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of ihe Creator : are we td infer from this, that he
considers the amalgamation so prevalent in slave- holding countries as a natural one, and conform able to the designs of Providence ? For that he has no words of censure. He winds up. with a declaration of his hostility to slavery, but alleges the necessity of the case as the ground of his hostility to emancipation, 'gradu al or immediate.' This reminds one of Milton's account of Satan's argument for injury to unof fending people in the Garden of Eden "So spake the fiond, and with necessity, The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deed." The abolitionists hope to convince the slavehold ers that there is no such necessity in the case, but that emancipation will be safe and advantageous both to the master and the slave. He repeats the hacknied assertion, that the re cent efforts of the Hlmlitinnists hare been the i cause of the laws which operate most severely on the slaves, and forbid their being taught to read and write. This may impose on thoso who have notstuuied the question, but the friends of abo h tion know that those laws preceded what is call ed the- abolition excitement, and that there are di vers evidences that the condition of the slave has been ameliorated in consequence of the attention which abolitionists have recently caused to be turned to the subject. Among other proofs, is the most remarkable case which recently occurred in South Carolina, of the infliction of the same pun ishment on a white man for the murder of a black one, as is inflicted on a black for the murder of a white. It is proper to remark in conclusion, that two reports of Mr. Clay's speech have been published, and that these differ considerably. I have taken a small portion of my references from a report published in a Baltimore paper; the remainder from the National Intelligencer. From the Emancipator. Mr. Clay's Speech. In noticing briefly some of the positions of this great speech, as it is called, our limits confine us to a few points. Mr. Clay is doubtless right in supposing that the abolitionists have gained by the manner in which their petitions have been treated by Congress. We wish abolitionists to notice, however, that this great Whig oracle says, that "there was no subslcuitial difference",between the treatment which has been bestowed, and that which he would have advised. Let this be borne in mind, when our votes are claimed by the parti sans of Mr. Clay on the ground of their favor to the right of petition. But he is wrong in ascrib ing the "apparent" success of our enterprise chief ly to this cause. It is one of the paradoxes of di vine Providence, that the right gains, if properly supported by its friends, whether its enemies help or hinder. We devoutly acknowledge the good hand of our God upon us, that has overruled the malice of our enemies, and the folly of our prej udiced countrymen to the furtherance of our cause. But we by no means admit, that with so much truth and righteousness on our side, and the favor of the God of the oppressed always pledged to our aid, the holy cause of abolition would not have been much further advanced had its advo cates met with no outrages upon their persons and no constitutional violations of their own wriirhts. At any rate, we are willing to try it for a while ; and if the mobs, the editors, the politicians and the clergy will let us alone for three years, we will see what can be done, and be content to abide the issue. As Mr. Clay has embodied in his speech a full sample of the topics which he would have embodied in a report, and which he thinks suited to "check the progress if not altogether ar rest the efforts of abolition," we are willing to let it have a fair chance to influence the public mind, and see how many abolitionists it will unmake, und how much effort it will arrest, and how much agitation it will putts rest. Trying is the naked truth. The admirers of Mr. Clay claim the credit of great acuteness for the three-fold division which he has made of those who are "oppressed, or ap parently opposed, to the continued existence ol slavery in the United States. As a division, we would not complain of it particularly. Those who like it are welcome to class themselves either with those who are only "apparently" opposed to slavery. The caricature which he has drawn of the third class, "the real ultra-abolitionists," will hurt no one so much as its author. We recog nise but three classes in the whole community, those who are openly in favor of the continuance. of slavery, those who are apparently in favor of its abolition, and those who are really for going with just and lawful measures to abolish it. But as many now claim the name of abolitionist, we would divide them into theoretical abolitionists and abolishing abolitionists. The former affect the abolition of slavery just as theoretical Christianity affects the conversion of l!;e world. But we utterly repudiate the sentiments, with which this honorable Senator has stooped to black en the character of his third class, the real aboli tionists. We are not reckless of consequences, but it is a wise regard to consequences that impels us onward, it is because we lear the certain consequences of doing wrong, that we so press- mgly urge our countrymen to do right and leave the consequences to God. It is tho slaveholder, the advocate of continued and perpetual slavery