The voice of freedom. [volume], February 23, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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F FEEEBOM.
ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers.
' : e.
Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor.
VOLUME I.
MOiVTPELlEK, VEItJMOIVT, FEBRUARY S3, 1839.
IV I II HE It S.
THE
VOICE
For the Voice of Freedom.
Reasons why we should be Abolitionists.
Do christians contribute cheerfully to send the glad news
of salvation to benighted Africa, and will they not so much
as turn their eyes upon those within our own borders who
are from the same country, and equally needy ? I am a
ware that this may be considered, by some at least, as a
trong, and perhaps unwarranted expression; but I be
lieve it is the opinion of wise and prudent men who have
made themselves acquainted with their true condition.
On the 5th of Dec. 1S33, a committee of the Synod of
South Carolina and Georgia, to whom was referred the
subject of the religious instruction of the colored population,
made a report in which the following language is used:
"Who would credit it, that, in these years of revival and
benevolent effort, in this christian republic, there are over
two millions of human beings in the condition of heathen,
and in many respects in a worse condition .' From long
continued and close observation we believe that, as regards
their moral and religious condition, they will bear compar
ison with heathen in any country in the world."
If such then is their deplorable and wretched state, can
we who profess to be actuated by the pure principles of the
gospel, be at loss to determine what is duty ? Shall we
not rise from our lethargy, burst the shackles of listless
ness and inaction, and go forth girded with the bright hel
met of truth, determined to ameliorate their condition or
fall in the conflict ? Yes, doubtless, is the response from
every heart that beats with high and generous emotion.
But have not some, moved by sympathy, and conscious
that the commands of High Heaven were resting upon
them, already gone forth ? Yes, and some, too, have
fallen! But what is the effect produced by their labors,
and the sacrifice of life ? Just what every reflecting mind
would have expected; just what it has been in all ages of
the world, when there has been a call for truth to be wield
ed in defence of the rights of man, in opposition to error
and flagrant injustice. Who, that is acquainted, in the
slightest degree, with the history of the past, does not know,
that to advocate principles contrary to the common senti
ment of people, however just they may be, is calculated
, to draw down upon their propagators the most malignant
hatred and cruel revenge. Such was the case when our
Saviour appeared to fulfil the prophecies of inspired men,
and reveal the glad news of salvation, which speaks peace
to the perturbed mind and solace to the mourning and dis-
consolate heart. The same spirit which abused the Saviour
when he dwelt on earth in the forsa of a man, which con'
demned Him without evidence, and insulted Him when He
hung bleeding on the cross, actuates men at the present
day who traduce, abuse, and even slay those who dare
thwart the plans of selfishness, by lifting their voice in the
cause of injured humanity.
It is in vain for us to deceive ourselves as to the spirit
we are of. If we find ourselves disposed to justify the ri
otous proceedings of mobocrals, and the foul deeds of the
Cold-blooded murderer depend upon it, our hearts are not
right in the sight of God. If we are not willing to undo
the heavy burdens, to break every yoke and let the oppres
sed go free bessured we lack that spirit of benevolence
and christian kindness without which it is impossible to
please God. Do you say, we have no slaves in New-Eng
land, and therefor have nothing to do with the subject of
slavery ? I reply, that this is the very reason why we
should have something to do with it; for the very fact that
we have no slaves, supposes us unprejudiced by self-inter
est, and therefore qualified, so far as that is concerned,
(which sometimes strangely warps the judgment,) to de
cide impartially.
If we had been born and educated in a slaveholding com
munity, accustomed to the unwearied attentions and ready
offices of the submissive slave, then the force of habit, uni
ted with the love of ease and preferment, had disqualified
us for a candid and impartial consideration either of our
own claims or the rights of the slave. I remark, then,
that it is not strange that the people of the South should
favor the system of slavery, and desire others to do so,
since it is by the fruits of this system that they are sup
ported in affluence and nourished in the lap of luxury. But
it is strange that there should be found man, in this fa
vored section of our country, who, endowed with a sound
judgment and good understanding, could persuade himself
to be silent as to the voice of his admonition,
When justice reads her rigid law.
