The voice of freedom. [volume], March 09, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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FREEDOM.
ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers.
Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
CIIAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor.
VOL. I'M 12 I.
MOA'TPELtlElS, YEKMOlVTi MARCH 9, HS3.
Vvsnoji if
For tho Voice of Freedom.
Robbery on a Large Scale.
Mb. Editor:
In his philippic against abolition, delivered on Februa-
ry 7th, 1839, the Hon. Henry Clay assumes that there are
3,000,000 slaves in the United States, which he estimates
at twelve hundred million dollars, at the market price.
This gives 4800 dollars to every slaveholder, provided
there be only 250,000 slaveholders in the States, as is said
to be the fact. A pretty sum to be sure; and no wonder
that slaveholders cling to such a boon. But how did they
acquire this property? by their own industry? No; slave
holders aro too proud to dig. By inheritance from their
ancestors? No; for the slaves of their ancestors have gone
vvith them to meet their oppressors at the bar of God.
How then have they acquired this property? I answer, by
oppression and robbery. Violence is in their hands; and
by violence they have acquired all the slave property which
they hold. To say that tho law sanctions what they have
done, is only saying that they have established iniquity by
law. Who make and sustain slave laws? Slaveholders.
They make laws to justify oppression and robbery, and
then cry to conscience peace, pea.ee, As well might pi
rates make laws to justify piracy, and then say that the law
sanctioned all their acts of cruelty and blood.
It is a palpable truth, founded in the nature of things,
that a child cannot forfeit his liberty before he is born.
Hence all men are born-equally free, and have certain
rights which are inalienable. This is as true with res
pect to the children of the poor as of the rich, the black
man as the white. But if all the colored children for fifty
years past have been born free, by what means have they
lost their liberty? Surely there can be in truth but one an
swer: they have by violence been robbed of their libertv.
And those who now hold them in servitude, contrary to
their wishes, are all thieves and robbers. A man that steals
my purse, is a thief; how much more so when he steals
my body, all that I have and am! According to the Hon.
Mr. Clay's statement, then, the slaveholders of the South
have by violence stolen property to the amount of twelve
hundred million dollars in sixty years. This is robbing on
a large scale; stealing like gentlemen who are too high-
minded to stoop to petty thefts. How mean those foolish
fellows must appear, who get into our states' prisons for
house-breaking and horse-stealing, when compared with
those gentlemen who steal men by millions, and make laws
to justify robbery!
The Hon. Mr. Clay has not, however, estimated all that
he and other honorable slaveholders have stolen. Where
are the wives, and children, and all the endearments of
life, the personal, civil and religious rights, the Bible,
and the souls of three million of slaves, for whom Christ
died? All stolen. Here is something that cannot be esti
mated by cents and dollars: something that slave laws can
not whitewash: something for which even honorable men
will have to render an account to Him who has said, " All
souls are mine."
In the opinion of Mr. Clay, one obstacle in the way of
abolition measures, is the vast amount of property which
slaveholders have acquired in their slaves. The argument
seems to imply, that if they had but little property in their
slaves they might give them up; but now they have so
much stolen property they cannot part with it. On this
principle, a man who had stolen a horse worth only ten
dollars might consent to restore it to the rightful owner,
while he utterly refused to part with another stolen horse
which he considered worth five hundred dollars. Or a
gang of pirates might consent to disniUs an old sloop not
worth taking into port, while they strenuously maintained
their right to detain and plunder a brave ship loaded with
bullion. What, require us to rcstoro 1200,000,000 dollars
which wo have fairly taken and claim as our property un
der the laws by which pirates are governed? The demand
is intolerable, and we will never consent to it.
