The state rights democrat. [volume], October 14, 1865, Image 1

About The state rights democrat. [volume] (Albany, Linn County, Oregon) 1865-1900

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YOL. 1.
ALBANY, LINN COUNTY, OREGON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1865.
NO. 10,
STATE
.RIG
rriQ
.ill
STATE RIGHTS DEMOCRAT.
., ISSUED. EVER SAICRDAY, .
IX ALBAXY, UXM COUNTY, OGX.
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the Editor.
Startlixg Fact. The Protestant churches
of this country are in a deplorable condition.
Everywhere clergymen are begiuningtoeom-
?lain of the abscencc of christian love and
ellowship. They look to their congregations'
for an exemplification of that which they
have not themselves. It is not strange that
such a state of affairs should exist.. The
clergymen themselves are at fault. Aband
oning the troths of the Bible to fraternize
with'the infidel Abolitionists of New Eng
land, they have lost the faith, and have led
their people after false gods. Love and
charity with them have turned to gall and
svormwood. And now with a weakened, de
moralized people, thev are castiug about for
a remedy, and foolishly think that in order
to save their religious faith from utter ruin,
it i? necessary that the negro should vote, or
the Roman Catholics will become the strong
er. No doubt the negro element would be
advantageous to these churches ; at any rate,
tinder existing circumstance?, it would do
them no harm. Any element that promises
improvement is betier than none. Were it
.orthodox, we would suggest to these Aboli
tion war clergy, the" proprietor of repentance
and a new heart. God will not abandon the
righteous. Penn. JeSl-rsonian.
A II.vrxTEO HorsE. Within a stone's
jhrow of Stewart's new marble house on
fifth cvenae is a dwelling really belkved to
he haunted. It is an imposing "and elegant
building. It has been orenpied and aband
oned by three families within a few months,
it is now in the market. We talk of the
nineteenth century ; how enlightened it is,
and how bravely we have got over the super
stitions of other ages. While the fact is
there is just as much belief here in wikhe3,
hobgoblins, ghosts, spirits and haunted
dwellings as there ever was. Spiritualism
is only an oulet of the same element. Many
men accounted shrewd and imelligent buy
and sell and transact thr business only by
consulting some clairvoyant. One man made
$40,000 in a whisky speculation. Guided
by a medium he made a further investment,
lost his $,000 and$2.f00 added to it. Yet
he has undunined confidence In mediums.
No bodv can tell wl at is the matter with this
Jj use on Fifth avenne. Externally it seents
all rig" The character of the men who
have waved out who have bought it and
sold it indicates plainly that their is trouble
some where, The popular faith is that it is
Jmunted..
15z Yoca Ots Right IIand Max. Peo
- pie who have been bolstered up and levered
all their lives are seldom, good for anything
in a crisis. When misfortune comes, they
look around for something to cling to or lean
upon. If the prop is not there, down they
" go at once.
Once down, they are as helpless as cap
sized turtles or unhorsed men in armor, and
cannot End their feet again without such as
sistance. ' ; - --
Such silken fellows no more resemble self
made men, who have fought their way to
position, making diSeulties their stepping
stones, ad deriving determination from de
feat, than vines resemble oaks, or splutter
ing roshlings the stars of heaven. Efforts
persisted into achievements train a man to
self reliance, and when he has proved 10 the
vorld that he can trust himself, the world
will trust him. v
We say, therefore, that is unwise to de
prive young men of the advantages which re
is nit from their energetic action, by " boost
ing" them over obstacles which they ought to
surmount alone".
How to Pbfservi a Bococet. -A florist
of many years' experience sends the follow
ing receipe for preserving bouquets to the
American Artisan : " When you receive a
bouquet, sprinkle it light with' fresh water :
then pst,int.a vessel containing some soap
suds, siiea; nourish the roots and keep
the flowers as good as new. . Take the
. bouquet out of the suds every morning, and
lay it sideways in fresh water, the stock' en
tering first into the water; keep it there a
'minute or two, then take it oat, and sprinkle
the flowers lightly by the hand with pure
.water. Replace the bouquet in the soap"
cuds and the flowers will bloom as fresh as
.when gathered. The soapsuds need to be
changed every third day. By observing
these rule, a bouquet may be "kept bright
and beautiful for at least one month, and
will last longer in a very passable state; but
$he attention to the fair 'but frail cratures, as
direct 3d above, must be strictly observed, or
the last rose of summer' will not be 'left
- blooming alone,' but will perish
IP n m V n i . V . 1 x , . n
'- intones grow wimoui bioiios a"
agriculturist who has tried it with success,
says : " Tarn the top of the tree down, cut
3 the ends, stick them into the ground, and
fasten so with stakes ; In a year or two these
tops will t&ke root, and, when, well 'rooted,
cat the branches connecting these reversed
and rooted branches with th& tree proper,
and this reversed peach tree will produce
fine peaches without siones." The same ex
periment may be tried with plums, cherries
and currants. ' . ' . -
A voung lady composed some verses for
the IToTkimer Gazette, headed " Dew Drops
from Freshly Blown Roses." The printer's
devil printed it, "Freshly Blown Noses."
