The voice of freedom. [volume], February 02, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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THE
VOICE
OF
ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers.
Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor.
VOLUME I.
MOrtTPELIUR, VERMONT, FEBRUARY 9, !S3I.
IVU3SUER 3.
THE VOICE Or FBEEDOa
Is published every Saturday morning, at $2 a year, pay
able in advance. If payment be delayed till the end o
the year, iilty Uenta will be added.
Advertisements inserted at the usual rates.
Subscriptions, and all letters relating to business, should
be addressed to the Publishers : letters relating to the edi
torial department, to the Lciitor. Communications intend
ted for publication should be signed by the proper name of
the writer. iXLf Fostaee must be paid in all cases
Agents of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society, and officers
tf local anti-slavery societies throughout the state, are au
thorized to act as agents for this paper
SCP1 Office, one door West from the Post-Office, State sU
ABEJfTSi
Brandon, Dr Hale.
Jamaica, L Morrifield, Esq.
Hubbardton, XV C Denison.
Norwich, Sylvester Morris.
Hartford, Geo. Udall, Esq.
Tunbridge, Ilervey TraCy.
Strafford, XV Sanborn, Esq.
BarneU L P Parks. Esq;
MorrlstownJUev S Robinson
Morrisville, L P Poland , Esq
Cornwall, 13 F Haskell.
Craftsbury, XV J Hastings.
Westford, R Farnsworth.
Essex, Dr J W Emery.
Uunderhill, Rev E B Baxter.
Barnard, Arad Jackson.
East Barnard, XV Leonard.
Wahlen, Perley Foster.
Starksboro' , Joel Battey.
St. Albans, E L Jones, Esq
Rutland, R R Thrall, Esq.
Royalton, Bela Hall, C C
Carter.
Danville, M Carpenter.
Glover. Dr Bates.
St. Johnsbury, Rev J Morse.' Montgomery, J Martin.
JMiddlebury, M D Gordon. Lincoln, Benj Tabor.
Derby, Dr Richmond.
Perkinsville, XV M Guilford.
Brookfield) D Kingsbury Esq
tiandolrih, C Carpenter, Esq
East Bethel, E Fowler, Esq.
Waterbury, L Hutchins,Esq
JC JMewcomb.
Waitsfield; Col Skinner
Moretown, Moses SpolTord
Warren, F A Wright, Esq,
JVaterford, it C Benton,Esq
Ji.ast Hoxbury, S Kuggles.
Ferrisburgh, 11 T Robinson.
Vergennes, J E Roberts.
Westfield, O Winslow, Esq.
Corinth, Insley Dow.
XVilhamstown, J C Farnam.
Chester, J Stedman, Esq.
Spingfield, Nouh Safford.
Franklin, Geo S Gale.
XVaterville, Moses Fisk.Esq.
Hydepark, Jotham Wilson.
b.lmore, Abel Camp, Esq.
Hinesburgh, XV Dean
Burlington, G A Allen, Esq.
ill na IF IPIBISISlBOSCo
For The Voice of Freedom,
Mr. Knapp:
Dear Sir An article in your last alludes to the very
common declaration of, I do not say how interested, a mul
titude, that the slave of the South is bettar fed, better
clothed, and happier than the free laborer of the North.
I send you the following for insertion if you think it ailvi-
Bable. I send it for obvious reasons. If there be a sin
which the obliquity of the human heart can warrant, or
the full circle of human conduct can comprehend,
"of so frightful mein
As to be hated needs but to be seen"
that sin is American Slavery. In reference to this, the
persuasion of every one who has impartially looked at the
subject, must be full and settled- To abhor the system
we have only to inform ourselves with regard to it. Bu
of the majority of Northern people, the knowledge of it
must be knowledge derived from testimony. From cxpe-
.Tience we have no knowledge of the system, save when
some democratic mob starts into being for the purpose of
performing a civil miracle, by contravening, or suspending
the laws of our most glorious, free and perfect republic.