According to reason and the divine law, he that hath
stolen should steal no more; but should restoro what he
has stolen with double interest Let those men-steal era
who, according to their own showing, have stolen human
beings worth 1200,000,000 dollars, make such restitution
as the law of God requires, & they must pay $4,800,000,
000 to their slaves. Will Mr. Clay and other honorable
slaveholders advance their reasonable proportion of such a
um? Or will they, tinder the authority of slave-laws,
hold fast their stolen goods, set God's law at defiance, and
require the rightful owner to redeem his own property?
There is another point of view in which Mr. Clay's ar
gument deserves consideration. If the fact, that slavehol
ders now hold 1200,000,000 dollars worth of property in
the bones and sinews and lives of their fellow-men, be a
good and valid reason why no measures should be taken to
abolish slavery, then the fact that slaveholders have acqui
red twice that amount of property in their fellow-men
twenty years hence, will be a stronger reason why no
measures against slavery should be taken. So that on Mr.
Clay's reasoning, slavery with all its horrors must be for
ever entailed upon our guilty and wretched country. Is
Jhis really the opinion of such a statesman? Can he feel
willing to unite the destinies of America with interminable
lavery? to throw hi weight of influence into the scale
against the liberties, the rights, tha hopes, the happiness
pf countless rnilljons of his fellow-men? to stand up before
the world as the determined advocate of interminable sla
very? I envy him not the glory of such a position.
I suppose Mr. Clay has presented the most weighty pro
alavery arguments that his powerful mind could muster in
to the field. If they had a lodging in his heart, I am
glad he has disclosed them. All men may now know
where he stands respecting the slave question. And all
may seo what arguments a groat man can bring forward in
support of a very bad cause. Surely the mountains have
labored and brought forth a mouse. KIAII BAYLEY.
Hardwick.
For the Voice of Freodom.
The slaves, if emancipated, cannot take care
of themselves.'
Mb. Editor:
The above phjoctjim was (in my humble opinion) incon
trovertibly answered in my communication of Feb. 11th,
ly a simple statement of facts respecting the colored people
in the city and county of Philadelphia. But as this is a
prominent objection in the minds of our opponents, I have
thought that a further statement of facts might be acceptable
fo your readers.
The following statement respecting the colored people
in Smith township, Columbiana county, Ohio, is from Mr.
G. Gonzales, and may b,e relied on as authentic. The
settlement extends into Stark county:
" Number of families 51
do of person 2u'4
do of church members 100
do of colored preachers 4
do who have boon slave 14
Paid for their freedom about $3000.
THEIR, rROPEItTY.
1809 acres of land, valued at .2),200
70 horses 2,800
213 cattle 2,55fi
328 sheep G56
Other property 4,285
Sum total 39,497
It is said that the property of various individuals is esti
mated much below its real value. If this property were
divided among the 264 persons, there would be 150 dollars
for each man, woman and child. Now I ask if these peo
ple can't take care of themselves? But I have not told the
whole story. The settlement was commenced about six
teen years ago, and there has been no quarreling nor
flighting. They use very little liquor, and intemperance
is almost a stranger. A store-keeper informed me that he
would trust all of them, with perhaps one exception.
There is one meeting-house, two school-houses, and a li
brary of about 120 books. If you wish to know more, and
have proof of what is ulready stated, call upon Job John
son, of Mount Union, who has taken especial pains to ob
tain correct information."
REPORT ON THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE OF CO-j
LOR IN THE STATE OF OHIO.
" The number of colored people in Cincinnati is about
2500. As illustrating their general condition, we will give
the statistics of one or two small districts. The families in
each were visited from house to hous, taking them all as
far as they went:
Number of families in one of these districts 26
do of individuals 125
do of heads of families 49
do of heads of families professing religion 19
do of children at school 20
do of heads of families who have been slaves 39
do of individuals who have been slaves 95
Time since they obtained their freedom from 1 to 15 years,
average 7 years.