The Princess Clotilda is again in an, in
teresting condition.
LETTER OF J. 1. COX.
The Abojltion Candidate for Gov
ernor orohio on Xoprro Suffrage
He KonndlatcM it His Manliest
Inconsistency.
The Abolition party of Ohio nominated
Gen. J. D. Cox for Governor. The Con
vention choked off some Negro suffrage
resolutions offered by the Radicals, and
subsequently they appointed a Committee
to address an inquiry to the candidate as
to his views upon that subject. The chief
part of his respouse is copied below. We
call the attention of readers to the glaring
inconsistency of his position. It will Le
seen.that Gen. Cox, like other Abolition
ists who have all along clamored for the
most perfect equality and freedom of n,e-
grots, has begun to experience the dilrrnT;-TrrifTiTliis feeling is not confined to
culties and impracticability of his past
views, and now seeks to back out from the
Negro Suffrage .platform. The thing is
certain to divide and overthrow their party,
and they dread it for this reason. The
Radicals have at least the virtue of con
sistency. If negroes are fitted for perfect
equality with the whites and entitled to
full freedom, it must follow that they ought
to be permitted to vote, hold office, and
possess all other rights or privileges with
which white citizens are invested. But
Gen. Cox actually argues against hi own
postulate and declared doctrines. In his
reply to the Committee of Radicals he says :
To condense still more, the essence of
the position of the party may be said to
be, the determination of the political re
sults of the war by the united and harmo
nious action of truly loyal men, actuated
by a spirit at once-cautious and controlled
by an earnest belie in the broadest doc
trine of hum'?. rights. .
To those principles I have given my
public and sincere adhesion.
The -broadest doctrine of human rights"
must certainly include the right of suf
frage. Yet he argues thus :
. I am now prepared to
state my private views upon reconstruc
tion, and the claim of the freed men to po
litical privileges in the Southern States,
leaving to you the responsibility of your
action in resrard' thereto.
I presume we shall agree in regarding
the four general principles asserted in the'?. " l nmei ueiween
- Faneuil Hall Address " as those which I k1?1 h" ",astf ' . . ,. e
should guide the determination of our re-j an,i hourly reFtu.o o proofs
iii-Tc trv Viitli xrli-ifoa anil lil-i.-Lc in 1
rebel States. That there may be no mis-1
r; ti, I ... - v . . , i
rirst. 1 he principle must be put be-
j u f. n- i
direct claim upon the allegiance of every !
cRTzen, irom wnlch no Stale-can absolve
him, and to his obedience to the laws of j
the RepubW, anything in the Constitution
or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding-
Si Second. The public faith is pledged
to every person of color in the rebel States,
to secure to them and to their posterity
forever, a complete and veritable freedom.
Having provided them this freedom, se
cured their aid on the faith of this prom
ise, and by a successful war. and actual
military occupatiou of the country, haviug
obtained the power to secure the result,
we are dishonored if we fail tq make it
good to them,
" Third. The system of slavery mast ba
abolished apd prohibited by paramount
and irreversible law. Throughout the
rebel States there must be, in the words
of Webster, 'impressed upon the soil itself
an inability to bear up anything but tree
men.'
" Fourth. The system of States must be
truly republican."
The application made of the Last princi
ple in the address, I do not regard as sound,
but I shall perhaps agree more fully with
you, than you do with the address, when
I assert that in a republican community
political privileges of any kind can never
be rightly or safely based upon heredita
ry caste.
How then, it will naturally be asked,
can there be any practical difference be
tween us as to the mode of carrying out
these principles ? It is found in the views
we take of the mutual relations of the two
races in the South. Yon, judging from
this distance, say "Dt liver the foarmillions
of freed peeph into the hand of their for-
tner oppressors, nom embittered by their
cfeeat, ana tney wm mase tneir condition
worse than before." , starting from the
same principle, and after four years of
close and tliovghtjul .observation of the
races where they are, say I am umcilluig-
ly forced to the conviction tiiat the tear
has not been shnplnto "embitter" their re
lations, but to develop a rooted antago
nism which makes the-ur permanent fusion
in one political community an absolute
impossibility. " The sole difference be
tween us then is in the degree of hostility
we find existing between the ra4s, &nd its
probable permanence. You assume that
the extension of the right of suffrage to
the blacks, leaving them intermixed tcitk
the whites, will cure all the trouble. I be
lieve that it would rather be HJce the de
cisions, in that outer darkness of which
Milton speaks, where
"Chaos umpire sits,
And by decision more embroils the fray."