From observation, most of us certainly can have none. By
Way of testimony, we have two distinct and opposite sour
ces of information; the one through those men who, for
purposes of speculation, either commercial or political
keep up an intercourse with the South, who arc ever
ready to yield truth to gold, and principle to political pre
ferment; or those who visit the South for pleasure or for
health, and whose circumstances or predisposition permits
them to look at but the pleasing side of slavery, viz. the
kind and liberal hospitality of the master: the other, thro'
those whose circumstances have permitted them to look at
slavery with an eye of candor, and whose freedom from the
bias of prejudice or interest allows them to report it with
a tongue of truth. The most pernicious and invincible in
fluence with which the friend of freedom has to contend,
at the present time, is the testimony of those men who are
at all events determined to report favorably the Northern
apologists for Southern slavery. To meet this with a can
did, counter declaration of good, discriminating, judicious
men, is certainly important. I therefore transmit to you
part of a communication from the Rev. Wm. A. Chapin, of
Greensboro' simply adding, that whoever is acquainted
with that gentleman, will be satisfied that such declarations
from such a man, are sufficient to put to silence at once and
forever the tongue of the apologist; to condemn the sys
tem, and arouse all to efficient action for its suppression.
After preliminary remarks, Mr. C. proceeds:
" I spent nearly three years in Richmond and vicinity,
I do not know that I can state any facts of peculiar inter
est on the subject of slavery, for while I was there altho
I saw enough to convince me that the system is one of the
utmost cruelty and oppression yet it is difficult to state
the particular facts which lod my mind to this conclusion;
specially as, from feelings of delicacy it seemed to be prop
er to shut my eyes and close my ears as far as possible to
those enormities in the abuse of slaves, which would he
calculated to cause uneasiness to the masters in case they
should be known. I will however state some facts which
were forced upon my observation while there. I resided
Dearly two yeaiB in the family of Conrad Webb, Esq, of
Hampstead, New-Kent Co., about twenty miles from Rich
mond, Va. I was employed as family instructor. Mr W
bad three or four plantations, and was esteemed one of the
two wealthiest men in the county. It was supposed that
he owned about 200 slaves, about 75 of whom were on the
home plantation. Ho was a member of the Presbyterian
church, and was appointed Elder in the same during the
time I was residing with him. He was a native of Virgin
ia, and a graduate of a N. E. College, The slaves were
called in the morning before day-light, and I believe, at all
seasons of the year, that they might prepare their food and
be ready for work as soon aa it was light enough to see;
and I know that in the season of husking corn, Oct. and
Nov,, they usually were compelled to work late till 12
or I o'eloek at night. The Blaves lived in wretched log
cabins, consisting of one room each, without floors or win
dows. I understood that their food consisted of a daily ra
tion of 2 qts, of corn meal to each man, and one-half of that
amount to a child and once a week a small piece of meat,
from one to four ounces, I have seen distributed, or a salt
ed herring or two, which I understand wag sometimes sub
stituted. " I know that Mr. Ws slaves were better clothed than
many in the neighborhood whom I occasionally saw, and
I have reason to believe, were better fud also, aa I heard
him remark that many gave only half tho rations which he
gave. I believe the slaves sometimes sufKred for want of
food. One evening as I was sitting in the parlor, one of
the most resolute of the slaves came to the door and said;
' Master, I am willing to work for you, but I want some
thing to eat." Tho only answer was, " Clear yourself."
I learnt that the slaves on the plantation had been without
food all day because the man who was sent to mill could
not obtain his grinding. Ho went again the next day and
obtained his grist, but the slaves had no food until ho re
turned. He was obliged to eo about five miles. I know
tho slaves were sometimes severely whipped. I saw the
backs of several which had numerous scars, evidently cau
sed by long and deep lacerations of the whip; and I have
good reason to believe that the slaves were generally in
that condition, for I never saw the back of one exposed
which was not thus marked, and from their tattered and
scanty clothing their backs were often exposed. From
what I saw and heard among slave-holders, I have reason
to believe that a promiscuous sexual intercourse between
the white males and female slaves was very common in
deed. I should judge from my own observation that not
half the slaves were unmixed blacks;"
The slave of the South in as good circumstances, aa well
fed and clothed, as contented and happy as the free laborer
of the North! Farmers of Vermont Willing to exchange
places with the slave of Virginia!! Willing that your sis
ters and your daughters should take the place of tho female
slave!!!