And mercy makes her moving plea.
But, strange as it may seem, there are men, even in our
very midst, who not only remain silent, but give counte
nance to a practice that has done more to tarnish the bright
ness of our country's glory than any other that has ever
found place amongst us. For one, I must say that I do
not think conscience has any thing to do with such sup
port; or, if it has, it must have ceased to be a faithful guide.
But there is consolation in the reflection, that while there
re some of this character to retard the work, there aie oth
ers who have enlisted in the glorious cause with hearts as
pure as it is given to human naturfe to possess: and may
they labor in this work of benevolence until the dark sin
of slavery shall be known only as historical fact, until
freedom's bright banner shall supersede the gorgeous en
signs of kings and despots, until the rising sun shall not
discover single remaining vestige of cruelty and oppress
ion, nor his setting beams witness the dejection that encir
cles the pale brow of the weary and sorrowing captive.
J. II. BENTON.
St. Johnsbary, Vt.
For The Voice of Freedom.
Do the Slaves desire Freedom ?
M. Editor:
In presenting the claims of the Anti-Slavery Society to
the public, and urging the people of the free states to prompt,
united and vigorous efforts in behalf of the abused and
' down-trodden, it is often said, in apology for American
. slavery, that, though the system is wrong in the abstract,
when we eome to matter of fact, the slaves are about as
happy as laboring people oan be; they would not accept
of their liberty if it should be offered them; they would
not tak esre of themselves if they were emancipated, &c
Let os lay aside this theory for moment, and inquire
whether facta teach thia strange doctrine. When people
re happy, prosperous and contented, we do not expect to
see them anxious for change of eircumataness. W
shall not see them rambling to the ends of the earth, endu
ring hunger, cold and nakedness, and facing all man
ner of dangers to get into some other condition they hard
ly know what. How is it with regard to the slaves ? Let
the following "pink of slavery" answer:
"The tender cart and protection of the master elicit an
affectionate attachment from the slave, which will be
looked for in vain from the hired servant of a more North
ern clime." Charleston Courier.
From the Mobile Morn. Chronicle, June 8, 1838.
AA DOLLARS REWARD. Runaway, a negro
IWU man named JOHNSON; he has a GOOD
MANY MARKS of the VVHIP) his back: he was confi
ned in jail last summer; lay over in jail six months, with'
in ten miles of his master, but would not tell hit name.
CORNELIUS D. TOBIN.
From the Vicksburg Register, June 13, 1338.
9 aft DOLLARS REWARD. Runaway, a man na
A9 med HAMBLETON, limps in his left foot, where
he had been SHOT but a few weeks ago, WHILE RUN
NING AWAY. THOMAS HUDNALL.
From the Wilming ton (N. C.) Adv., June 1, 1838.
RUNAWAY, my negro man RICHARD. A reward
of $25 will be paid for his apprehension, DEAD
OR ALIVE. Satisfactory proof will only be required of
his being KILLED. He has with him, in all probability,
his wife ELIZA, who ran away from Col. Thompson, now
a resident of Alabama, about the time he commenced his
journey to that State. DURANT H. RHODES.
NO COLOR EXEMPTS FROM SLAVERY.
From the New-Orleans Bee, JCpJuly 4, 1837.
DETAINED in jail MARIA, pretending herself FREE,
round face, CLEAR WHITE complexion. The
OWNER of said SLAVE, &c.
"These facts, and scores like them, are coolly spread
out in Southern newspapers." What an awful comment
are they upon the institution of slavery, an institution
which is tolerated in this "land of the free, and home of
the oppressed" of all nations. No one, after reading the
above, can say with the least show of propriety, that the
slaves are happy or contented. It is a libel upon hu
man nature to affirm that man, immortal man, "in whose
bosom burns the quenchless fires" of eternal life, can be
willing to be a slave. It is not until slavery has done its
work of death, and the man ia destroyed, that the system
becomes tolerable.