Yet, as I affirm with you, that the Tight
to life and liberty are inalienable, and more
than admit the danger of leaving a class
at the entire mercy of those who formerly
owned them as slaves, you will say! am
7?jiA to furnish some solution " of the
problem which shall not deny the right or
incur the peril. So 1 am, ana the only
real solution which lean see is the PEACE
ABLE SEPARATION OF THE HACES. But,
yoxi will Teply, foreign colonization will
break down hopelessly under the vastness
of the labor, even if - it were not tyranni
cal to expel these unfortunate p'eaple from
the land of their birth. I grant the fall
weight of the objection, and therefore say
the solution is thus narrowed down to a
peaceable separation of 'the races on the
soil where they now are.
The essential point in the discussion
thus appears to bo the actual relations of
the two races in tha Southern fctates us a
question of fact, and the probable future
consequences of those relations as a ques
tion of theory.
Upon the question of fact I think I may
with all modesty claim that my antece
dents aud my opportunities of observation
entitle my testimony to have some weight,
even with the most radical anti-slavery
men of the North.
. The antagonism of which I have spoken
is not entirely one-sided. On the part of
i ne ioruier master it takes inc lorm m an
indomitable pride, which utterly refuses
to'entrtain the idea of political or social
equality, mingled with a hatred intensified
bv the circumstances and the results oi
the slave-owners alone, but the poor
whites share it fully, and often show it
more passionately. .
On the part of the fiecdmen, it is mani
fested in an utter distrust of the dominant
race, and an enmity which, although made
by circumstances more passive and less
openly manifested, it is as real aud impla
cable as the other. They have the mutu
al attraction of race among themselves,
and repulsion of the whites as another
people, developed to a degree which sur
prised me. It is not as individuals of a
nation common to us all, that they speak
of themselves, but, to use the language of
one 06 them, speaking to myself, they feel
that they " have long been an oppressed
anil down-trodden prope."
Ilildreth, in his "'liespotism in Ameri
ca." declared slavery to be in itself a state
of war, and this character is indelibly im
pressed upon both races in the South.
The captive learns duplicity toward his
captor, and in the slave it has become a
marked characteristic. It is a fair strata
gem for which he feels no guilt. 1 have
seen a mastt-r boasting of thefidelitv of his
servant, and diseusiiti the subject of
slavery in his presence, whilst the negro 1
waited upon u;m with an impassive huuiu-it-
which would make you believe no in
telligent idea of freedom had ever tH.-ne-trated
his brain. Yet I have seen the
same negro afterward in camp, transform
ed into a clear-headed ally of our troops,
leading them to his master's buried stores,
or guiding them to the fiauks of the ene
mv's lines, with aii intelligence an 1 stead
iness of purpose which left no doubt as to
r 3 . . .. . . l' . t. r - . , a
oi mis tact, manv oi tnem too suot.e ir
'iescription, but n
the 1.
ess couvincinir
the observer, has fully convinced me
i that never between the Norman and Sax-
, , . ,
hn, nor between Gaul and r rank, was
there a more conscious hatred, or an an
ul;n more likely to prore. t tgjrreastug- their pride
than between black and white ouour;
Southern soil. The negroes will have no
sense of security nor faith in their former
masters, even if they offer them political
rights ; they will fear them as Danaos
dona fere7tes.
What does history teach ns in regard
to the permanence and durability of such
prejudices and enmities of race? Speak
ing on this subject. Augustin Thierry, in
his history of the Norman Conquest. says:
"Whatever degree of territorial unity the
great modern States of Europe may ap
pear to have attained ; whatever may be
the community of manners, language and
pnblie feeling which the habit of living
under the same government and a the
same stage of civilization has introduced
among the inhabitants of each of those
States, there is scarcely one of them which
does not even now present living traces of
the diversity of the races ot men, which
iu course of time have come together in
it. This variety shows itself under differ
ent aspects, with features more or less
markeJ. Hometimes it is n complete sep
aration of idioms, ot local traditions, of
political sentiments, and a sort of instinct
ive enmity distinguishing from the great
national vnas3 the population of a few
small districts; and sometimes a mere
difference of dialect or even of accent,
marks, though more feebly, the limit of
the settlements of raee3 of men, once thor
oughly distinct, and hostile to each other."