Number of individuals who have purchased themselves 23
Whole amount paid for themselves
Number of fathers and mothers still in slavery
do of children
do of brothers and sisters
do of newspapers taken
do of heads of families who can read
EMPLOYMENT OF HEADS OF FAMILIES,
Common laborers and porters
Dealers in second-hand clothing
Hucksters
Carpenters
Shoe-blacks
Cooks and waiters
Wash-women
,112
9
18
98
0
Five of these women purchased themselves from slavery.
One paid $400 for herself, and has since bought a house
and lot worth 600. AH this she has done by washing.
No. of families in another district 63
do of individuals 258
do of heads of families 106
do of families who are professors of religion 16
do of heads of families at school 53
do of newspapers taken 7
Amount of property in real estate 9,850
No. of individuals who have ljeen slaves 108
do. of heads of families who have been slaves 69
Age at which they obtained their freedom, from 3
months to 60 years: average 33 years. Time since they
obtained their freedom, from 4 weeks to 27 years: average
9 years.
No. of heads of families who have purchased themselves 36
Whole amount paid for themselves $21,515,00
Average price 597 64
No. of children which the same familic3 have already
purchased 14
Whole amount paid for these children $2,425 75
Average price 174 27
Total am't paid for those parents & children $23,940 75
No. of parents still in slavery 16
do of husbands and wives 7
do of children 35
do of brothers and sisters 144
These districts were visited without the least reference to
their being exhibited separately. If they give a fair speci
men of the whole population, (and we believe that to be a
fact,) then we have the following results: 1,129 of the co
lored population of Cincinnati have been in slavery; 476
have purchased themselves at the total expense of $215,-
522 04, averaging for each $452 77; 163 parents are still
in slavery; 68 husbands and 95 wives; 846 children;
1,579 brothers and sisters.
If the question be asked, can the slaves, if liberated, take
care of themselves? we cannot answer it belter than by
pointing to the colored population of Cincinnati. It is
amusing to see the curious look which an emancipated
slave assumes when he is asked this question. He seems
at a loss to know whether he shall consider it a joke or an
honest inquiry. "We did," they say, "take care of our
selves and our masters too, while wo were in fetters. We
dug our way out of slavery and now that we aro free, all
we ask is a fair chance." We know of no class of men
who arc better qualified to take care of themselves, if pla
ced under proper influences. True, but few of those in
Cincinnati aro wealthy; but let it bo remembered their
sympathies are with the slave, and with all their disabil
ities they have, within a few years, poured into the coffers
of the white man more than two .hundred thousand dollars
for the purchase of their freedom. The moral character
and condition of this people is, we believe, rapidly impro
ving. There ar three churches, two Methodist and ono Bap
tist, numbering in all about 450 members. In these chur
ches there is preaching every Sabbath, to full congregations.
Thore are four Sabbath-schools, with each a small library.
and three Bible-classes. These schools and classes are well
attended by persons of all ages, and an uncommon desire
to learn the truths of the Bible is manifested." Malo an
femalo prayer meetings, benevolent and temperance socio
ties are established among them; and with regard to prop
erty, character and piety, the oolored people of Cincin
nati will compare with the poorer class of the white popu
lation in almost any part of our country. And when we
as abolitionists, are asked for the evidence that the colored
people are capable of self-support, we triumphantly poin
to Cincinnati. G. BECKLEY
Northfield, March 4, 1839.
Moral Rule of Political Action.'
Extracts from 'A Discourse delivered in Holli
street Church, Sunday, January 27, 1S39. By John
Pierpont. Boston Published by Jus. Munroe
& Co.'