THEY CANNOT TAKE CARE OT THEMSELVES.
"In a statement published by the guardians of the poor
of the city and county of Philadelphia for 1836, it appears
that out of 6-19 out-door poor relieved during the year, on
ly 22 were persons of color, being but five colored to eve
ry hundred white inhabitants thus provided for; and that
the colored paupers admitted into the alms-house for the
same period, did not exceed that proportion, while their
ratio of the whole population of the city and suburbs ex
ceeds 8 1-4 per cent.
"It appears that within the same district, the colored
people paid in taxes not less than $2500, while the sums
expended to relieve them, from the public funds, rarely, if
ever, exceed $zuuu a year, thus noi oniy supporting tneir
own, but contributing to the support of the white poor."
"The amount of rents which they pay to the owners of
property is found to exceed $100,000 annually." They
have private estates to considerable amount; also, eleven
or twelve places of worship, owned by themselves. They
have Bible, tract and temperance societies, schools, one
female literary institution, and beneficent associations in
large numbers. As many as four or five hundred people
of color in the city and suburbs follow mechanical employ
ments. "This statistical amount proves that, although ma
ny of this people may be too regardless of their moral stan
ding, there is a large number who do appreciate the im
portance of education, and have already realized many of
its advantages. It proves not only that they are no bur
den upon the white population, but that they contribute to
the maintenance of others. It shows thst they possess a
spirit of independence which leads to personal exertion for
their own emolument and improvement; and were they
free from the obstacles which surround them, it would be
fair to conclude that many more would vie with their white
neighbors in the refinements of civilized life."
I have other facts I wish to communicate on this sub
ject, but they are reserved for another communication.
G. BECKLEY.
Northfield, Feb. 11, 1839.
Extract of a letter to the Editor,
Manchester, Feb. 9, 1839.
It may not be uninteresting to state, in connexion with
the business part of this letter, that the principles of aboli
tion are exciting some considerable interest at present in
this place. A society has been recently formed under very
favorable circumstances, and bids fair to accomplish in the
cause of human freedom much good. Much may be done
by the formation of anti-slavery societies, and the free dis
cussion of slavery at the North, towards loosing the bands
of the oppressed at the South. If the freemen of the North
would but exercise the legal and moral power with which
they are invested, slavery in thesj United States would
soon be no more. How obligatory then, upon the North,
to exercise this power. But we are told, even by northern
men, that' we can do nothing to abolish slavery at the
south, and that we have nothing to do with the system as
it exists in this country. How absurd! If there are any
arguments which prove that we have nothing to do to re
move the evils of slavery, they will as fully prove that we
are under no obligation to act against any moral evil. We
have much to do, for the simple reason that we can do
much,
We can abolish the spirit of slavery which lurks even
among us. We oan abolish the system of slavery in the
District of Columbia, where we are as much concerned in
its existence as any part of the nation. And in this way
we are affecting for good the moral feelings of the south.
Is it not strsnge then, when there is such a field open for
efficient action, that so many stand aloof from the anti-sla
very enterprise ? Is there nothing in the condition of the
poor slave calculated to excite the footings and arouse to
action every freeman ? - Melbinks there is much. When
we behold one-sixth of our American population deprived
of all the means of intellectual and moral culture, reduced
to a level with the animal and Inanimate creation, made,
by positive law, subservient to the interests of their mas
ton only i end subjected to the cruel laah of brutal task
masters; it would seem that, at least, our sympathies vould
be touched. Add to this, the levering of those natural
ties, the dearest which unite the humsn family: the mat-
rlmonlal Connexion is no barrier against the everlasting
separation of husband and wife, neither the entreaties
of a fond mother to be the protector of her clinging childi
In view of this subject, the good of the slave requires
action; the welfare of the muter requires action; our own
consciences and the word of God require the immediate
action of every northern freeman.