If fifteen centuries of common govern
ment and political union have not been
able to obliterate tha distinctions and
even the " instinctive enmity" of races
which were physiologically similar, what
encouragement have we that success will
attend a forced political fusion of bitterly
hostile races from the antipodes of the hu
man family? '
The process by which even the com
parative unity of the English .people was
achieved, is described by the same philo
sophic historian whom 1 have quoted,
near the close of his great work, as a
" complete amalgamation" of the Norman
and Saxon idioms, and a " mixture of the
two races," which it took four centuries
of sanguinary war to accomplish.
Just stepping as we arc from the battle
field on which descendants of a common
ancestry, so little removed from us that
we can literally reach back our hands
to grasp those of our common sires, have
waged the most tremendous and terrible
of nKxtern wars, it does not become us to
argue that peaceful discussion will quietly
settle differences which in former times
were settled by the sword; but the mem
ory of the almost present as well as the
remote past calls upon us to build our
polity solidly upon principles which expe
rience as well as reason prove to be dura
ble, and more than ever to avoid deluding
ourseives with the cry of " peace, peace,
when there is no peace!"
As, during these weary years of war, I
have pondered this problem in the inter
vals of strife or by the camp fire at
night, I have been more and more im
pelled to the belief that the only basis pf
permanent nationality is to be found in
complete homogeneity of people, of man
ners and of laws The rapid fusion of
the races of Western Liurope as they have
met upon our shores has secured the
J former of these requisites, and the Yan-
kec race (1 adopt the cpittiot as an hon
orable ono), marked as it it with salient
characteristics, is so compete an amalga
mation of all the families ioia the east
ern boundary of Germany L tho western
coast of Ireland, that there, are few of us
in whose veius are not mjxed the blood
of several. Rut this uijhappy race of
which we are speaking dots not amalga
mate with the rest. It isbntirely imma
terial to discuss why it is ho; the fact no
one can dcuy; nor can it be denied that
its salvation or its destruction will surely
be worked out in its family isolation.
Because there could be iio real unity
of people between the Southern whites
and Southern black.-, it seems manifest to
me that their could be no political unity,
but inthtsr a strlfb for the uuw'y;-
faioli the one or the other wrtild go to
the wall.
The struggle for supremacy would be
direct and immediate. ud I see no hope
whatever that the w-aker race would not
be reduced to hopeless subjection, or ut
terly destroyed. There is no reason to
suppose that Missouri border-ruffianism
could never be repeated on new fielJs.
and the strife once inaugurated, the mer
ciless war would eoutinue as long as the
obnoxious race had an existence. You
have expressed your anticipation of such
a result in one state of the case, how is it
that you do not see that direct struggle at,;
the ballot-box would make the contest
more deadly f
I held that there is great philosophic'
truth in the words of Guizot, in summing
up the eight centuiies of bloodshed out
of which the French emerged into na
tionality frtuu the strife of petty races and.
tribes. He fays, ' In the life of nations,
that union which is bxterior and visible,
the unity of name ai d of government, al
though important, f by no means the
first in importance, tie most real, or that
which makes indeed cue nation. There
is a unity which is dcejer and more pow
erful; it is that which restLts ivt merely
i from identitv of srovernmeut und destiny.
bnt fivm the homogeneity of social ele
meals, from the likeness cf institution,
of manners, cf ideas, of tasts, of tongue j
the unity which resides in the men them
selves whom society assembes, and not in
the forms of their nssoeiati'jisj in short,
that moral uuity which is far more im
portant than political unitr, and which
is the only solid foundation for the latter.
I have watched ith deq interest the
e'Hicat'.onal eiicct ot the var upon our
own army, and 1 assure yen that while
our white, soldiers have uniformly and
quickly learned to appreciate the met
tnat- tr.e existence ci our tree jrovern-
ment could only be preserved by the de-
istruction of the system if slavery, and so
became radically and thoroughly anti-slav
erv. the tendency of battlimr for the old
this was almost equally uniform, in bx-
race. J he lact is one which cannot sate-;
ly be overlooked in any calculation in
volving their action upon the political
problems before the country, and it is one
in record to which I think 1 can hardly
be mistaken.
The details of any system of separation
could only be determined by careful study
and a wide comparison cf views. Sup
pose, however, that without breaking up
the organization of any State, you take
contiguous territory in South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, and Florida, and there,
under the sovereignty of the United
States, and with all the facilities which
the power and wealth of the Government
can give, we organize the freedmen in a
dependency of the Unbu analagous to
the western territories. Give them
schools, laws, facilitating the acquirement
of homesteads to be paid for by their own
labor, full and exclusive political privile
ges, aided at the start, should it seem
necessary, by wise selection from the
largest brains and most philanthropic
hearts among anti-slavery men, to give
them a juoficiary or executive which
would command their confidence in the
first essays of political existence. There
need be no coercive collection of the col
ored race in the designated regions, the
majority are there now,nnd the reward
of political power would draw thither the
remainder quite as rapidly as their place
could be supplied by white immigration in
to other States. The forts and seaport
cities could remain under the direct con
trol of the Federal Government as the
basis for that common trade and inter
course with other partsxof the country
aud the world, which would be necessary.
