The voice of freedom. [volume], February 16, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

Image provided by: University of Vermont

                
THE
!
E-EDOM.
OF
, . .. ' ' ..... A I
ALLEN &. POLAND, Publishers. Published Under the sanction oj 'the Vermont Jlnti-Slavery Society. CIIAUNCEY L. KNAPPt Editok
U a
, VOLUME I. MONTPELIEK, VERMONT, FEI5UUAKY lf 1 830. NUIMIIEK 7.
2FE.1S WIIOIS QDIP IPIBlISISIIS)SEo
For The Voice of Freedom.
GOV. CAMP'S ADDRESS,
Delivered at the semi-annual meeting of the Orleans
County Anti-Slavery Society, at Coventry, Jan. 18
1839.
Concluded, ,
AMERICAN SLAVE-TRADE COMPARED WITH THE
AFRICAN".
The American has, indeed, this pre-eminence above the
African, whether for good, or for evil, let others declare
No odious heathen monster is permitted to pollute the A-
tnerican slave-trade by his barbarous and unskillful kid.
napping, whipping and driving the slaves to market, selling
them for a small part of their Valuet a string of beads, a
powder horn, or a rifle ; but the whole business is conducted
in the most gentleman-like and accomplished style, accord'
ing to law and by honorable, republican, white men, who
have had their birth and education in a land blessed with
the glorious gospel. Unlike the African, the instances of
stealing free persons and making them slaves, are acknowl
edged to be somewhat fare, probably not one in fifty of the
whole number annually sold. It is only in those creatures
" guilty of a skin not colored like their own," who have
heretofore been stolen and thereby forfeited all their rights
according to the pro-slavery moral code, or those who have
descended directly, at least in the female line, from such,
since they were stolen, that the tender conscience and dis
criminating judgment of the American slaver, will permit
liiia to deal.
SLAVERY CANNOT BE CURED BY PURCHASE.
2. As saying nothing and doing nothing on the subject
of slavery will not put an end to it ; so, on examination,
it will appear that we cannot remove it, as some have
supposed by the plan of purchasing the slaves of their mas
ters, giving them a country where they may be at liberty
and providing temporarily for their support.
The Government of the United States has no constitution
al right to act in the premises, except, as to the District of
Columbia and Territory of Florida. That the state govern
ments should engage in the enterprize in reference to their
respective portions of the slave population, is not to be ex
pected, they having already fully committed themselves to
a contrary course. Benevolent individuals, acting alone
and on their separate responsibilities, could do nothing;
and an association, formed for the accomplishment of even
so glorious an object, would meet with obstacles believed
to be impassable. Funds adequate to the purchase and
temporary support of the slaves, could not be found. The
purchase of three millions of slaves at the low average price
of two hundred dollars, would amount to $600,000,000
Estimating their support at one-sixth of their cost, we have
the sum of $700,000,000 to obtain in order to effect this
object. But suppose them redeemed, and means of tempo
rary support provided, we have yet to obtain a country
where they may dwell, and transport therr. thither. These
items would swell the grand total of immediate and neces
sary outlay to at least one billion of dollars. Beside this,
it is to be observed that their masters would demand what
ever price they saw fit, (for we know that aid could not
be obtained from the general or state governments to re
strain their cupidity,) and that this would be increased as
the number of slaves diminished, is but the dictate of com
mon sense. Where then are the necessary funds? But
suppose this estimate too high: reduce it if you please, even
to a tenth part, or $100,000,000. This sum might be
found; but could it be obtained? This would depend upon
the justice and expediency of the measure, as viewed by
those who were called upon to contribute. The enquiry
involves the moral character of slavery, for if a man may
rightfully hold his fellow-man in bondage, then he cannot
justly be required to release him without an equivalent: if,
on the contrary, he may not rightfully hold him, then he
is entitled to no compensation for releasing him.
On this question turns the whole character of the Anti
Slavery enterprize. According as this shall be finally set
tled, that enterprize challenges the cordial good will and
efficient support of every moral man, or is utterly unworthy
of his regard. A deep, thorough and honest investigation,
therefore, is the immediate duty of all .