WM. SCALES.
Lyndon, Jan. 19, 1839.
The peculiar posture of affairs in the presen
Congress seerns to invite the states to come for
ward in their highest legislative capacity, and res
cue the Constitution of our common country from
the most gross violations ; violations for which ev
ery patriot should tremble for the perpetuity of
our blood-bought liberties. The citizens of Ver
mont, as well as those ol the other free states.
have sent thousands and tens of thousands of pc
tilions to Congress, praying for the abolition of
slavery in the district ol Columbia, and the inter
nal slavctrade and for kindred objects; all of which
in the past year, have been laid upon the table,
unread, unrelerred, unprmted, undebateu, and un
considered.
Thus have the members of Congress, from the
Iree states, bowed themselves lower, in base sub
mission, to the footstool of slavery, than on all
other propositions ever before united. But the
northern members, who voted the Patton gag, be
fore they got so low, they had to grope their way
From The Friend of Man.
SPEECH OF ALVAN STEWART, Esq.,
Before the Vermont Legislative Committee,
(Concluded.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
May it please the Honorable Committee.
We will now look at slavery, in the District of
Columbia. 1 Ins district has been a sort ol ma-
nagery, in which the grand experiment has
been tried for thirty-eight years, by the consent of
the nation, to see whether men can be converted
into beasts, or things, by putting them into th
same legal scale, annexing the same legal conse
quences to their acts, except where cruelty is to
be practised; there the punishments would, from
their variety, and rigour, assume that the offend
ers were above men, yea, the compeers of angels
One would think the 200 years of slavery and
debasement, on this continent, of man, in the shape
of a slave, was a period of sufficient length, to
settle the question, whether slaves could be learn
ed to walk on all fours, like the beasts, or not.
But no, the grandeur of his celestial descent, his
heavenly lineage, the capital of mind the slave re
ceives direct from God, will forever make an im
passionable gulph, between this noble, though a-
bused immortal, and the beasts which perish.
To suppose it necessary to make a parade of
constitutional learning, to convince any man, who
feels and acknowledges the common import ol
words and sentences, is to suppose that nothing
can be made certain in the English language.
It is clearly expressed in the Constitution of the
U. Is. that Congress has power, given by the Con
stittition, to "legislate in all cases whatever, over
the District of Columbia, and therefore has a
right to abolish slavery; the same right that it had
to establish it, because that Congress adopted it
and therefore has a right to abrogate it. To say
that Congress has not the power to abolish slavery
in the District, is a crime against the English, lan
guage, as well as our common humanity. The
language is explicit beyond the most malignant
carpings of the most fiendish criticism. To say
it is contrary to the spirit of our Constitution, is
to say that the preamble to the Constitution is
false, which says "it Was ordained for the purpose
ol establishing justice aud liberty. It is as clear
as though it had been written, "Congress shall
have power to abolish slavery in the Dtstrict of
Columbia. It is one of those cases where the
proposition is itself more clear, than any argu
ment, evidence, or illustration assumed as true, can
make it. "Clarius luce;" more clear than light,
as the Roman orator once said. Whoever un
dertakes,by other arguments than the text of the
constitution itself, to make it appear that Con
gress has, and should exercise the abolition pow
er it possesses, for the benefit of 7000 persons
would make the question more doubtful by words,
and might as well undertake to prove the exist
ence of the sun, by his light reflected from the
moon, rather than by his own shining in all the
glories ol noon.
But many will assert it inexpedient to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, because the
slaveholder is opposed to it.
email we wait till the slaveholder is willing,
where the nation has the power? Shall we re
verse the first principles of our government, and
allow the minority to rule, and commit crime,
when the maiority should rule, and must be res
ponsible for all the wrong and misery which they
have power to prevent f
Is the friendship of wicked men and slavehold
ers more important to a majority of the nation
than an approving conscience, which is the voice
of God, and the opinion of good men all round
the world? If the free states refuse (having the
power as they really possess it) to abolish slavery
in the District of Columbia, it becomes, truly, the
sin of the North, of the free states, and on us rests
the responsibility of every pain of mind or body,
which may be endured by these 7000 slaves, which
they would not suffer, were they free; yea, more,
the horrid countenance we seem to lend to the
slaveholders, in the states, where they as states,
claim to have the only power to abolish slavery.