in our Republic, Henry Clay for Instance, who id justly chargeable with this madness. "With them the right of property" which God has given to every man in himself "are nothing;" the res ponsibility to God and the world for the right em ployment of all "the powers of the General Gov ernment, is nothing j the acknowledged and in contestible powers of the States," and their duty to their sister States and to the Union, "are noth ing ; a civil war, a dissolution of tho Union, and the overthrow of a government in which are con centrated the fondest hopest of the civilized world," all which slavery hourly threatens and must ere long inevitably produce, "are nothing. A "single idea has taken possession of their minds," the de termination to continue the practice of enslaving their countrymen, and to protect their crimes lrorn all attacks, at all hazards, "and onward they pur sue it, overlooking and overleaping "all barri ers" of reason, religion, humanity, law and con stitution, "reckless and regardless of all conse quences." If Mr. Clay believed that the designs of the "real ult'n -abolitionists" were ever sought to be "concealed by the thinnest veil," we can only pitty his ignorance of the subject which he has undertaken to discuss. The Anti. Slavery Socie ty at its first formation, seven years agof wrote its .designs in letters of light on the banner which it ung to the winds. "Immediate and Universal Emancipation" was our word from the beginning. But we do not believe Mr. Clay is so ignorant as to suppose it a grand discovery in him to find out that our wishes are not bounded by what we now ask of Congress. We ask of Congress to do that which they can do constitutionally. We mean to do, through Congress, what we can do best in that way, and what we cannot do in that way, wisely, we mean to do in some other way always w it'hin the bounds of the bible, the consti tution and the laws. The declaration that we go for abolition, "peaceably if we can, forcibly if toe must, ' is a mere laisenoou, ior wmui e unj Mr. Clav or his glonhers, norm or oouui, to iur nUl. tlip'slmdow of proof. We go for abolition " peaceably. not "if." but UliCAUSU "WH CAN." And the laet that we have put Hen ry Clay up to a speech, and that this is all the speech he can make against ns, proves that we have begun and can finish.-: With regard to ulterior designs, we think we see through the plan which led Mr. Clay to make so great a figure about his grand discovery. It is the first move towards a compromise, such as the "Great Pacificator" is famous for, the basis of which shall be, first, stipulation on the part of the abolitionists to cease agitation the subject of slavery in the States, provided the slaveholders will either abolish slavery in the District, or re move the seat of government to the soil of a free State on the Ohio river. And as he has always lived among politicians, with whom present expe diency passes instead of principle, he does not dream but that this great moral question can thus become the subject of bargain and sale in politi cal shambles. That many of the petitioners limit their wishes to the removal of the seat of government from the disgraceful scenes by which it is now surrounded, is very likely. And we are ready to prove, that there are good and sufl cient reasons for the exercise of the power of Congress on this subject, independent of its bear ing upon our "ulterior designs." And therefore we claim it as the duty of all citizens to exert their influence for the abolition of slavery in th District, even although they are opposed to the general objects of the abolitionists, but, tor our selves, we freely admit, that our zeal and perse veranceare greatly stimulated by the firm belief we cherish, that slavery in the District of Colum bia is one of the main pillars of slavery itself, and that its abolition there will be a deadly blow at the whole system. But our warfare is with the sys tern itself, and whether we succeed or fail with regard to the District, the friends of slavery may rest assured that our great work is begun to be finished, and will not be remitted until the horrid American Bastile is left with not one stone upon another. Mr. Clav repeats the sophism, of which th honor'of authorship may yet create a contest be tween the politicians and divines, that we have no "rightful power over the subject of slavery at the oouin, oecause we are "living m uistinct commu nilies." We dare say the Grand Turk would have been delighted with such an argument to throw in the face of Mr. Clay for his meddlin with the Greek business. But such sophistry is too subtle to originate in a Moslem mind, an could only have been devised under that system of dialectics, which is taught in our mis-called Christian schools, where principle bends to expe diency, and "carnal wisdom" is substituted for the simplicity of Christ. We have a "rightful power" over the subject of slavery, and oppression, and sin, wherever they exist ; a power entrusted to every good man by the divine command to "have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of dark n?ss, dui rattier tiifiiu vii irmjl.' And this power is exclusively guarantied to us by the con stitution of the United States in the sacred "free dom of Speech and of the Press." It is a power of which the slaveholder already feels the press ure, and which the monitor within has told him he cannot bear long. It is a power which has al ready shaken the citadel of slavery, and which, if God designs enough of mercy to our guilty land to allow its continuance, will ere long lay the proud fortress even with the ground. 