MAN CANNOT BE MADE THE PROPERTY OF MAN.
Men are moral agents, so constituted by God himself,
and are, as such, responsible to Him. They are their own
masters, having a right to exercise their physical and in
tellectual powers in such way as they see fit always
within the prescribed rule of right, and appropriate the
avails of their labors to their own exclusive benefit. God
has made them accountable to Him for the use or abuse of
these favors. This constitutes the essential difference be
tween them and other animals, and, in short, makes them
Men.
Property possesses none of these attributes. It can be
under no responsibility to God. In whatever it may con
sist, it is destituto of the independent power of volition and
spontaneous action. It is in all respects subject to its own
er, and accountable to hira only. Slavery is, therefore, a
rebellious attempt to subvert this wise constitution, conni
ved and established by the Divine mind. Slavery seeks to
annul the ordinance of God, which makes man accountable
only to Him, and teaches that he may, nay shall be, ac
countable to his fellow-man. Infinite wisdom has decreed
that moral accountability cannot be surrendered, evaded,
transferred, or assumed by another; and, therefore, no
human being can, by means of force or fraud, become the
property of another.
THE GIFT OF THE CREATOR EXCLUDES THE IDEA OF
PROPERTY Ilf MAN.
To man was never given dominion over his fellow-man,
fcj Him who alone had the power to give. The original
design is thus expressed: " Let them have dominion over
the fish of the sea, and over the fowls of the air, and over
tho cattle, and over all the earth." Not satisfied with the
amplitude of this provision, among the many inventions
ought out, man has found the means of subjecting to him
self his fellow-man. But there being nothing in the con
titution of nature, or the gift of God, to justify the usual
relation of master and slave; the slave-holder's right proves
to be only the right of the strong over the weak, the cun-
ning over the simple, or the combined over the solitary.
VPRIGHT MEN CANNOT CONTRIBUTE TOWARD THE
PURCHASE OF THE SLAVE-HOLDER'S RIGHT.
V It seems to follow of course, that no upright and con'
yientioui, though compassionate of benevolent man, bay.
ing a correct view of the subject, would contribute to pay
the slave-holder for doing what he is under the strongest
possible obligation to do without hire. One might throw
to a wolf, because it is a wolf, a piece of flesh, if he could
by lb doing induce her to release a living victim; but could
not sanction the monstrous iniquity of slavery by thus re
cognizing in the master a right of compensation for resto
ring to the slave the long-usurped possession of himself.
THE ONLY LAWFUL KINDS OF SLAVERY.
But it will be said, and it is readily admitted, that one
man's labor may be rightfully claimed by another, by vir
tue of a contract for that purpose; nay, it will be conceded
that for an adequate consideration a man may bind himself
to serve another during his natural life. Children and ap
prentices, for a prescribed term, are, in a certain sense
slaves; and many become slaves to the state for a term of
years, and some for life, as a punishment for their crimes,
There is, therefore, a condition of slavery recognized by
the laws of all civilized nations in these various instances
and for sufficient and obvious reasons. From these admis
sions, some have had the weakness to argue, that we can
not distinguish between the different kinds of slavery, and
if it be right in some instances, it may be right in all.
This kind of reasoning is illogical and perverse. It at
tempts, from an admitted exception, to overthrow a gener
al rule; and passing over the prominent features of slavery,
its being involuntary, and not induced by crime, arrives
at the conclusion without any regard to an important part
of the premises. But notions of this kind are unworthy of
labored argument. Simply stating them, suggests a full
refutation.
ORIGIN OF SLAVERY FURNISHES NO JUSTIFICATION
It is further urged, that slaves are, or were originally,
mostly obtained in war the defeated party having their
lives, which were forfeited to their captors, spared on con-
ition of becoming slaves, and bringing all their posterity
into the same state. The fact is not denied; but the hy
pothesis which justifies slavery, attempted to be drawn
from It, is erroneous. In the first place, the life of a pris-
oner of war, is, in no sense, forfeited to his captor. Se-
ondly,'if it were, he has not the free exercise of his will
to make a contract for its redemption. Duress vitiates ev
ery engagement on his part. Thirdly, tho' he might sell
himself into slavery, he has no such cower over his dos-
tcrity. By what rule of morality then, or principle of inter-national
law, is the hard condition of perpetual servi
tude imposed?