Yes, slavery may put lortn a very plausible de
fense of the system, by saying that the North,
without profit from slavery, permit it to exist,
when they have power to abolish it, therefore,
they of the North can not consider slaveholding
ry wrong, or they would abolish it, where they
ve the odium of its existence, without the prof
it of its continuance. Gentlemen of the commit
tee, we now come to the legislature of Vermont,
asking it with great respect, to embody and ex
press to Congress the desire of this sovereign
state, that slavery should be immediately and for
ever abolished in the District of Columbia. Your
citizens of this state, have besought you by their
petitions on this subject to lend suffering human
ity a helping hand.
down on a ladder of perjury. There Was no otl:
er invention, by which they could have debased
themselves, and found for, themselves so abject a
point. "It was only by jumping the life to come."
lhe Constitution has secured the eternal and
heaven -descended right of petition to the people
of this country, not that the constitution gave or
conlerred this right, no sirs, it barely spoks a
gainst its Violation, it threw its powerful arms out
in defense of this right-, coeval with man. But
these members of Congress, who voted for the
resolution of the 21st December, 1837, to lay the
petitions of the free men and women of the North
on the table, unread, unconsidered, and imprinted,
must stand on the page of history in all corning
time as the assassins, yes, the perjured assassins
of their country's reputation, for the infamous
purpose of upholding slavery in the capital of the
nation, and the slavctrade between the states, in
its most diabolical form, which this world has ev
er seen, in the long range of 600 years.
lhe regicides of Charles the First, many of
them perished at home on the scaffold, others diei
of misery and want in foreign lands, the object
of the world's contempt arid scorn, for having tried
1 1-1. . i.i mi
conuenineu, anu executed tneir sovereign, i nese
regicides alleged, they destroyed the king, a
broke through the Constitution of England, in vin
dication of humanity outraged, and for the deli
ery of liberty from chains. But how much great
er judgment should be awarded against these
members of Congress, who on the 21st December,
1SJ7, laid their sacrilegious, polluted hands upon
the written Constitution of their country, after
they had solemnly sworn by the retributions of
the eternal judgment, to maintain its provisions
then to turn round and violate that Constitution
not as the regicides did to aid human liberty, but
for the malignant purpose of transfixing liberty to
a cross, ana make her expire in her own temple
as a mark of open shame ? Before these consti-
tutioncides could withhold the consideration of the
wretched slave's case, they had to walk over the
dead body of the Constitution of their country.
This generation is so overcome with the be
wildering cry raised against the abolitionists in be
half of the southern rights, that they have no
yet opened their eyes and ears to the greates
crimes winch have ever been committed on tin:
continent ; and those crimes, to add to their ma
ligiuty, have been committed under the forms of
the Constitution.
But when truth shall triumph over delusion
and the fanaticism ol a mistaken and slavery-rid
den age, then shall some philosophic Hume, in
the next century review the distressing transac
tions ; of this then will the 21st December 1S37
be reckoned the most gloomy and disastrousjday
which, has distinguished the annals of this nation
If the 4th July, 1776 be a day standing pre-emi
nent for the grandeur of those principles which
we then adopted, the 21st December, 1837, may
stand as an inauspicious contrast; if the former
was the birth of American liberty, the latter ap
pears like its Juneral.
Behold the monstrous crime committed by the
majority of the House of Representatives of the
United States, as each member responded "ave"
to the famous or rather infamous resolution of
Paton of Virginia, of the 21st December, 1S37.
This resolution was passed under the tornequet of
the previous question, or strangled debate, lhe
previous question according to parliamentary law,
is intended to put an end to a useless and protrac
ted debate, after'all have been heard, and the ques
tion viewed, in all those shapes and forms through
full and free discussion, in which they may wish
to present it. Ihen if garrulous and prating
members are disposed to wear out the patience of
the House, and waste its time, the previous ques
tion may be moved, which puts an end to the pro
traded and exhausted debate. But here the most
important question, which ever came before a de-
libetative body of men, was taken before a word
of debate under the call or motion for the previ
ous question, by which the House of Kepresenta
tives agreed that all petitions, on the subject of sla
very, unread and unconsidered should lie upon the
table.
