kisses for coming back soon." 1 (From the N. Y. Independent.] DIRT THROWERS. I S them is destroyed. Tiie “City op Churches.”—Bridge port, Ct., claims that the title of “City of ' Churches” belongs more appropriately in Ivn* ftinn Hrnnlclvn. X. V. The ! latter has a church to cvcrv thousand ’ inhabitants, but liripgeport has sixteen 1 churches, or one to every four hundred ! of her population. I Post TnE Books.—What an economical ! government is this ? IIow stand the figures? Here they are from official sources. Tho ex '1 penees are, | $75,684,400 a year! $6,307,200 a month !! $1,452,020 a week ! !! 1 $207,660 a day ! ! ! ! 5 $8,600 an hour! ! ! ! ! $144 a minute !!!!!! 1 $2,40 a second!!!!!!! What is the guaranty that James Buchun 3 an, if elected, will bo any more careful of - the people’s money, than Franklin Pierce has been? ‘ Tho Richmond, (Vn.,) Enquirer, thus f r-pcaks of Buchanan : “ lie never gave a vote against the interests • of slavery, ami never uttered a word which could pain the most sensative Southern heart." n __-— - The Pilot Endorses.—The Boston Pilot is one of the most enthusiastic supportors oi n Buchanan and the Cincinnati platform. Bu* , chanun is thus formally installed as the Irish candidate—“ fully equipped ns the law di } recta.” (For ifco BlUworth Amerieea.) How Main* wuiOrti Ms. EditorHaving been informed of the eminent danger, and narrow escape of our favored Pine Tree State, with your leave I will giro your reader* a sketch of the afflzlr. It will be remembered that within four yean certain parties have arisen, known by tbs noma of K. N. ’* Native Americans, and Be [•uM loans The object of these parties Is no* fully understood by their opponents i bn* they arc supposed to be leagued by an oath token ut the midnight hour, in their secret gatherings, to overthrow the government “aw conducted under the present Administra te m ,” In destroy a Constitution which does not declare all to be fr<* end equal; and to ram: the standard of Liberty to its former el evated position These partisans in Maine | bad a definite object in view in regard to our own state. This object was the ruining of the stole by supporting the Maine Law ; by hanishingintemperanenand its consequences from our cities, villages and towns. Tbit was their deti-rminstion, and to efloct this, they sought to have temperance men to moke the laws, and a “Temperate” man to execute the laws of the State. Here was the danger I What a wreck it would have made of tho whole State! What a condition it would have placed society in' No drunken hus band*! nd hvnthe**: no wretched wives snd ‘inters mi ihwolated home* and drunkard’s tvavi* : but p. woeful dwelings where Tcm [wranee and Industry almuud : Would no* list have li ien slmeking to the law and or ler lining eitiwn' of tlie StateT But the seujs> from tliis tlirsutemd distruetion must ie a seouree of gratitude to cviwy patri itif nul Happily f.,r the pneperity of the 'tote this n furion* plan failed. Thanks to ur W estern Counties, for bad they followed he rxumple, or had they Uen fired with the nme flimit a at ipiril that Hancock County xliihitod, the ruin would have been inevito |e. The majority of the people which ut mded tlie State election were men of prinri It and of courts* gnnrmd by prinei plu._ 'heir patriotism saved the State! Ought bey not to lie imm irtalizod for such a noblo eedf lla* it a parolctl in History Ancient r Mod rn ? Thus* umo noble princ ipled ien think it would engender strife to inves igate tlm murder of Keating, or the out age upim Suniner. An* they not peace lov ig people ? They say it is a mistake about lie wrong* in Kansas, the reports are the Beets os a misguided fanaticism. These being authorized facts, have wo ansi' for irmtitiiile. nr ■llltlnn t L l son linn nw jel i nd i'/mint ? By the way, my informant assumes to be Democrat of the Jeffers jn, Jackson and ’an Bnr«*n School. I mention this affair, a the Prudential election is near, to warn he “Obilincrs” to beware of these intrigu ng parties, for Buck and Brock may bo waten by Free John before they are awaro >f it. B. [From Blackwood's Magas ins.) HOHOB TO TEX PLOW. Though clouds o'ere uat our native sky. And seem to dim the sun, We will not down in languor lie, Or deem the day is done. The rural arts w e loved before. No less we'll cherish now, And crown the banquet as of yore. With honor to the Plow. in those fair fields, where peaceful spoil To faith and hope are given. We’ll seek the prise with honest toil. And leave the rest to Heaven. We'll gird us to our work like men W ho own a holy vow, And if in joy we meet again, Give honor to the Plow. Det us arrayed in magic power. With labor hand in hand, Go forth, and now, in perils hour, Sustain a sinking land. Let never sloth unnerve the arm. Or fear, the spirit cow, These words alone should workji charm • All honor o the Plow. The heath redress, the meadows drain. The latent swamp explore, And o’er the long expecting plain Diffuse the quick’ning store. Then fearless urge the furrow doep it_ .l._ Ami when the rich results you reap. Give honor to the Plow. 80 beauty still o’er pastures green. And nodding fields shall roam. And still behind the rustic screen Shall virtue find a home ; And while their bower the muse* build, Beneath the neighboring bough, Sluill many a gractful verse be filled With honor to the Plow. A Singular Affair.—A man at Hague, Germany, becoming tired of hit wife, attempted to poison her in the fol lowing manner: They had sat down to dinner, and, while she had left tho room or her back was turned, he pat the poi son into her soup. Not daring to truat himself in her presence, he feigned eome excuse, and left the room. By a wond erful Providence, when the came to tho table, a spider had droped from the ceil ing of tho room into the soup-plate.— She was especially afraid of spiders, and her husband had often laughed at her fop it So she very carefully took the spid er out, but she could not bring hmelf to cat after it, and in the absence of her husband, changed tho plates, and ate hi* soup. After a while, he came back and devoured what he supposed to be tbo pure soup. He was immediately taken with convulsions, and expired, Before death, he confessed that he had poisoned the soup, and that it must have placed before him unintentionally by his wife. Now how narrow was the escape of his wife, not only from being poisoned, but i from being hung. If the Man had died I without a confession, the wiraan must' have been immediately arrested. Fete on would have been found in the soap, and in the soup plate. She gave him the soup. Here would have been cir cumstantial evidence strong enough to have hung her, and an innocent went* would have expired, but (of the wdih sion.