In all public wars, as distinct from cases of insurrection
or rebellion, the great body of the combatants cannot be
personally guilty of any offence. They have not injured
those who come against them, they have not violated any
national compact or treaty, or rendered themselves liable
as outlaws or pirates. They have, perhaps, with the
greatest reluctance taken up arms in obedience to the com
mand of a sovereign whom they dare not disobey. They
may be very Sensible they are in the wrong, and would
gladly shun the contMl, if possible, without incurring
greater danger. How then can they, if captured, be right
fully reduced to the condition of slaves? This would be
the infliction of punishment upon the innocent and unfor
tunate, which justice forbids. Whatever might once have
been considered the right of the victor over the vanquished
in public wars, it is believed the modern belligerent code,
sanguinary and repulsive as it may be in many respects,
certainly now requires that prisoners, when their power of
injuring their captors ceases, should be restored to liberty.
No nation, raised in knowledge and refinement above the
condition of barbarism, has for centuries subjected its pris
oners to a condition of servitude.
LEGAL ENACTMENTS FURNISH NO JUSTIFICATION.
But with many, the justification of slavery is not urged
from the manner in which it was first introduced, nor from
the pretended right of property which masters have acqui
red in their slaves; but rather from the laws which recog
nize this relation, and prescribe the duties and rights of
the respective parties. The answer to this is, no law can
be binding, or afford any one a justification for our con
duct which is contrary to the law of God, as all must be
which are subversive of the rights of man. We have it
from high authority, that " all just powers of government
are derived from the consent of the governed;" but the
governed in this instance, the slaves, have never given
their consent, in any manner whatever, to the Legislatures
of their respective States to enact and enforce those barba
rous laws which divest them of their rights. Should their
consent be required, and their will be permitted to operate
upon these laws; or, in other words, should the principle
that the "majoiity ought to govern" prevail then in South
Carolina at least, we should be permitted to learn the esti
mate which the slaves put upon the Draconian code, which
denies them the attributes of man. Should this denial
prove unfounded in justice, an opportunity would be fur
nished for a South Carolina jubilee, as her favorite doc
trine, nullification, would be tested by an immediate and
practical illustration.
But if such laws justify slavery, then the regulations of
a band of pirates, for the time being, and with respect to
the life or death of those who may be in their power, must
also afford them a justification. If a state can' make laws
subjecting a portion of its people to slavery, then on the
same principle, a smaller community, a family, or any num
ber of individuals, may do the Eigne. If a state is sovereign,
so are the other bodies named, so long as their right, thus
to legislate, is uncontested.
If the laws of the state give John C. Calhoun or George
McDuffie a property in slaves and justify them in the treat
ment which slaves ordinarily receive from their masters,
then Sambo and Cesar in lorae other place, where they for
the time being exercise sovereign power, may make a law,
authorizing themselves or either of them to catch tho said
John C. or George and reduce them to a similar condition.
But all such laws, resting only on mere physical strength,
without the necessary basis of moral power, are equally in
valid, whether put forth by one man, or one million.
LAWS OF THE STATES OF BARBARY.
The principle now under consideration is identical with
that one which formerly regulated the conduct of most chris
tian countries in their intercourse with the piratical states
of Barbary, When they made slaves of such as fell into
their hands, the friends of those unfortunates, or the govern
ments of the countries to-which they bolonged, condescend
ed to purchase thoir freedom with money, How long this
practice would have continued but for the example of the
United States is tiuknown ; it is certain, however, that a
different policy, pursued by us, it since imitated hy England
arid frtttice, has cured an evil, which once poured sorrow
and anguish into the bosoms of many in almost all the civ
ilized countries of the globe. The laws of Tripoli made
our fellow citizens, captured in the frigate Philadelphia,
slaves. Such was the legitimate operation of the public
laws of that land, laws equally entitled to respect with those
of our sister states which have precisely the same c fleet.
Shall we then, because thoy have made laws upon the1 sub
ject, give money to evil doers to induce them " to undo their
heavy burthens and let the oppressed go free?"