1 he "right' Jul power" to think that slavery is wrong, andim- mediate emancipation a dutyani to speak what we think, and to print what we speak, and to spread it before the rninds of a free people, is all the power we ask. It is a lever already fixed and only requires a united heave, to yield us all we want. We throw back the charge upon Mr. Clay and the defenders of slavery. Thai have no "rightful power" by which they can effectually repel our assaults, and hence they resort to mobs, and falsehoods, and lynch law, secular or eccle siastic, and gag-law, and the Senatorial meanness of lying on the table every thing that savors of liberty. Hence they are straining the constitu tion, and sending loby-members to hang around the legislatures of the free States to wheedle from them new safeguards for slavery. Hence the deep political plots, in Church and State, to se cure the subserviency of the "leading influences" of the North to the interests of slavery. Lot them rely only on their "rightful power," and we will furnish "rightful power" on our side enough to guaranty the abolition of slavery in every State of the Union in the space of three years. Mr. Clay blames us for depicting the "horrors of slavery" in "exaggerated colors." To this charge, so far as intention Is concerned, we plead not guilty. And we challenge an investigation. Let Congress appoint an "Investigating Commit tee" on "the horrors or slavery," with full "pow er to send for persons and papers," and to compel the attendance and guarantee the security of witnesses, and was described by Alvan Stewart in his speech last spring, and we pledge the whole abolition host to take back every allegation against the system which we cannot fully prove. Was the driving of thirty men, by the capitol in clains an exaggeration? Let the friends of slavery dare the light of truth and of free enquiry, before they make the charge of exaggeration. We have un der all our restrictions, proved enough about the system to satisfy any unprejudiced mind that there is no conceivable enormity which is not credible. Truly, it is a honid crime for us to collect and bla zon forth the advertisements of slaves. What then nlust be the character of those who fill the newspapers of the Sotith with the same things ' Our "recent Southern scenes" tell us tho state of society at the South. We deny that these things are published with the intent to "array one portion against another portion of the Union." But they are designed, and well calculated, to array thinking men, of all portions of the Union, against tho prolific parent of all these admonitions-rsLAVERY, What other object can we have ? . Are not tho people of the South our countrymen, as vveil as those of the North? And are not the slaves our countrymen too ? And are we not as much concerned in the. THE VOICE OF FREEDOM welfare of our country and the continuance of its institutions, as other men? We are content to a bide the issue of a correct census, whether the ab olitionists have not, as a class, as much at stake in the commonwealth, and,whether the public has not as good pledges for our fidelity as citizens, any equal number of our oppressors North South. The "Liberator of Ireland" will doubtless fee awfully, when he comes to read the withering de nunciation of the slaveholding American States' man. Mr, Clay ought to calculate on the vote; of every son of Erin at the next presidential ele lion, w e hope our Irish citizens will treasu up this compliment to O'Connell a slavehold declaring that he "can only obtain a contraband admission" into society, and "is received with scornful repugnance into it." As Mr. Adams says, terrible ! very terrible 5. ! x :iu luiuarus oi .ur. uiay on ttie alleged cnang oi operation!) by tne anolitionists, furnish, to th philosophical observer, a curious illustration the progress of men's minds during a reform. The Senator from Kentucky is now prepared be quite tolerant towards the movements of abo litionists, if they will confine themselves to "per suasive means," and "enlightening the enderstand ings of the slave-holders ; for although it looks little "presumptuous" for us to think that we wh nave experienced liberty Know better its value than those who are steeped in sluvery, yet there is so much kindness in this avowed motive," that we might even be allowed to go on in our harm less idiocy, if we will only consent to do nothing, . e may preach our principles as much as w please, if we will not attempt to practice theni our selves. Our temperance friends in Massachus- etts are experiencing the same stage of convales cense. 