JOHN L. RICHARDSON
Burr Seminary, Vt.
(CThe following able nrticle, from the pen of
E. W. Chester, Esq. editor of the Christian Journ
at, a new Presbyterian paper in the city of New
York, should be read and pondered by all who
imagine that the anti-slavery enterprise can be ma
terially affected by a two-hours' speech of Henry
Clay, the
" Last champion of Oppressions' battle,
Lord of rice-tierce and cotton-bale,
Of sugar-box and humaa'cattle!", ,
Modern Abolition.
These words are often borne to our ears. They
usually come Irom those who proless to be opposed
to slavery. The expression implies in the object
or, that he is not opposed to abolition, but. to mod
ern abolition. He evidently regards the abolition
of the present day as differing from the rightful
abolition principles of our fathers. He intends to
censure this innovation, to call back the current of
feeling into its old channels, and rest in the safety
of precedent. On the part of Abolitionists it is
frequently urged that their principles are but the
principles ol their lathers that there is little dif
ference between the abolitionists of the past and
the present age.
We' think this an error, and not a small one,
The abolitionism of our fathers consisted in 0-
pinions mildly and prudently expressed, and which
spent their force in securing a gradual emancipa
tion in the northern States. It trusted to the slow,
but, af they conceived, sure operation of the prin
ciples ot the revolution and of the Christian reli
gion. Hence into no fierce collisions with inter
est. It demanded no present sacrifices, and there
fore called up no bitter opponents. It made itself
formidable by no extended association, no gather-
ing up of pecuniary means, and no wielding of
the gigantic power ol the press. It was gentle,
mild, harmless. Is such the character of modern
abolition? Let us examine it, for whether for
weal or for woe it is among us and increasing,
It is unsafe to trust to what mere party politicians
may say of it. With them, as may best suit their
purpose, it will be either a monster with claws to
tear up mountains and a maw to engulph a world,
or a thing too puny to be contemptible. It would
be well for all men to silence their passions
and partialities loner enough to consider its di
mensions and leisurely to measure its power.
ti. v.i:.:, k United Oiuies HOW
number about 150,t)OO members. But this is less
than a moiety, scarcely a tithe of their force. It
is but the organized, equipped, and disciplined
corps of veterans in the mindst of a numerous mili
tia ready for effective organization, whenever the
pressure of circumstances shall call for some great
T" . fTL ' 1 J i . . 1 vi .
enori. -iney are uniteu togeiner in amuatea so
cieties by a cord stronger than can be manufactur
ed by any legislative machinery the cord of vol
untary union in like principles of conscience and
action. And the members are acted upon, not by
a principle of mere speculative theology or phi
losophy, but by the most vital effective principle
that can touch the human heart the love of lib
erty, in itself both a principle and a passion. And
this is purified and hallowed, and made potent by
conscious disinterestedness and philanthropy cher
ished and nursed to its fullest growth. And reli
gion, the most moving power that ever acted up
on the human mind, brings to the cause its high
sanctions and its operative influence, preparing
men, whether mistaken or not, whether rightly
adjudged fanatics or rational philanthropists, yet
stimulating them to endure without flinching,
should need be, the rack and the faggot.
And modern abolitionists are acting under no
temporary excitement or evenescent emotion.
They have looked at slavery in all its dark colors,
and bringing before their minds ils most hideous
features, they have excited in their hearts against
it a hatred unappeasable, and to be extinguished
only by death.
Under such feelings they have bound them
selves together in organized societies systemized
into one great whole. such are their arrange
ments that no portion of the country is free from
their minute observation, and every spot and ev
ery resistance is liable to their concentrated force.
And that most potent engine of modern times,
the press, the newspaper press, more powerful than
all the books and magazines that could be manu
factured, has been put m requisition. Every
where its influence is felt. Ils descriptions of
cruelty curd e the blood, and its arguments in fa
vor of equal rights and personal liberty, resistless
in their nature, go home with stirring effect both
to the understanding and the heart.