COLONIZATION CANNOT CURE THE EVIL OF SLAVERY.
3. Some of the friends of the slaves have entertained a
hope that the American Colonization Society would do
much to ameliorate their condition, and eventually estab
lish them in freedom in African, whence their ancestors
were originally brought. Notions of this kind had never
a very stable foundation, and for some time have been giv
ing way to more enlightened views. That Society has for
its object simply " the re-moving, with their own consent,
the free people of colour in this country, and establishing
them on the coast of Africa." It has never held out the
idea, or sought to create a belief that it would put an end
to slavery. Some of its sanguine1 friends may have enter
tained and published the opinion that, should the general
and state governments become its active and efficient pat
rons, much might be done toward removing the slaves al
so ; but the Society, in its official publications, has often
and earnestly resisted the allegation that it contemplated
bringing ahout any change in the existing relation of mas
ter and slave.
It is doubtless true' that many benevolent and conscien
tious porsons, desiring to manumit their slaves, and know
ing they could not do it without sending them out of the
state in which they resided, have availed themselves of the
agency of this Society to accomplish their object. Many
others, we are told, would take the same course, if thd So
ciety had a sufficiency of funds. But as we have already seen
the rise of slaves by reason of the vast opening for them in
the new States of the Southwest, seems to have settled the
question of tho transportation of our coloured population
to Africa, and made it certain that they will remain in this
country. The presence of tho blacks is deemed nearly in
dispensable to the cultivation of some parts of our fertile
territory. It is apprehended by those, who have the1 best
means of judging, that, without them, our staple commodi
ties, cotton, tobacco, rice and sugar, would cease to be ar
ticles of export, and extensive plantations, now affording a
vast profit to their owners, would revert to a wilderness
state. If this suggestion be well founded, it ought to ex
tinguish all remaining hope that the coloured population
Will ever be removed from this country. Doubtless, it is
not desirable that they should be, if their condition can be
changed to that of freedom and this receive the general ap-
robation.
ABOLITION THE ONLY EFFECTUAL CURE OF SLA
Yfenv. '
We have now seen that slavery and its attendant evils
are not to be removed without effort ; not bv purchasing the
slaves of their masters and giving them their liberty, nor by
the operations of the Colonization Society. We can readi
ly understand that our present condition is not long to con
tinue, that another is rapidly approaching when something
ffectual must be done. The blacks increase proportiona-
ably faster than the whites, will soon be the most numer
ous in many of the states, and in the nature of things, they
must learn the extent of their power and take the' remedy
of their grievances into their own hands. A servile war
will be the necessary consequence, carrying devastation and
destruction in its course. A remedy then must be found
and what that remedy shall be, presents a question acknowl-
idged to be of no easy solution.
In seeking relief from present evils and security against
.their future recurrence, where we have no light from ex
perience, it sometimes happens that we tread far and reach
long for remedies, which, nevertheless, are obvious and
directly in our path. Such was the case in relation to in
temperance, which not long since threatened the destruction
of all our most valued institutions. Such is the cure, at the
present moment, as to the evils of war. A remedy foi the
former has been found in a simple pledge of total abstinence
from intoxicating drink. Wise and benevolent men are
now laboring and with a fair prospect of success, to con-
ince the world that wars may be avoided by the simple
contrivance of an inter-national tribunal clothed with pow
er to pronounce definitively on all subjects of national dis
pute. The cure of all the evils of slavery, it is believed,
will be found equally simple and to consist in doing to the
slaves an act of sheer justice, giving them that liberty which
God designed for all his rational creatures.
OBSTACLES IN THE WAY OF ABOLITION.
Ignorance, avarice and pride are the grand obstacles in
the way of an enterprise which promises freedom, light and
happiness to the- slave, and additional profit, security and
comfort to the master. These obstacles arc truly formida
ble and can never be overcome by the isolated labors of in
dividuals. Associated efforts are necessary, because the
ork is great, because "in union theie is strength," and
in the multitude of counsellors there is safety." Hence
the American Anti-Slavery Society, with its numerous
auxiliaries scattered over the eastern, northern and western
States, has gone into successful operation, and converts to
its principles are multiplying beyond any former example.