The celebrated Mirabeau celebrated alike for
his talents and his vices in an essay in favor 0
removing; Irom the Jews the civil disabilities un
der which they have suffered through almost all
ennstendom, arguing that it were better to bind
them to the state by the ties of gratitude, than to
weuKt'ii mem as memoers 01 it, uy withnoldinjr
from them powers which were granted to all Chris
tians, very sagaciously remarks, ' for the Jew, af
ter all, is more a man than he is a Jew.' lie i.
united to society, that is, by more sympathies and
interests on the ground of a common nature, than
he is separated from it, or alien to it, on the "round
of a peculiar faith.
bo, inasmuch as all the members of every civi
community hold common relations to God, whicl
relations are earlier, closer, and more endurint
than are any that, as fellow-citizens, they can hold
to each other; as the duties, consequently, that re
sult from their relations to each other, as members
of a body politic, with the same truth, if not with
the same pith and point that belong to the remark
ot iuirabeau, we may say that every man, accord
ing to his nature, is more a moral, than he is a no
litical man. According to his nature, that is as a
creature of God and a subject of his moral gov
ernment, his allegiance to God is prior to any, am
stronger than any allegiance that he can owe to
any human government: and consequently, when
the laws of men come into collision with the laws
of God, the claims and obligations of the latter are
paramount to those of the former, and must be first
obeyed : or, in the words of the whole college of
apostles, ' We ought to obey God rather than men
It has already been remarked that this great
moral principle can be practically applied to polit
ical action, only in cases where the voice of man is
in discord with the voice of God ; where man en
joins what God forbids, or forbids what God re
quires ; where the human law is in conflict with
the divine; where a lower good is sought at the
expense of a higher; where politics and morals are
at issue ; tor where there are harmony, between
these, in obeying either, the other is obeyed. The
principle is that, inasmuch as every man is more
a moral than he is a political man, he must, when
acting in his political relations, seek the attainment
of moral or spiritual good, rather than good which
is merely sensual or temporal, and when the latter
stands in the way of the former, the sensual and
temporal must step out of the way, or be trampled
down in the onward and triumphant march of the
moral and spiritual, tne hosts of light and truth
and love.
This moral principle or rule of politcal action, I
propose to apply to some, indeed to several, of the
past and present political interests or parties of this
country, wishing it to be understood, however, that
in this I make myself, except byway supposition,
an elementary or constituent part of no one of
them all. 1 deal with principles and parties. I
pass no judgment upon either ; but use, in rela
tion to each, what I suppose will be the least offen
sive names, as descriptive terms.
lake first, then, the creat political parties that
divide our nation, and which, to avoid all odious
party names, I will describe as the administration
and the opposition parties. Here, I suppose my
self with the administration. What are the ques
tions which are the most exciting and the most
keenly controverted between my party and the op
position ? So far as I am informed, they are ques
tions relating to the pecuniary interests of the na
tion, tariff or no tariff, sub-treasury or bank
treasury, and others of the same general nature,
connected with these, dependent upon them, or
otherwise related to them. Now, with my lights, I
think that these interests will be most wisely and
faithfully administered by the hands to which they
are now intrusted ; and, believing that if they
were to fall into the hands of the opposition, the
public treasure would be profligately squandered,
and used for the purpose of perpetuating its own
power by bribery and corruption, I must adhere
to my party, because in so doing I believe I shall
subserve the interests of the state, especially and
chiefly its moral interests, which are its highest
and best. But suppose the party, as a party, pro
pose a measure that I deem unjust. Suppose that,
as an itiducernent to me, to aid the measure, by
my voice or my vote, I am offered an office or a
bribe. What then shall I do? What, indeed, but
denounce and quit it, and, taking a seat upon the
opposition benches, use my knowledge and my
power to displace the present incumbents from their
office, and put in better men. But, my party will
denounce me ! Iet them : they cannot do "a bet
ter thing for me, or a worse one for themselves.
The city of Sodotn would not have helped itself,
as a city, or averted its own destruction, by ban
ishing the righteous Lot; and after he had volun
tarily withdrawn from it, he was not, probably,
disquieted by the hard names that his late neigh
bors called him. I ought to obey God rather than
men. I cannot shake off his yoke, that I may put
on theirs. His is easy. Theirs, note, will gall
to the quick.