And money to carry on the cause to do all that
money can do is poured into their treasury from
thousands ol willing hands.
Now here is an army of numbers, and appoint
ments and means not to be trifled with. Their
mutual faith pledged their zeal burning and a
biding religious fervour animating conscience
lending its support the power of the tongue and
the pen the talismanic chann of liberty the con
sciousness, real or fancied, of superiority in the
argument and eloquent appeal the cheering ap
proval of distant nations the glory through time
and even beyond its confines, of accomplishing the
disenthralment of the millions in bondage these
are the elements which make modern abolition to
differ from that ot our fathers. It differs, too, in
the intensity of the interest created by a stern de
mand to proclaim lreedom now, instead of promis
ing it for the distant future.
- Such is the abolitionism among us. Spread
these facts before the recluse in his cell, who has
been enough among mankind to understand hu
man nature. Tell him, too, that every member of
these societies is every day and at all times pre
pared to lalor for the advance of his principles that
talented lecturers everywhere, in the free States,
preach their doctrines, boldly challenging the world
for a champion to meet them in open debate, spread
ing their enthusiasm and awakening admiration,
and kindling up every where hearts to emulous
daring. Spread these things before one knowing
our nature, though shut lor the present out lrom
the world, & he will tell you whether abolition is
on the increase or on the wane." Here are the el
ements from which he will form a surer judgment
than from any oral testimony, He will know,
with all the assurance that the laws of nature
could give him, that it is increasing and must in
evitably pervade the mass, and enlist all hearts in
its cause, where the cherished name of master does
not interpose its shield.
Now how is effectual resistance to be made a-
gainst such numbers, organization, skill, activity,
and living, burning iseal in a cause of liberty and
justice? Will you meet them in argument? You
carry to the contest the weight of slavery. Your
very offer to meet him calls forth all the enthusi
asm of the abolitionist. Sustained bv the ani
mating approval of christemdom, he feels that the
contest is but the sure harbinger of victory. And
he holds you up as the advocate or the apologist
or the protector 01 a system at war with human
nature. He holds you up to the gaze of the world,
with the bloody thong in your hand as the abettor
of a system which changes in fact, as poets have
done in fable, man to a brute, leaving to him yet
the beating human heart, while his tongue is
dumb, and silent tears alone bespeak sympathy.
He presents you as the advocate of those who, for
sell interest, have repealed the laws ol Uod and
sneered at the rights of humanity. You endeav
or to escape by alledging that you are opposed to
this system, and he triumphantly demands what
you have done to end it, and why all your strength
is expended against abolition and none against
slavery. He shows you how under your mental
opposition, slaves have been multiplied from thous
ands to millions. You cannot contend with him in
argument. He has every advantage and the tact
to turn it to account. Thus, if silent, judgment
is taken against you by defuult, and 11 you plead,
a judgment, not less sure and more effective, is
rendered on argument.
W ill you call 111 physical force to put it down f
This has already been tried and has been found
but a sowing of dragon's teeth.
Will you call in legislative aid f 10 do so you
must enter upon an arena exposed to the gaze ol
the world, and with a consciousness that your ve
ry legislation may change the ruling power.
Now whether modern abolition be right or
wrong, it has acquired a momentum with the means
of continued increase which, if past history and
sober calculation be any thing more than the means
of deception, will render its progress resistless.
Some obstacle may interpose a momentary check
to the increase of its speed, but in the nature of
things, it will only call forth new efforts producing
an increased acceleration. If there be means of
eneciuui ujjjjuauiuu, nc tvuiesa uuiacives 100 blind
to see them.
We note this state of things and present it to the
reflecting, both political and religious, not for the
purpose of arguing for or against modern abolition,
but that it may call up sober thought, and save
from an expenditure of useless effort.
The Right of Petition.
The following is an extract from the speech of
Mr. Andrews in the Ohio Legislature, in debate,
on the motion to reject a petition from negroes,
which motion, to the disgrace of that State, pre
vailed 38 to 27.