It is not intended, on this occasion, to enter fully into
the history, the object, the labors, or the prospects of the
anti-slavery society. These may be found scattered thro'
the periodical literature of the day, and may easily be ex-
mined by all, who have sufficient curiosity to make the
search. Wo will, however, endeavor to show that the
principles of the society commend themselves to the states
man, the patriot, the christian ; that its object is attainable
and that its operations thus far hold out a fair promise of
success.
THE PRINCIPLES OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY COM
MEND THEMSELVES TO THE STATESMAN.
1. Would not the statesman make his country great,
powerful and happy ? Then would he strive to foster the
principles of equality, industry, justice and morality. He
would develops her resources, he would enlarge the num
ber of her intelligent citizens, he would patronize the arts
and sciences, would correct abuses, establish justice, dis
pel ignorance and sloth, encourage agriculture, commerce
and manufactures, and multiply the nocessaries and con
veniences of life. In these several operations, w here could
be found principles more congenial and auxiliaries more
efficient than are afforded by the anti-slavery societies?
TO THE PATRIOT.
2. Would the patriot, the lover of his country, rende
that country worthy of his love? Ho would seek not only
to make her beautiful, majestic, or glorious; but also inno
cent, amiable and virtuous. He would establish just and
equal laws ; banish oppression, fraud and cruelty ; infuse
into her citizens a spirit of humanity, benevolence, broth
erly kindness, charity and a desire in each to promote the
welfare of all. In these labors of love, the anti-slavery so
ciety would be both his pioneer and guide for her grand ob-
jeot is to remove the foulest stain from the national charac
ter and give efficacy to this national boast, " Wj hold these
trulhs to be self-evident; that all men are created equal; that
they are endowed by their Creator with certain inaliena
ble rights; that among these, are life, liberty and the pur
suit of happiness."
TO THE CHRISTIAN.
3. That the principles of the Anti-Slavery Society com
mend themselves to the christian, can hardly heed elucida
tion. The whole superstructure of thd society is built upon
the broad basis of christian principle, and challenges the
approbation and co-operation of all the wise & good on this
very account. Does Christianity teach a liberal philanthro
py which embraces all our race, that "of one blood God
made all nations to dwell upon the face of all the earth,"
that "we should love our neighbor as ourselves," should
"not suffer sin upon him, but in any wise rebuke him,"
"be kind, be courteous," and "do good unto all as we
have opportunity, even as we would be done by?" It is
by virtue of these same principles the Anti-Slavery Socie
ty asserts the right to freedom in the slave, and is laboring
to accomplish this object. Like Christianity, too, it repu
diates the use of carnal weapons, inculcates patience and
forbearance on the part of the slave, and a practical illus
tration of the precept, "avenge not yourselves." If Chris
tianity is worthy of all acceptation on account of the purity
of its principles, then is the Anti-Slavery Society worthy
of our confidence and support, for its principles are all bor
rowed from the pure fountain of Christianity.
THE OBJECT Ot' THE SOCIETY AND THE CERTAINTY OF
ITS ATTAINMENT.
4. We inquire, is the object of thd Society attained?
What is its object? It is to accomplish, through the instru
mentality of truth, a great moral revolution in the opinions
of a portion of our fellow-citizens, by which they will be
led voluntarily to give up what they now claim, a property
in the souls and bodies of their fellow-men. We have al
ready seen that this claim is unsupported by any thing found
in the constitution of nature, the gift of Godj or the prin
ciples of morality. On what then does it rest? On the
cupidity and love of domination universally found in the
corrupt nature of man. But these propensities we know
shall be subdued by the energies of the ffospcl. We have
witnessed in tHouaand in.lnco, where they have in this
way been eradicated from the heart, and the principles of
love and mercy substituted. This was the legitimate op
eration of truth applied hy the conscience to the heart, and
may be multiplied indefinitely through the labors of tho
friends of truth, qualified and sent forth under the auspices
of the anti-slavery society. Our entire assufan ce of ulti
mate success, therefore, rests upon the broad basis of the
Divine veracity, pledged for the final triumph of the gos
pel. PROGRESS OF ANTI-SLAVERY PRINCIPLES.