1 ho champaign drinkers, importers, an even rum sellers, are all now mightily in favor temperance as a moral enterprise. Keep to your "persuasion," gentlemen, and "enlighten the tin derstandings" of the people, it is a glorious enter prise, and every body wishes you success, if you will confine it to its original plan, as a moral move ment, but don't let it down into the dirty arena of political action. Very good advice, and no doubt' very well meant, in either case, especially as com ing from those who have deliberately and definite ly made up their minds to standout against a possible influence of persuasion and light ! Vi know how to appreciate the favor. But the senator is in error, (no doubt misled by the lalseuoods of a venal press, when he o to have informed himself at the fountain head, in stating that abolitionists have "recently resolv ed to change their system of action" and "now propose to substitute the powers of the ballot box Now, we can inform this wise statesman, that th Convention which formed the American Anti-Sla very Society recognized in their public Dcclara tion of Sentiments, "the highest obligations rest ing upon the people of the free States, to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescrib ed by the Constitution of the United States." And therefore, it he will prove upon us a depar ture from our original plan of operation he must convict us of a violation of the U. S. Constitu tion. The true secret of the matter is, that our politi cat action was not deemed of any consequence. when we were a handful of some dozens, scatter ed through the Union. But now, when it is de monstrated that the abolitionists, by holding the balance of power, can if they choose to act togeth er, control the elections in every state and in the nation, our awakened and scarred sentry rubs his eyes and exclaims, " W hy, I did not think you would act abolitionism at the polls." What you did not think of it? We told you we should do it, and we mean to employ all the just and law ful instruments and influences in our power, til slavery is abandoned. Our warning is fair, and has been so from the becrinninc. Let those who slight it blame themselves. When, at the close of the fall election, the servile prints declared that political abolition was a mere minus quantity, we ventured to predict that the slaveholders would not so consider it, and that the calculating political wire-workers would not de spise it. And now we find the great slaveholding statesman saying on the floor of the U. b. Sen ate, "Mr. President.it is at THIS ALARMING STAGE OF THE PROCEEDINGS of the ul tra abolitionists, that I would invite every consid erate man in the country solemnly to pause, and deliberately to rellect, not merely on our existing posture, but jipon that dreadful precipice down which they would hurry us." Is Henry Clay startled at a shadow, or alarmed at the political movements ot a power which is proved to be a mi nus quantity ? but we, too, reiterate the solemn warning of this political seer. It is time for " every consid erate man to pause." Let the din of political strife cease for awhile. Let the hurry of trade be sus pended. Let even speculation stand still. Let the nation " solemnly pause, and deliberately re fleet." It is time, when the slaves of this nation, already equal in numbers the nation that achieved our independence : When nations of freed blacks are springing up all around us : When" the eye of the civilized world is turned in full glare upon our crime: When it is become apparent that the first shake of the political earthquake which reaches our shores must throw down the walls of the prison-house, and loose the chains of the captives : Surely, it is time for a solemn pause, that we may for once reflect on our position. O, that the nation would cease from mobs, and gags, and murders, and " reflect." Reflection may save us. There is yet hope for us. The mercy of God is not clean gone. But " our present position" is full of danger, and there is a " dreadful precipice" just before us, from which we firmly believe the exist ence and influence of the Anti-Slavery Society is now tho only barrier. I We have more to say of this speech, but the space required by other matters, compels us to pause ' and leave our readers to "reflect," till another week. Effects of the Gag;. The following extract of a letter to the editor of the Friend of Man will show how abolitionists feel. I found our friends in fine spirits, and they be- ieve that the hour of the slave's redemption can not be far off, when a northern man like Atherton, of New Hampshire, in Congress, can make him self the contemptible cat's-paw of slaveholders, to violate the constitution, nnd make our name a bye word and hiss of contempt among the nations of the earth. They believe the nation will arise and vindicate its insulted constitution, and cut itself oose from that mill stone of slavery which has so long been sinking us in tho great slough of eternal disgrace. Look at the three worthy gaggers, Pinckney, Patton, and Atherton, a triumvirate of poor creatures, whose names will pollute every page of history, where their ineffaceable actions shall be recorded.. The Atherton. resolutions, in the House of Rep resentatives for December, 1838, are better for the cause of abolition, as a moia) capital with which to assail slavery, than an hundred thousand dol lars to be employed in books and agents to en lighten the public mind. These resolution? show us the real character of slaveholders, who are wil ling to sacrifice their country, its constitution, the right of petition, yea more than dissolve the Un ion, to destroy the Union, and make slaves of the white men, as well as colored. This will not last long. There is a great crisis hastening to an ex plosion. Our friends are determined to pile upon the table of Congress the to-be-unread-and-uncon- siuereu pennons ior me siave, anu see how our state legislature will act in behalf of human liber ty' on the petitions to be presented. Every thing i i r - . v , i . Irom every quarter, is lull ol encouragement ; th prospects