Behold five crimes committed by each member
who said "aye" to this resolution, in the same
breath. 1st., lhe Constitution was violated on
the subject of petition ; 2d, The previous question
was prostituted to an object diametrically opposite
to that for which it was intended, by which the
members opposed to the 1 atton resolution (which
was a violation of the Constitution,) were con
strained to give a silent vote against a mighty in
fraction of the Constitution, without being able to
speak a single word to beseech the House, not to
take this most fatal and unconstitutional leap, od,
The members who said "aye" committed perjury,
for they violated that Constitution which they had
sworn to support. 4lh, There Was a special inhu
manity, amounting to a hideous offence, in refus
ing to inquire into the condition of two and a half
millions of slaves, or any part ol them, or the
laws 6y which they were deprived of the inesti
mable boon of liberty. 5th, There -was moral
treason committed against white and black, bond
and free, every man, woman and child inthere-
ublic, in violating their rights, their liberties, their
humanity struck down through the sides of the
constitution ; yes it was high treason against the
age, the humanity of this 19th century, and the
everlasting commands of the great Jehovah.
What monosyllable ever pronounced by man 111
any day, in any place, was so big with destruction
to all the precious hopes of man ? Yes, before
this high decree, the slave and the freeman, the
sovereign state, and ah American Congress, all a
likei stood speechless. This was despotism in its
most solemn forrni which orders the victim lobe
silent, which it intends for sacrifice. If the victim,
jhe Constitution, could have spoken through its
friends, and plead against her own violation, her
brightest jewel wbuld not have been ravished from
her in silence;
Open the black alio1 bl'ddciy pages of despotism,
recorded in the annals df past ages; and let us see
whether ever in one day, Nero, CtiligUa, Domi
tian, Dionysius, A urelian.Bazazet, Robespierre, and
Bonaparte, these flails of Almighty God, did roll
back the car frighted with the most precious inter
ests and hopes of man, as far into the night of
barbarism and blood as these members of Congress,
who, on the 21st December, 1837, said "aye" to
the Patton slave resolution.
The amazing criminality of this transaction ap
pears more dreadful, when it is considered that this
resolution barred the only avenue of the wretched
slaves, or their fricindsi to the District of Colum
bia, and denied all access to the slave territories.
t cut off the hopes of the humane from the hone
of abolishing the internal slavetrade, and implied
ly forbid our protesting against the annexation of
thatstrartded mass of villianS, the cullingsof the
world s prisons, lexas.
The very reason urged by die South for her
counting five of her slaves the fame as three of
our citizens was, that it might form a counterpoise
to that power, given by lhe Constitution to Con
gress, "to regulate foreign commerce, commerce
between the states and the Indian tribes." The
South contending that the North, only bcliig in
terested in commerce, would regulate h to the in
jury of the South, whether foreign or domestic
and that the South must have an additional num
ber of representatives, in Congress, by counting
tueir slaves, to countervail the action ol the JNorth
on questions of foreign and internal commerce,
Under the power to regulate foreign commerce,
we abolished the old African slavetrave. Under
the power to regulate internal commerce between
the stales, we petition Congress to abolish the in
ternal slavetrade between the states. Now the
South denies that Congress has the constitutional
power to regulate commerce between the states, so
as to confine the slaves to the states, where they
now are. Yes, after we have purchased this pow
er so dearly of the South, (which gives the South,
twenty eight additional members) we now find the
South denying its Very existence; in fact, the very
consideration moneyt if I may so speak, for the
privilege of counting five slaves as three free per
sons, is denied.