6. While tho friends of the slave are permitted to enjoy
this assurance for their comfort and encouragement, they
are not left without some tokens of the Divine approba
tion, vouchsafed in every step of their progress. Among
these may be enumerated the extensive and rapid spread of
Anti-Slavery principles, effected, no doubt, by the publi
cations of the societies and their agents. Four years ago
the abolitionists scarcely attracted the public notice, except
in the persecutions they received from "fellows of the ba
ser Bort," who broke up their meetings, mobbed their lec
turers, and demolished their presses. Even among the order-loving
people of this State, some of these disgraceful
scenes were enacted, and thus was brought to our notice
the few and generally despised abolitionists. Now, in all
the New England States (except perhaps New Hampshire
and Maine,) in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania
Ohio, Michigan, Indiana and Illinois, a majority of the
people are verv probably the friends of abolition. Wc
shall search the annals of the world in vain, hoping to find
so great a change of opinion effected in to short a time.
SLAVEHOLDING INCONSISTENT WITH A RELIGIOUS
PROFESSION.
Another auspicious token is found in thd fact that the
question "can a slaveholder, with all the means of infor
mation now before him, be a christian?" begins to be agi
tated. A discussion of this question among temperate and
discreet men, must be productive of good. It will lead to
a separation between the pure and the impure, vindicate
the claims of the gospel, and greatly forward the good
work. It is now understood that the most numerous de
nomination of christians in the United States, the Baptists,
are, in the free States at least, very unanimous in favor of
the enterprize; and tho Friends, to a man, are abolition
ists. Many of the Methodists are sensible of the distance
they have departed from the original tenets of their order
and the standard of the gospel; and other sects have, in
their public bodies, recently manifested much deep feeling
for the cause of the oppressed.
MADNESS OF SLAVEHOLDERS AND THEIR AfOLO-
GI8TS.
Another indication of success is in the course pursued by
the sticklers for the right of degrading and oppressing their
fellow-men. This has already been sufficiently described,
and seems to evince a perfect consciousness on their part
that their cause is approaching its final catastrophe, as all
the weapons left for its defence arc bravado, insolence, cal
umny and violence. With a people accustomed to think,
the efforts now making by the pro-slavery men to sustain
their cause, must be viewed as the struggles of approach
ing dissolution.
ABOLITION CF THE SLAVE-TRADE AND OF SLAVERY
IN THE BRITISH COLONIES.
Another cheering cause of hope is furnished hy the facts,
that the Afreaa slave-trade has been denounced by the
most civllixed and powerful nations as piracy, and that the
slaves in the British aolonies are now in the enjoyment of
freedom. The ease and safety with which this was finally
effected, oa the first day of August last, and the happy re.
suit of the experiment in its operation thus far, furni.h
good reason to believe that tho example will not be lost
upon our southern fellow-citizens. The recent election of
members of Congress is said to exhibit a considerable in'
Crease in that body of the friends of the slave, and it re-"
quires no prophet's ken to discern in the vista of future1
years a constant gain, until the House of Representatives
shall find it both proper and convenient to permit their
masters, the PEOPLE, to express opinions in their pre-
ence, and to allow such of their body as may desire it, to
talk about those opinions in their places.
This having been effected, the abolitionist may begirt
to contemplate putting off his armor The cause of truth
will then have received so powerful an impulse that nei
ther the shackles of avarice, nor the munimdnts of pro-
slavery sophistry, can longer resist its course. Lot but
tho light of truth have free course, penetrato the dark te-
cesses and labyrinths, the strong holds of slavery, and tear
away the curtains which now conceal its deformity, and
its death knell will be sounded through the length and
breadth of our land.
WHEN THE WORK WILL BE DONE.
We may probably conclude, with a good degree of safe-
ty, that "this generation shall not pass before our soil,
long moistened by the tears and blood of the wretched Af
rican slaves, shall be pressed only by the foot of freemen.
In the accomplishment of this great work, we ought all to
have something to do. With a willing mind, we may find
our appropriate part, and learn our specific duty. We
must not be idlo we cannot bo indifferent.