of the slave were never so flattering as at this very hour. All we have done yet, has been in this great school of human benevolence to learn the rudiments of human riohts, disabuse the mind of ten thousand errors in relation 1 man, religion, law, and political rights. By th time the year 1840 shall have ended, I believe we shall satisfy our opponents, that we shall wage war against oppression in this land, which shall not terminate until the slave is a freeman. Your friend, and that of the oppressed, Alvan Stewart, THE VOICE OF FREEDOM MONTPELIEIt, SATURDAY, MARCH 2, 1839, Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. The annual meeting at Middlebury last wee was emphatically a good one. In defiance of bad travelling, a goodly number of delegates and vo. unteers were on the spot in season for the prelim inary meeting on Tuesday evening. The dele gates from Waitsfield, we were told, performe their journey on foot. If they took Lincoln moun tain in their way, they must have thought of Bun yan's hill Difficulty by the time they reached its snow-clad summit. But to the meeting. At the appointed hour, the large Methodist Chapel was well filled. On entering, it was grat ifying to recognize the stern countenance of Or ange Scott in the desk. After an impressive pray er by Rev. Mr. Shaw, the audience were enter tained with a chaste, well-timed and eloquent ad dress, not from one who had 'fought with beasts at Ephesus,' but who seemed to possess much of his spirit, and who stood up so nobly for the right be fore the Methodist General Conference at Cincin nati. The marked attention of the audience for nearly two hours, unbroken save by the hearty 'amen' of one and another, whose heart was too full for silence, left no room to doubt that the im pression was most salutary. The annual report of the Executive Committee; written by E. D. Barber, Esq. was submitted on Tuesday. It is characterized by the signal ability of its author, and presents an encouraging review of the progress of the cause the past year. Th Atherton gag resolutions are discussed at length and shown up in a becoming manner. One thous and copies of the report are to be printed in pamph let form. The Executive Committee have exercised a vig- lant supervision over th e interests of the cause throughout the year, having held meetings regu larly every month. Their excellent chairman Rowland T. Robinsonwe regret to say, was not able to attend the anniversary, by reason of if health. Wednesday afternoon and evening, and the whole of Thursday were taken up in a free and full discussion of the resolutions presented through the business committee. That relating to the po itcal duties and responsibilities of abolitionists was discussed at great length, pro and con, and finally adopted by a rising vote, only two or three of the whole body dissenting. When the subject of funds came up, great promptitude was manifested. About fifteen hun dred dollars were pledged in a few minutes. One ielegate from Franklin county paid fifty dollars ' on the nail' another from Washington county, twen-ty-fivo. Among the contributions sent in was a string of gold beads, from Mrs. Stewart of West ford, the mother of Alvan Stewart, Esq. The meetings were held alternately in the Meth- dist, Baptist and Congregational Churches. Th attendance of the inhabitants of Middlebury was unusually large, and ample provision was m'ade for the entertainment of the delegates. General Agent. We are happy in being able to announce, that lie Rev. Joau Seely has received and accepted an appointment as General Agent of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. Mr. S. is advantageously novvn to the community as a former agent of the American, and more recently, of the Vermont Bi ble Society. We doubt not he will be met with prompt and cordial co-operation on the part of the friends of emancipation in our state. Mr. h. is authorised to receive subscriptions and give re ceipts for the Voice of Freedom. His first field f labor is Franklin county. Rev. Benjamin Shaw, of Weston, and Col. J. Miller, of Montpelier, have been appointed Agents of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. Both gentlemen are authorised to receive subscrip tions and give receipts for the Voice of Freedom. A minister of Vermont was lately ad vised by an aged! C'cJoniza.tionist to let Abolition alone, and at tend to his appropriate work preaching the gospel. The old gentleman was reminded that the gospel was to " preach deliverance to the captive and the opening of the prison to them that are bound." One of the resolutions of the SlarksboEO'' and Lincoln anti-slavery society, on the first page of this number, expresses a wish " that the anti-slavery philanthropy of Vermont might be displayed on a larger sheet." We take occasion to say, that we shall gladly comply with the wishes of our friends in this respect, whenever the patronage of the public will warrant an enlargement. Our friends must not expect us to furnish a sheet of as ample dimensions as some of the city papers whose proprietors issue a weekly edition of 5 to 10,000 copies. Education. The Vermont Chronicle. contains a call for a convention of the friends of education, to assemble at Windsor on the 12th day of March. " It is prosposed to bring together those who are interested in our schools, academies and colleges, that they may impart and receive information ; that they may deliberate, and take