The fullest opportunity to develop the
highest civilization they are capable of,
would there be given. Colored men of
talent and intelligence would not then
make a. vain struggle for the empty name
of being lawyers without briefs,-or mer
chants without trade, but would have
what a leading journal at the East has
frequently demanded for themj the op
portunity, as well as the right, to take
rank according to their real character and
iibility
That there are difficulties in the reali
zation of such a plan I shall bo the first
to admit, but there are difficulties in all
plans. It is natural to inc to struggle
to avoid responsibility, and to drift upou
the current, trusting to fate; but drifting
also leads to dilfaculties, as we who drift
ed into a war which has cost half a mil
lion of lives and untold millions of inoney,
should not need to be told ; and I agree
with you that drifting wul probably de
cide this matter against tho black race
and involve its destruction, while by
leaving the labor ol the houth m the
hands of a degraded caste, it entails upon
the country the worst material eliects of
slavery, and prevents that homogeneity
of institutions and manners, North and
South, "which I have said I believe to be
the only sure foundation of permanent
peace.
The An glor American and Africo-
A.nierican races now stand face to face
upon the Southern, soil in irreconcilable
hostility. -The few colored men whom
have amongst ns, may be regarded as
the waifs and strays ot the great body
which is a nation in numbers, and in its
isolation by mental and physical charac
teristics. It is as a unit that we must
deal with them, and no paltering with the
edges of the difficulty will avert the doom
which all history teaches us will follow a
wrong solution.
The magnitude of the problem is im
mense, but the 'principles which mtst de
cide it one way or the other are simple.
When we deaf with a whole community,
however closely related to oursclvus. it is
not by the application of the maxims of
munic!ji:i law as applied to individuals
that we must decide the case, but by a
modified form of international law, which,
so far from ignoring our responsibility to
God, our common ruler, or the obligation
to recognize the ' f wilajijfBJUl i- -f
implies them all. Reli
gion, honor, humanity, republicanism, all
call upon us to see well to it that we do
not allow the seething and molten ele
ments tochrystalize into a new form of
oppression, ami l recognize as tuny as
you possibly can the burden of responsi
bility which this great epoch m the world s
history rolls
rolls upou all who nave even tne
it iii .
humblest part i
determining the shape
of public policy.
I have approached the subject as an
aiiii-slaverv man. I have thought as
1 was en able of, and have carefully revis
ed my opinions and tested them by all the
nui'ianjeiuai principles ci rignr anu jus
tice. If others do not agree with me. and
it parts me from any whose principles and
motives are the same its my own, my deep
regret that it should be so cannot change
my convictions.
It has seemed to me that the solution I
have offered rids us of most of the difficul
ties in our way. It jrives to the black man
.xditical rights and franchises without
onerous terms ; it reduces the representa
tion of the Southern whites in Congress
ton proper basis, their own numbers; it
secures the permanent peace of the Gov
ernment and the allegiance of the people
by the only sure enarantv. viz : that of
common interest and identity of institu
Hon?, n hat more would you have?
Affairs ix Tennessee. The Nash
ville Gazette of a lute date savs:
We take occasion to say that, in middle
Tennessee at least, there has been no
threat or apparent intention of returned
rebel soldiers to meddle with the election.
They arc behaving- with the utmost mod
esty, and seem fully to recognize the pro
priety of taking a " back seat" far the
present. We have defied the radical
press of Nashville to produce the evi
dence cf any purpose on the part of re
turned rebel soldiers to vote "at the;
point of their bowie-knives," or to vote at.
all. "The announcement that they (the
conservative candidates) would disregard
the laws of Tennessee" was never made by
pressed by rebels, whose hands are red
with blood, to vote for rebels, never
did wake up the authorities; for there
was never any such expression.
1 his whole parade of intended fraud
and violence iu the election has no found
ation other than in the purpose of a radi
cal clique to conjure up a pretext for sup
pressing the leaal L nton vole, which they
know to be two to one against them. The
franchise law is unpopular, and so are the
men that made it, and so is Governor
Brownlow unpopular, not with rebels,
who care nothing about the election, but
with all the original Unionists, who have
not subordinated the best interests of so
ciety to their own petty schemes of self-
promotion. But those who resisted the
strong tide of secession in 1861 have self-
control enough to bide the time of easy,
legal triumph over a temporary, perish
ing faction. We decline to accommodate
them with a sedition.