But it is said, that the constitution has not giv
en to negroes the right of petition ; and gentlemen
declare that conscientious scruples forbid them to
accord to any individual rights which they do not
find expressed in the provisions ot that instru
ment. JLet me ask gentlemen to point out any
clause of the constitution that permits citizens of
another State or aliens to petition ; and, if there
be no such clause, where were all these conscien
tious scruples when the gentleman from Licking
(Mr. flood) introduced, during the present ses
sion, the petition of an alien, asking that he might
be relieved from certain disabilities, and which re
lief most of us voted to extend to him ? Why
have these conscientious scruples been suffered to
sleep under the introduction and reference of the
petitions of thousands ol the ladies ol your state,
to whom, it is admitted by gentlemen that the
constitution has not expressly granted the right
of petition? I cannot believe that a regard for
the voles of husbands, and fathers, and brothers
will influence a legislator in giving a construction
to the constitution. I am bound to believe that
conscientious scruples will compel gentlemen here
after to move the rejection of all petitions that do
not come within the express provisions of that in
strument.
But, sir, the truth is, gentlemen are wrong,
wholly wrong in the view they take of the right
of petition. It is a right paramount to all written
constitutions one which they have not given, and
which they cannot take away. It is not even
imited to man. Every thing that lives and moves
and has a being, has received this right from the
hand of the great Creator. It is this same right
which enables the brute creation to make known
their wants to man. Your dog in distress whmes
at the feet of his master ; and where is the mon
ster that would stifle the cries by which nature
thus bids him ask for relief? "Throughout the
whole range of animal existence, from the highest
to the lowest, the God of nature has made the
right of petition the prerogative of distress ; and
who are we, that we should refuse to listen to the
cries of a human being, upon whose forehead the
Deity stamped the right of petition when first he
made hiin erect with his face toward heaven ?
Can the Great Lawgiver of the Universe stoop to
hear the humblest of the creatures of his hand,
and are we so exalted, so dignified, so unapproach-
e a body, as that we should shut tlsc mouth of
a human being because the Creator has made hiin
of a different color from our own ?
But, sir, let us trace this new doctrine a little
further, and apply it to other departments. -of our
government. If it be true that negroes, are not
contemplated by our constitution, and if for that
reason this Legislature cannot receive twir peti
tions, on what authority do your courts of justice
recognize the rights of a negro T why are not your
judges; like the gentlemen from Fairfield, com
pelled by conscientious scruples to drive the negrd
from their presence ? Sir, if any judge within
our border should dare to put such a construction
upon our constitution, would not the gentleman
from Licking forthwith call the attention of the
House to so gross an insult to public justice ; and
would not We, as a Legislature, with one voice de
grade from his high station the man who should
thus, under cover of law, trample upon all laws,
human and divine? And yet, sir, the uniust
judge who should thus shock the moral sense of
mankind, would, on the principles that have been
this day advanced, be only performing a high duty
under the constitution.
But still further : suppose a petition were pre
sented by a negro to the Governor of your State,
respectfully soliciting his kind offices and protec
tion in a matter coming within his supervision ;
suppose even a verbal request, for so far as the
right of petition is concerned, it matters not
whether the petition be written or verbal, fnust
the conscientious constitutional scruples of the
Chief Magistrate triumph over the better feelings
which I know he possesses as a man ; and must
he too, as a matter of duty, drive wretchedness
from his door ?
But, sir, I will pursue the argument no farther.