measures for the improvement of our whole school system." The first lecture is to be by Hon. Jacob Collamer. The editor of the Vermont Mercury insists that " slavery is in a measure, natural to the negro." This is substantially the notion of Mr. Coloniza tion Breckenridge, we believe. He holds, that slavery is " an ordination of providence." " Natural to the negro" that is, it is natural for negroes to be robbed of their natural rights ! Natural for negroes to be plundered of their earn ings ! Natural for negroes to be denied the know ledge of letters ! Natural for negroes to be held and treated as mere animals ! Verily, ' the school master is abroad.' We are indebted to a friend for a pamphlet copy of a discourse recently delivered in Hollis street church, Boston, by Rev. John Pierpont, on the connection of morals and political .action. It is an excellent and timely production. An extract, at least, will bo given to our readers in a future number. For the Voice of Freedom, Consistency of Slave-holders, Returning in the steamboat Sandusky from Detroit to Buffalo, I came in contact with a loud, swaggering Alaba ma slaveholder, formerly of Genessee Co. N. Y. (We at the North, forsooth, have nothing to do with slavery!) He was rating the abolitionists as stupid blockheads for pre tending they dare not go to the South and there utter their sentiments. He loudly assured us that it was false; for any abolitionist, no matter how fanatical, might go to the South and utter what he pleased without the least molestation. Of course I knew better, and cited to bim the case of Dres ser, Hopper, and others: but these, in his estimation, were all anti-slavery lies. In the course of our discussion, I took occasion to tell him frankly, as every true abolitionist will love to do on such occasions, what I thought of slavery and slaveholding. The haughty southerner's anger was kindled: in much heat he repeated, "It is well for you, sir, that you do not utter these sentiments at the South. If we had you there, we would fix you." In reply ,I merely reminded him of the proposition he started with, viz: that abolitionists might say what they pleased at the South. The shout of the bystanders reminded him of his inconsis tency. Having left the steamboat, I found myself on board of a canal-boat with a company of pro-slavery men of the first water. All who have travelled our great commercial thor oughfares will have been surprised to find them thronged with slaveholders and their apologists. Having commen ced a discuussion, one of them boastingly assured me that he had a brother a slaveholder at the far South, a number of whose slaves he had assisted him to kidnap at the North, and that he would like to engage in the same profitable bu siness again. His looks, manner and character strongly corroborated his statement. And yet, we at the North have nothing to do with slavery, tho' our poor colored brethren have been kidnapped by scores and hundreds, and that too by our own people, on their own confession. Soon after, on board of another boat, I fell in with a sea captain, whose native place wqs Weathersfield, Ct., if I mistake not. He frankly confessed that he had been can- ain of a slaver for many years, and had brought many slaves to this country. As he appeared to be dying of the consumption, I kindly inquired "My dear sir, have you ever repented of that enormous sin ?" "Repent! why should I .'" he replied, " it teas lawful." Just as con sistently does the slaveholder reply, when urged to re pent of the enormous sin of buying and selling and imbru- ting the image cf God, "repent! why should I ? it is law ful." G. Barnard, Vt., Feb. 8, 1838. Death of Rev. Dr. Fisk. Letter from Rev. Professor Holdich of the Wesley an universiiy. Middletown, Feb. 22, 183ft. To Mr. Wm. C. Brown, Editor of Zion's Herald: Dear Brother, lhough the tidings 1 have to tom unicate are .nclancholy, hey are such as you and the public feel deeply interested in. Our venerable President, Dr. Fisk, breathed his last at about twenty minutes before ten this (Friday) morning. His death has been expected Imost daily for the last fortnight, and more than once he has seemed to be in death's agonies. He has. however. een each time relieved, and has lingered on in ureat suf fering until the last twenty four hours, when he sunk into stale of stupor, and, no doubt, for several hours before is death, was destitute of consciousness. Owing to his asthmatic state, he was not able to lie on the bed more than one hour in twelve, and the weariness of sitting con stantly in his chair, must have been inconceivable to us. -Notwithstanding his sufferings, his chamber was singu- arly edifying. So much calmness, self-possession, pa tience and faith were surprising. Many of his expres- ions were beautiful nay, sublime. They were noted own by the friends at the time, and will, no doubt, ha hereafter published. Even when apparently insensible to everv thing, he was olive to the name of the Saviour, and by occasional ejaculations, or signs, showed that his thoughts were in heaven. I know that you would be glad to near more, but 1 have not time at present, to write farther. Our hearts are op. pressed with grief, and all around us seems to breathe one spirit of dosolation and sorrow. May the death of the great and good teach us true wisdom, and lead us to tb source of all strength and wisdom. Voursin sincere respect, and sympathizing grief, J. HoLDICH.