The following toast, savs the Dodgeville
Wisconsin Chronicle, was given at Lancast
er in that State on the 4th of July last : Ed
itors control the political man ministers
the religious uan, lawyers the legal man,
authors tho literary man, generals the mili
tary man, admirals the navy man and doc
tors the sick man ; but ladies control all
men they appear to man first as mother,
next as sweetheart and lastly as wife, and in
this threefold character rules his destiny.
To tho ladies then mothers, sweethearts,
wives, matrons of the great rebellion, worthy
daughters of tho women of '76, we dedicate
our most affectionate toast. May they be
sweet as roses, fair as diamonds, and eternal
as tho stars,
Moral bit not Charitable. Mrs. Dix,
in Seaforth, C. W., sloped with a young chap
some time a aire, but subsequently repented
and returned to her husband and babies.
The very moral women of that town, who
havo no patience with repentant wrong-doers,
recently got togethor and ordered Mrs. Dix
to leave- within ten days or be ridden on a
rail with a custom of tar and feathers. They
further stated : " Should you afterward be
found within the boundaries of Seaforth, you
will then bo made to walk tho streets naked
aud bo scourged with the rod of Moses, No
women of ill tame are allowed to resute with
in our city." So Mrs, Dix went out into the
world disgraced, and the moral matrons
smoothed their aprons and telt comtortable.
In a nocro class.mceting at Richmond,
Sam Johnson was called on to pray, and be
fore he had closed his prayer the leader
called out' "Sam Johnson you may take
your seat and let Brudder Sugden pray ; ho
Another was called to speak, and after speak-
mE about live minutes was called to order,
and told it he could not speaK more to ue
pint dan dat he might take his seat.
John Purdue is now the wealthiest man in
Indianapolis, having an income of $107,000
for last .year. Not many years ago he was
teaching school near Cleveland, Ohio, for
ten dollars- a month, and was actually
" warned out" of the township where he re
sided, under the provisions of a law of the
State, for fear he might become a charge
thereon.
" There is no place like home." saya the
poet. Right unless it's the home of the
young woman you're .alter.
Good blood will ehow itself," as tha old
lady said when she was struck by tho red
ness of tho nose. a
A sure method of keeping eggs from spoil
mg : &at them while they are Irech,
The FoIiUcnl I'm! lit of Tho. JefT
ersou. In these days, when the political prin
ciples and sentiments of the great found
er of the Democratic party are so much
perverted and distorted by designing pol
iticians, it is well to jrefer back, and
gather from his own pen, just what Thos.
Jefferson accepted ai?d promulgated as
sound Democratic doctrines. t We give
below his very words, written to Eldridge
Gerry, in response to inquiries concern
ing his interpretation of the character of
our republican form of G'vr-t-.""
oi nis ! own political faith.
lie wrote :
In confutation of these and all future
calumnies, by way of anfttipation, I shall
make to you a profession of my political
faith ; in confidence that you will consider
every future imputation on me of a con
trary complexion, as bearing on its front
the mark of falsehood and calumny.
I do, then, with sincere sea!, wish an
inviolable preservation of our present
Federal Constitution, according to the i
true sense in which it was adopted by the
States, that in which it was advocated by
its friends, and not that which its enemies j
apprehended, who therefore became its
enemies; and I am opposed to the mon
archizing its features by the fur ins of its
administration, with a view to conciliate a
first transition to a President and Senate
for life, and from that to an hereditary
tenure of these offices, and thus to worm
out the elective principle. ' I
am for pn serving to the States th-
powers vt yi'-hhd by th' ltl to the Union.
and to the Legislature of the Union its
constitutional share in the divis'on of
powers; and I am not for transferring
all the powers "f the States t' the Gen
eral Gorrrnment, and all those of that
government to the Executive branch.
I am for a government rigorously frn
gal and simple,. applying all the possible
savings of the public revenue to the dis-
charuo of the national debt ; and not forajrior blood ob'jde colored man as de white
multiplication of officers and salaries j
merely to n ake partisans, and for. increas
ing, by every device, the public debt, on
the prmciple of its being a public blessing.
I am far relying, for internal defense,
on our militia solely, till actual invasion,
and for such a naval force only as may
prqteet our coasts and harbors from such
depredations as we have experienced; and
not for a standing army in time of peace,
vrhtch may overawe the public sentiment ;
nor f r a navy, which, by its own ex
penses and the eternal wars in which it
will implicate us, will grind us with pub
lic burdens, and sink us under them.
1 am for free commerce with all na
tions ; political connection with nne ; and
nd I am not for linking ourselves by
new treaties with the quarrels of Europe;
entering that field of slaughter to pre
serve their balance, or joining in the con
federacy of kings to war against the prin
ciples of liberty.