Or, suppose me already in the opposition. I,
with my present lights, do not believe in the ad
ministration. I believe it imbecile, let it will ev
er so well. I believe it corrupt, as well as imbecile,
and not only corrupt but corrupting others. What
now must I do ? Simply this. I must use the
power and the instrumentalities that God has put
at my disposal to displace the weak and wicked,
and pirt in the strong and good. In this case, the
pecuniary and moral interests of the people are in
harmony, and in obeying the decisions of my par
ty, so far as they concur with my best judgment,
but not a line further, I obey God at the -same
time that I obey man. When, therefore, the two
tickets come, before me, I must take and. use that
which I think will best subserve the interests, both
fiscal and moral, of the great and g,d lurid in
which God has given me to live.
But, there are, now, three tickets, where there
were only two before. To the administration and
the opposition, there is now added the antimasonie
ticket. What is my course now ? Answer: First,
examine the merits of the case stated by the men
who have agreed upon this ticket. What i3 the
case that they make out ? Listen to 110 clamors
against them, raised by those against whom they
are acting. Be swayed by no prejudices, for or
against them. Examine the merits of their case.
If, with the faithful exercise of your best lights and
faculties, they make out no case against freema
sonry, you are under no obligation to do aught a
gainst it; and you leave the antimasonie ticket to
be sustained by those whose convictions are differ
ent from yours ; and take that one of the two, pure
ly political tickets, which, on purely political
grounds, you may prefer. But, if they make out,
to your satisfaction, that the oaths or other obliga
tions of masonry are adverse to the moral purity
of the party administering or taking them, or to
the impartiality and integrity of the party or fra
ternity bound by them, and thus to the safety of
the state and to its highest moral interests, in re
spect to the security of the citizen, or the righteous
administration of its laws : if they make out this
case, I say, you see that here is not merely, or
chiefly, a question of money, but one of morals;
here, not so much the fiscal as the moral interests
of the community are implicated ; and my first du
ty to the state is to do what I may to protect its
ghest interests. If they who aro with me in
feeling on politcal subjects generally, will, when act
ing as legislators, see to the protection of the public
morals in this particular, if they will obey God rather
than men, I may give them my vote, because they
will do so; if not, I must withhold my vote from
them because they will not, and cast it for those
who will. If it be asked, Will you then abandon
your party? I answer; When ' True to parly'
means 'False to God,' it is lime for trie to quit it.
The same principle and the same reasoning are
applicable to the two nay, the three, more recent
parties; the Peace, the lemperanee, and the ALo-
ltion parties,-: which respectively chum morality
as their basis, and purport to have, as their object,
respectively, the abolition of war, intoxication, and
domestic slavery. If, upon careful examination, I
find either or all of these claims sustained, i. e.
find the parties what they purport to be; and if I,
with my lights or opportunities lor forming a judg
ment upon the subject, am verily convinced that
war, drunkenness, and involuntary servitude, are
moral evils, and therefore adverse to the highest
ntcrests of the individual and the state; and if I
believe, moreover, that moral action, by means of
political machinery, will tend to remove or dimin
ish these evils, I must, and, if I am. more a moral
than a political man, I shall cast my vote for those
who, in my opinion, will most efficiently legislate
for themoral well-being of the state ; and if those
who are of the same political party with myself
will not, do this, I must abandon them in favor ol
such as will. If, for this, I am called to account
by my fellow-partizans, my answer is short ; When
my party run away from morality they run away
from me. Nor is there hazard, in this, to the com
mercial, manufacturing, or other pecuniary or tem
poral interests of the state. Your money cannot
guard your morals, but morals will your money.
Ihey who will protect the loriner, will not prove
recreant to the latter, rrotect the morals 01 a
community, and they will protect its industry and
all its results. 'Seek first the kingdom of God,
and his righteousness, and all these things will be
added unto you.'
Massachusetts A. S. Society.
Extracts from the Seventh Annual Report of the
Managers of the State Anti-Slavery Society.