Why do the South deny it ? Because it is the
great door to the slave Bastile, left in the! side of
the constitutional temple, which, when We' have
power to abolish it in the District of Columbia; We
shall have-, the same day, power to enact a law,
that no slave shall be taken or removed, or sold
from one state to another, under the Penalty of
perpetual imprisonment or death. What is to be
the effect of such a law on slavery? First, to
confine the slaves to the states, where they are on
the day of the enectment of the law. The state
of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and
tVta ,l-nn,n f ri I. 1. f
jjunff ui uiu vuiuiinas nave, lor twen
ty years past, maintained themselves by selling
their surplus slaves to the states of Georgia. Al
abama, Louisiana, Mississippi and Arkansas, and
not by selling the productions of slaves, but by
selling slaves themselves, as the great article of
commerce to the great cotton and sugar districts
of the far South. Now if these elave growing
states, in the north end of tho slave section of
the country, were unable to sell slaves, the master
and slave could not live together, the slaves of
Maryland and Virginia would eat up their mas
ters, and the masters must emancipate in self-defence,
to save themselves from destruction. A-
gain, the states of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississip
pi ana others, it they could not import slaves lrom
the north end of the slave region, there is such
havoc annually by death, among the slaves of the
great planters, by the unhealthiness of the climate
and the cruel treatment of overseers, than in less
than seven years, if no slave could be imported,
into those southern regiohst one half of the plant
ations would lie uncultivated for Wftht of slaves,
Ihis power, to regulate commerce between the
states, is one of the mighty powers of the confed
eracy which has lain hitherto, in a great degree,
dormant, altho' purchased at such a cruel and bit
ter expense, now amounting to twenty-eight mem
bers of Congress; yetitmay.if properly wielded,
become the great battering ram to knock down the
fortifications of slavery. The power to regulate
foreign commerce was the battle-axe with which
we sundered the neck of the old African slave
trade, in six successive cuts, of Congress, enac-
ted at different periods from 1808 to 1S24.
Let no one say that the word "regulate," as us
ed in the Constitution, may not mean to alter,
change, destroy, abolish, or annihilate. That
uestion has been settled in fuvor of the above
efinitionsby every department of the government,
by both Houses of Congress, the President, yes,
and several times by the Supreme Court of the
United States. These questions of "regulation"
under the Constitution, have been up for consid
eration, by our Senate, in forming treaties of
peace ; declarations ot war by Congress, embar
goes, non-intercourse acts this word "to regulate"
foreign commerce, and commerce between the
states, has drawn forth an immense amount of in
genious reasoning to restrict the Word in its mean
ing, but the Supreme Court of the United States,
as well as the other departments of government,
have declared that Congress have power to anni
hilate and destroy any branch of commerce, for
this is one mode of regulating it, if Congress in
their wisdom see fit to adopt it. The abolition of
the old African slavetrade had no constitutional
authority for its exercise, except what was derived
from the Constitution, which confers on Congress
the power to regulate foreign commerce. The
regulation Congress adopted was the utter aboli-
on and annihilation ol tho trade.
By the abolition of the African slavetrado. the
internal slavetrade sprung up in this country, with
more than all the horrors Which belonged to thiJ
bloody commerce bit the African shore.
The bloody siave Coasts of the Gambia, and
Senegal of Africa, were transferred to the Poto
mac the James, the Pedee, Cooper and Ashley
and the Savannah rivers. Washington, George
town, Alexandria, Richmond, Charleston and Sa
vannah were the marts of blood, where those hu
man being contracts were made, where wives and
husbands, parents and children Wef e torn asunder,
and uttered the frightful shriek arid farewell of
despair. Yes, these towns have been the grand
slaughter house of the holiest of the human ties.
When inquest shall be made for blood, well might
these Chorazins, these Sodoms and Gomorrahs
cry for the Alleghanies to fall on them, and hide
them from the accusing ghosts of ruined and thricd
murdered families ! This trade in slaves on the"
high seas, or on the coast of Africa, American law
and American humanity has pronounced the
crime which man can commit against man, and
has declared its horrid perpetrators, pirates, and
punishable with death. Oh! horrible inconsis
tency ! That which is piracy 3000 miles off, by
our laws becomes, by the same lawgivers and a
part of the same code when transacted at home
in our own sight, so far from being the highest of
human offences, it becomes respectable business,
not inconsistent with the duties of private citi
zens; a judge; a President of the United States, a
member oT any Of the Christian churches, yea,
a minister in thosd churches; such ii mighty
change takes place in the criminal code of the Uni
ted States by sailing through some 40 degrees of
longitude, from the coast of Africa to the capital
of the United States at Washington.