1 am lor freedom- ot religion, ana
against all maneuvers to brin; about a
eeal ascendency of one sect over another;
for freedom of the press, and against all
violations of the Constitution to silence
by force and not by reason the complaints
or criticisms, just or vnjnst, of ovr citi
zens against the conduct of their agents.
The IIcman Hair.-t-To number the hairs
of the head has been in all ages accounted as
impossible a feat as to count the sands of tha
seashore. The astounding labor has, how
ever, been gone through by a German pro
fessor, who thus tabularizes the result of his
examination of four heads of hair ;
Blonde (nninbci of hairs l lt0,490
Brown " " S 109,440
lllac-k ' ' 102,960
lied - " " 83,740
Red heads of hair were found to be nearly
equal in weight, and the deficiency in the
Dumber ot hairs in the black, brown and red
colors was fully counterbalanced bv a cor
responding increaso of bulk in tho individu-
al fibres. The average weight of a woman
head of hair is about fourteen ounces.
SnoRTS. What patch wil last the longest ?
Dispatch.
A hard row lor the Abolitionists to hoe
The hegro. '
A bad seat for young folks Self-conceit,
A troublesome band The contraband.
An unwelcome million .Ma ximillian.
A correspondent of the Louisville Journal
says he overheard the following conversation
between two small urchins : Says one, " Ain't
you got no grandmother? "No." "I tell
yer, ' responded the hrst, " they re tip-top.
Let yer do as yer please ; give yer as much
good stun as jer can eat, and the more yer
sarso em the better they like it."
At Lvnn. the other day. a Sunday school
teacher asked a little girl who the first man
was. She answered that she didn't know.
The question was then put to an Irish child,
who answered, ' Adam, sir," with appar
ent satisfaction. " La!" said the first scholar,
" vou needn't to feel so grand about it he
wasn't an Irishman."
Ct'RE tor Iliccorons. Dr. Pretty, an
English physician, claims to have found a
very simple means ot arresting the hiccough.
It is sufficient to saueeze the wrist, prefer
ably that of the right hand, with a piece of
string, or with the forefinger and thumb of
tho other hand.
While an ignorant lecturer was describ
ing tho nature of gas a .blue-stocking lady
inquired ot a gentleman near her what was
tho difference between oxyginandhydrogin?
" cry little, madam," said he-, " by oxygin
we mean pure gin ; and by hydrogin, gin
and water."
The property valuation of New York is
about $700,000,1)00 ; of Uoston, SiU,UOO -
000 ; of Philadelphia, $150,000,000 ; ot Ual
timore, $100,000,000.
An Irish crier at Ballinasloc being order
ed to clear the court, did so by. this announce
ment : " Now, then, all ye blackguards
that isn t lawyers must lave the court.
Sir. you have broken your nromiso." snid
one gentleman to another. "Oh, never
minu, i can mane another just as good."
The census of New Haven foots up 40,114
innaoiiunis.
From the HayerUlc- (Ky.) Bulletin.
I'oliHfg Ten Years Honrc-Art-lres
or 31 r. Crow to Iain Consti
tuent h in 1875.
The following is Fupposed to be the ad
dress of an enlightened colored gentleman,
Mr. J. Cxsar Crow, who has reprcsentea
this District in Congress for one term, and
is seeking a re-election. It will be seen
that Mr. Crow is a politician of tho libera!
tripe, and is for allowing white men some
very iraporant privileges, particularly the
right to marry colored ladies, &c.
To my Colored and White Constituent oh de
Ninth Congressional District :
Ff.li.oh- Cittze.n-s : I hab felt greatly flatt
tercd by dly-cIea&wCajgg be
from dM district. De knowledge Tob de fao
dat I hab done my duty for two years as
your representative, hab been a grat source
of consolation to me, and dis gteufc. public
indorsement ob my course in de legislatib
halls as a statesman and a patriot, hab filled
do measure ob my political glory full to de
top.
Widout flattering myself, (I hope yon all
know I would scorn to dat.) I tink I can say
wid propriety dat I hab did as much, if no
more, to elevate de character ob de black
race abroad a any odder man ob my limit
ed experience. Already de foreign countries
wid whom we hab had domestic relations Is
speakin' ob de internal policy ob our gobern
meat wid a proper respec, and while 1 is free
to admit dat our course toward de suffering
white man ob dis country hab not beon as
liberal and just as I hab adrocated, I still
tink we will sooner or later come to da
stage ob de game which will require us to
show great magncnimonsness, aad forgetful,
ness ob our forefathers' injuries. It am my
great desire to establish de superiority ob do
colored raee'to any race in de world, and to
do uis, it am necessaryflat we should exhib
it a noble and generous impulse toward our
fallen fe5. For my part, I am fordoin da
white man justice whenever his necessity ret
quire?, aud de exigency ob de case will ad
mit. I am confident dat by a proper legis
lation and a yieldin policy on de part ob de
administration ob wLich de venerable and de
Honoralde Mr. Fred. Douglas am de head,
de white man may soon be restored in some
measure to de rights and de position in so.
cieiy (da is no disputm defae) he once held.