OUR NATIONAL CONDITION.
The Lord reigns! If it were not so, the friends
of humanity might despair. The Lord is omnip
otent ! But for this, tyrants might exercise perpet
ual dominion. The Lord is sworn to execute
udiiment for all that are oppressed ! Therefore,
nil shackles shall be broken, and every captive set
free, in this, in all lands.
Feelin.7 the inspiration of these truths, the Board
of Managers present their Seventh Annual Report
to the Society, with no misgiving as to the final
triumph of the abolition cause, or the soundness
of the principles and the wisdom of the measures
adopted by its advocates. How soon, in what
manlier, or by what instrumentalities, the blood-
reekincr system of American slavery shall be over
thrown whether by a peaceful or a bloody pro
cess, by the repentance or destruction of the guil-
ty it is not lor the Unite, Dui tne innniie, to know.
After years of warning, expostulation, rebuke, en
treaty," on the part of the messengers of Tkuth,
Iter centuries ot lon-sutiering anu mercy on tne
part of Almighty God, it yet remains problemat
ical, whether this nation is to be saved as a brand
plucked' from the burning, or to be consumed by
the fire of his wrath. The uncertainty of what
s to come cannot lessen our responsibility, nor
ustify despondency, nor change the ground ol mor-
1 obligation. Instead of discouraging effort, or ob
structing enterprise, it enforces the necessity ol
ileenless viffilanco and never-slackening exertion.
There is a certainty connected with this uncertain
ty. Without national reformation, there must be
national destruction. If there be no. truth dissem-
nated, there can be no reformation. Unless there
be preachers of truth, there will be no conviction
f guilt; and without conviction there can W no
repentance, hut a fearful looking for of judgment
and fiery indignation.' It is certain, then, that by
llence, inaction, or despondency, the republic must
be destroyed, without remedy. It is uncertain
whether, by exposing its blood-red guilt and Imrri-
le turpitude rby bearing a lailhlul testimony for
God and his down-trodden poor by watchfulness
unto prayer, by laborious toil, by moral power, by
nergy and union of action the republic will be
saved. Here is the upspringing of our hope, and
the ground of our action. If, howevor, it could be
oved that our prayers, our warnings, our en-
treaties, would all Le, frustrated, by the incorrigi
ble wickedness of the people, still, our duty to,
warn and, exhort would remain in full force. The'
instruction given by God to his ancient witness is
in point: 'Son of man, go, get thee unto the house
of Israel, and speak with my words unto them. .
. . But the house of Israel will not hearken unto,
thee ; for they will not hearken unto me: for they
are impudent and hard-hearted. But thou shall,
speak my words unto them, whether they will hear,
or whether they will forbear.' Thanks be to God,'
no prophet of emancipaiion has yet been commis
sioned to declare, with infallible certainly, that we
shall plead and labor with our countrymen in vain.
At times, indeed, the last ray of hope has been al
most extinguished, and there has scarcely seemed
to be any possibility of averting impending judg
ments ; but, from time to time, a rainbow of mer.-t
cy has been seen in the heavens, and omens of
good, and flaming signs, to encourage us. It was,
a settled point, that Ezeldcl could not make any
impression upon the seared and rock-hardened
conscience of Israel : nay, he could not be heard
even : his speech had no sound, and produced no
effect. Our message is heard by the people, from,
the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. Our slightest
whisper is echoed from the tops of the Rocky.
Mountains, with distinctness and power. Wo
have not spoken in vain. It is true, the ears of
many have been stopped with cotton ; some have
made use of their fingers ; very ingenious con
trivances have been suggested to destroy the pow
er of sound; propositions have been made to cut
out our tongues, and cast them upon a dung-hill ;
in many cases, gags have been resorted to, in or
der to. silence us ; but all in vain. Without a
paradox, the more our mouths have been closed,
the wider we have opened them ; and the less the
nation has been disposed to hear, the more it has
heard. From the least to the greatest, from the
youngest to the eldest, all have been made acqaint
ed with our testimony. Thus we have succeeded
in reaching the national conscience. The flinty
rock has been smitten, and a stream of contrition
is beginning to flow. Terrible, but hopeful, is the
conflict Cfoing 011 in the bosom of the nation, be
tween light and dardness, truth and error, the ag:
ony of conviction and the desperation of passion.