The God and avenger of the oppressed has arisen for1
their vindication, and in a voice of thunder calls upon ui
to work. This work must not be remitted,
" Until immortal mind
Uushackled walks abroad,
And chains no longer bind
The image of our God.
Until no captive one
Murmurs on land or wave'
And, in his course, the sun
Looks down upon no slave."
From the Massachusetts Abolitionist.
Senator Morris, of Ohio.
The following is an extract of a letter recently
addressed bv this gentleman, to an Ohio Editor,
in regard to his failure to be re-elected to the U.
S. Senate, it win oe reconecieu inai ne is a
'democrat" of the most ultra school, and a warm
supporter of Mr. Van Buren and the Sub-Treasury.
We honor and applaud his independendence.
Real democracy was nevef made to "basely bow
the knee to the spirit of slavery," and it never
will. Such men as I nomas luorns, William
Leggett, and William Cullen Bryant, will never
sacrifice this mumanity on the altar of party.
Let democracy abolitionists honor themelves by '
treading in such footsteps. Ed. Ala.
I could enlarge on this subject, but I fear I hav'd
already been tedious. I have not set down one
word in bitterness, but with the most entire res
pect to the Legislature of my State. But it:
seems iny opinions as expressed on slavery, aiei
thought of sufficient importance to ostracise me.
This is in exact accordance with the demands of
the slaveholder ; "you shall not express an opin
ion against our slaver)' institutions ; if you do, w
will revenge injury," say those slavcholder.s
Docs the democracy of Ohio respond to this sen
timent, and say we want no one to belong to our
ranlcs who speaks against slaver', for that will
make southern gentlemen very wrathy ? I drop
the subject ; I grow sick at the reflection ; I hope it
may all be fancy, but I fear its realitv. I have
never, to my reccollection, brought forward or ur
ged a single proposition in favor of the trodden
down and suffering slave ; my only apology be
fore God and my country, is, that 1 have as yet
discovered no ray of hope for him, until public o
pinion shall become more united and vigorous in
his behall. in order to Keep his letter secure, as
I said in a lette'f to a friend, the freedom of speech
and debate on his behalf, is stricken down, and
now lies dead in the halls of Congress. But I
rejoice to know that when individual rights have
been broken down, and trodden upon by Congress,
they have found support In the State Legisla
tures ; and when liberty has been strangled there,
she has been resuscitated by tho people, and be
stowed upon the common birth-right. To pre
serve the constitutional rights of man, has been
my constant objects. There is, perhaps, no in
stance to be found, in which the first advocates of
liberty in any country, were not few in number,
and a persecuted race, by those who in power
were gaining by the oppression of others. Th'y
have been branded with every odious epithet, anil
charged with seeking to destroy the peace and
happiness of the country. The promulgation of
their opinions has been prohibited, because pow
er unrighteously exercised, always seeks to carry
on its operations secretly, darkly, and without ex
animation by others. Do not suppose that I re
gret tho loss of power ; I would not wish to exer
cise it against the opinion of my State ) nor would
I wish its possession for a moment, if I should
"eel constrained to use it to depress or destroy hu
man liberty.
I feel devotedly thankful to my Maker, ana
deeply grateful to my State, for the situation I oC
cupy, where my humble name appears upon the
highest records of my country, in opposition toA
merican slavery, and among the friends of tha
poor trodden down and broken hearted slave.
I have no wish to occupy any station in which
all the powers of my mind may bo fully exercised
in this high, and,'permit mc to say, holy duty, al
ways subject to the laws of the country in which
I may be. And when the hand of time shall
point to the last hour of my existence, I trust that
my forvent prayer may be that the Almighty in
his good time, will deliver the negro race from that
cruel slave ry under which they are now groaning,
and that the liberties ana nappiness oi my coti'i
ty mny be perpetual. That this will be accom
plished" in good time there can be but little doubt i
and that an overruling Providence will so ordef
the affairs of our land, that this event may takfl -
laco tilhout disturbing the peace of our people,
rust is the ardent desire ol every citizen who
s attached to the principles upon which our gov
crnmcnt rests.
I am, with respect, your?, &c.
Thomas Mqkris,