Wh ile it am true dat de white race in Amer
ica am rapidly passing away afore de supe-
foam goes before de dark strong wave-stil
blood, it am" our duty as a great nation to
protect it in ebery lawful and honorable man
ner. It will never do for dia great colored,
nation to hub such a history ob de w-hite
man, as de white man hab ob de Indian.
In conclusion, my fellow citizens, I will
say dat I am :
First, In fabor ob a repeal ob delaw which
prohibits a white man from marryingja lady
ob color.
Second, I am in fabor ob a repeal obde
': act entitled an act,' which prohibits a
white? man from owning more dan one acre
ob land.
Third. I am in fabor of white suffrage ami
always will be. De white man am as much
entitled to vote as de colored man? if lbs.
halg-'"" inn TtTrvper m:nner, ,-
iitc ur? iSfsny oxiTrTainoT issues .such
as de employment ob white men on Gobern-
ment worKs ae raising od three regular new
white regiments, ic, &c, which I am in fa
bor ob, but which I hab not time to discuss,
I will m tetany opponent, de Ilonorable Mr,
Duffy, at all ob his appointments, where ray
views can be heard at greater length.
Wid manv more thanks for vonr flattarimt
. j . ,
call, I hab de honor to be, gentlemen.
x our humble obedient servant,
J. Cesar Crow,
July 1, 1875.
The Miss Harris Trial-
-Anxionq
Qneries,
A correspondent to the Washington Chron.
icle makes the following inquiries :
Washington, July, 1865.
" As you have been so very kind at all
times in giving information to the soldiers
npon the various subjects of interest to then,
and especially regarding the various decis?
ions concerning their welfare, I am emboL
dened to ask you a few questions, answers to
which will greatly oblige many connected
with the organization of which I have tho
honor to be an hnmble member.
I " 1st. Under the recent decision in the
c ise of Miss Harris, for how long a . period, .
c fter an engagement of marriage is broken
t ff, has the lady a right to shoot the gentle,
i ian with impnnity,-one year, two, or ten ?
" 2d. Does the lady have the right to shoot
i i a case of where she breaks off the engage.
ii tent and discharges the suitor ? If yea, for
hbw longa time?
f 1 3d. Does tho right of shooting inure in a
casjof an engagement dissolved by mutual
consent?
;4th. Do the same rules apply in a case
where the gentleman is prevented by the
lady's friends from fuilfilling his engage,
ment?
44 5th. May she shoot any gentleman, or
only her former affianced 1 -
' 6th. Does a legal presumption arise tha
the lady is insane, or periodically mad, in
case she has once been engaged to be mar.
ried? t
" 7th. Does a legal presumption arise that
all the letters received by an affianced lady
are written by the gentleman to whom shew'
engaged ; and after the engagement is term,
inated does the same presumption continue?
" 8th. Does it make any difference in re.
gard to the rights of the lady, ot the legal
presumptions arising in t$e case, whether
she tie a party or not 7
"9th. Would the subsequent marriage of
a lady effect her right to shoot? and, if so,
upon what principle wouldithe right belong
to the husband after marriage ?"
A bill fixing the status of the negro in Tennea
see, has passed the Lower House of the Legisla
ture of that Istatc. it forbids tne intermarriage ot
nejrroes with whites, and the admission of negro
children to white schools. Negroes may be witr
nesses against each other, bat not against whites,
and any contract between a white and a colored
person "shall be void unless made in writing an4
witnessed bv a white person. Nejrroes are sob
jeet to the same penalties for crimes as whites.
but rape committed by a negro on a wmte we
man, is made 3- capital offence.
Fesians; is .New-' York. rThe Fenian
Brotherhood had a grand pienio at Jones'
Woods, New York city, lately, Arnong
many distinguished sympathizers present,
were Horace Greeley of the Tribune, Messrs, .
T. Beach of the Sun, Ben. Wood of the
News, and Judge MeCann. . John O'Ma,
hony, was the orator of the day.
Col. Isaac Woodman, a'stoefcraiser and
dairyman of Scarsraont, Me,, is reported to
have said that, as the result of forty years
experience, the heifer -whose first call .is a
bull never proved to be much of a milker j
but if her first product was a heifer, she wm
pretty sure to reproduce all the milking quart,
ties of her mother, however excellent they
may have been.