Whatever may be the decision of this House, of
one thing I am certain you cannot destroy the
right of petition. You may reject this petition,
and you may stereotype that rejection upon your
journal or upon your statute book, but it will be
all in vain. You cannot crush the sympathies of
the human heart above all, you cannot efface the
laws that God has written there. In such an ef
fort, like the fool-hardy king of England, you will
find yourselves standing on the shore, and attempt
ing to roll back the waves of the seai
"J do not like your Leaders." So said a Chris
tian minister to us not long since. "My heart
is with you, but I cannot enlist under such men
as now lead on the anti-slavery cause. I told
some of the brethren that Garrison would ruin
the cause." Now if the charge be true, that our
cause is in wrong hands, is it the way to get it
into the proper hands, to stand entirely aloof from
it, and disown it altogether. This same minis
ter admitted that our cause was a good one, "but,"
said he, "it is under wrong management."
How, in ail the world, we ask, is the cause to
be brought under right management, if the right
men turn their backs upon it ? Shall we give it
up in expectation that the "right" men will step
forward and lake it under their auspices? What
assurance have we, that if we should let go the
would take hold ? We have never been opposed to
the "right" men taking up this business. We
have all along been complaining because they di
not. 1 ne worK is great ana large. 1 nere 1
njuuieuuug nu. u. rft riht mPn rWt
like to work along side of us, let them choose
their own place, and if they can do the thing bet
ter than we are doing it, we shall follow up as fast
as we can. In the mean time, we think, we had
better go on with such "leaders" as we can get,
without waiting for the "right" men. And wo
must think, after all, we have done wondrous well,
considering the "leaders" we had. Evidense is
abundant that our cause is advancing beyond the
most sanguine expectations.
The secret, however, is, that some men will not
go at all, unless you will let them "lead." If
such men had a little more of the spirit of Paul,
who was not ashamed to iJentify himself with the
despised disciples of the crucified One, their diffi
culty would all vanu-h.
We wish it to be understood that we do not hold
ourselves responsible for all that Friend Garrkon,
or any other "leader" or follower says or does,
any farther than their abolitionism is concerned.
And with all our fanaticism, we do not believe in
the infallibility of abolitionists, or any other class.
After all, it is a question in our mind, whether
the abolitionists of this country, leaders and fol
lowers would suffer much in comparison with the
same number of any other class of persons, em
bracing the same variety of views on other sub
jects. Pittsburg Witness.
. New "Specie Basis." In Georgia, under their
new "Free Banking Law," Slaves are to be made
a part of the Banking capital .' The Richmond
Whig says,
"A gentleman of much experience in financial
matters, has expressed the opinion to us, that the
Georgia addition of negroes as bankable property
was a very wise addition to the New York act,
whether regarded in a financial or political aspect.
Negroes, in his opinion, would constitute the best
properly we have for banking purposes ; and be
sides, by basing the value of our circulating medi
um upon our slaves, we interest all who trade with
us in preserving our domestic institutions."
This is an improved method of subsidizing the
free North. It may succeed in our large commer
cial cities, but not elsewhere. Nor will " negroes"
be as valuable a basis for a " circulating medium,"
as the Whig supposes. The basis will be a little
too " circulating." When the South has built a
few more rail-roads, and the North has become
more thoroughly abolitionized, the way these " yel
low boys" will remove the deposites, giving leg
bail for their re-appearance, will be " a caution" to
bill holders '.-Mass. Abolitionist.
West Indies. During the Anti-Slaverv dicus-
sionsin Great Britain, two grand objections were
urged by the pro-slavery party, against the emanci
pation of the W. I. colonists. First, They would
certainly cut their master's throats, and deluge tb
isianus in Diooa. ur, secona, 11 they neglected to do
this, they would be unable to take care of them
selves would be cheated and overreached in bar
gaining with the planters, and thus be vastlv worse
off than when in slavery. The veracity of'pro-sla-
veryism, through oil coming time, was staked on
the fulfilment of these prophecies. At length the
day of deliveronce came, and 800.C00 slaves glided
into freedom, without producing a disorderly ripple
on the surface of society, Months and years have
passed away, and not a drop of insurrectionary
blood has been shed. And, as to taking rro of
themselver, the emancipated hat proved m,te f eq
uine V ankees m their cuter), ss in dnvinggood bet
gains with the planter-'. It.'