Georgia and South Carolina threatened theit'
sister states that they would not come into the
Union, unless the Constitution of the United
StaKs guarantied the continuance of the old Af
rican slavetrade twenty years after the adoption
of the Constitution, because, they alledged they
could purchase slaves direct from Africa, or catch
them in Africa, for half the sum they would have
to pay the old states of Virginia and Maryland
lor slaves ; and these states further urged that they
would not come into the Union, unless the free
states would consent to become kidnappers and
catch the fugitives slaves for them, when they ran
nto the free states, ior as they had run the
slaves down in Africa, and conferred so great a
blessing on the country by bringing them over,
therefore, to encourage the South in its laudable
undertakings, the South insisted that the North,
or free states were to act the part of shepherds'
dogs to scare, catch and return their wandering
flocks, when they came into the northern parts of
the land. So these chivalrous states insisted on
three points as "sine qua nons!" 1st. The Afri
can slave trade should be extended twenty years.
2d. That thd Tree states should deliver up fugi
tive slaves! and 3d. That they should count, for
the basis of congressional representation, five of
their slaves the same as three of our citizens.
Before the adoption of the Constitution, a con
stant system of theatening was kept up, that un-
ess all the humumty in the world Was violated
they would not come into the1 Confederacy; and
now the cry is that unless we permit these samd
tales to be considered honorable pirates, they will
go out of the Union. It has always been held
over our heads, in terrorem, first, that thby would
not come in; and now that they are lil, that they
would not stay in. And so, these chivalrous
states have kept the North holding its breath, oc
casionally having coiiniption fits, lest the chival
rous human-flesh importers should become enrag
ed at our northern maxims, contained in the Dec
laration of Independence, that they would run
out of the Union down some steep place, and get
chnaked in the sea.
This nation will, itt a short time, be divided in
to two great parties which will swallow all others
up, to wit : an anti-slavery ond on one side, and
a pro-slavery one on the other ; the first holding
that all men are created equal ; dnd, that labor is
honorable in all; and liberty the fight of all ;
while the latter or pro-slavery party holds that
one portion of the country is born to be slaves to
the other; and that labor is dishonorable, and a
badge of meanness, and a kindred principle with
slavery.
The liberty-loving, labor-honoring party ; the
slave-holding, labor-despising party '-to this com
plexion the people of this country must come at
last. 1 his will be the grand division between
the political parties of this country.
Ye men and women of Vermont, I know I
need not ply you with arguments, to show which
side of this important alternative you should es
pouse.
You have always been on the side of humanity
and justice in this great question of slavery. Ev
ery thing here teaches you liberty ; these rocks
and hills, these inexorable winters, all command
you as from above, be industrious, laborious, fru
gal, and just. Your position and soil are perpet
ual guaranties that you will be industrious, that
labor must be considered honorable ; where these
things exist men will love liberty and hate slavery,
or history is a liar and experience without instruc
tion.
EXPEDIENCY,
Our fathers have left us one of the most in
structive lessons ever given to mankind, showing
she folly of expediency ; and, its wickedness
when adopted by a nation, in opposition to the
plain command of God, and the dictates of hu
manity, and the sober counsels of exact justice.
It may not be unprofitable to glance at some of
these governmental gales of expediency, info
which our fathers and the present generation of
public men have been betrayed, under the notion
that present expediency required us, as a nation,
to use it to commit crimes, at which, as individuals
we should shudder. At the time of the Declara
tion of Independence, the nation was like the
great deep at the time of the flood, broken up
from its foundations, and casting off the allegiance
that bound us to the British empire. Society was
resolved in this republic into its original elements.
3,000,000 being the erttite population ; 500,000,
or one sixth of whom had been, and were heM
as slaves.
All men must have seen by our Declaration of
Independence, and almost every state paper, all
congressional resolutions, manifestoea, petitions,