Alternately are heard imprecations, expostulations,
threats, entreaties, blasphemies. If, in one aspect,
a spectacle like this be afflicting, in another it is
pregnant with salvation.
The history of the anti-slavery cause, during
the past year, is not to be embodied in a single Re-r
port, however voluminous. The times are more
stirring, conflicts are more frequent, events are of
greater magnitude, than in the days of our revo
lutionary fathers. The moral warfare of Liber
ty against Slavery is incomparably more animat
ing and sublime, and fraught with higher scenes
of interest, and attended with far more g'oriou3
consequences, than any physical strife.
A. STEVENSON AND SLAVE-BREEDING
VIRGINIA.
In our last number we published a letter from
ilr. Stevenson, our Ambassador to I'mgiand, m
which he denies the charge of Daniel O'Connell,
that he is a slave-breeder ; or that Virginia is a
-slave-breeding state. In this number of our paper,
we publish several articles as witnesses, to sus
tain the charge of Mr. 0,Connell.
" Professor Dew, of Virginia, a man in high cs;
timation and of the greatest authority in that state,
estimates it as well known among the profitable
exports of Virginia, (3000 home-bred slaves annu
ally, worth probably at the prices which have ruled
for the last four or five years, more than six mill
ions of dollars, or nearly as much as . the whole
whale fishery of Massachusetts."
We find in the " Friend of Man," as copied
from the " New York American," among others,
the following:
" Whilst on this subject, I offer you another pas
sage from thp work of Professor Dew, in my pos
session. It is as follows:
"Perhaps one of the greatest blessings, (if He
covld reconcile our consciences!) which could be con
ferred upon the southern portion of the Union
would arise from the total abolition of the African
slave-trade, and the opening of the West India
and South American markets to our slaves."
Again, from the same work:
" Virginia is, in fact, a Negro-raising state for
other states. She produces enough for her own sup
ply, and six thousand for sale.
Judge Upshur, in the Virginia Convention, uses
this langMoge :
"But the value of slaves as an article of proper
ty and it is in that view only that they are legit
imate subjects of taxation depends much on Uie.
state of the market abroad : iti this view, it is thq
value of land abroad, and not of land here, which
furnishes the ratio. It is well known to us all that
nothing is more fluctuating than the value of slaves.
A late law of Louisiania, prohibiting their intro
duction after the Southampton insurrection, but re-;
pealed a year or two after, reduced their value,
26 per cent, in two hours after its passage was
known." Delates, p. 77.
" It seems strange, sir, that Mr. Stpyeriyou
should have hazarded the remark, that the charge
of slave-breeding, with a view to slave-trading, 'is
wholly destitute of truth,' when applied to Virginia,
when such testimony as the following can le ad
duced, almost without limit, ogainst him."
" 1. It is believed, that nowhere in the farming
portion of the United States, Virginia is a farm
ing state, would slave-labour be generally employ
ed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise slaves
by the hijli price of tho southern market, which
keeps it up in his own." Hon. Henry Clay's
Colonization Speech, Dec. 1S29.
" 2. Dealing in slaves has become a large busi
ness; establishments are made in several places in
Maryland and Virginia, at which they aro fold
like cattle; these places of deposit ate strongly
built, and well supplied with iron tlmmb-scirws
and gags, and ornamented with cow-skins t.nd
other whips oftentimes bloody." JV7ex' 2tVr.
In view of the above testimony, how stands tho
character of our noble Ambassador, for truth an.j
veracity ? Will Americans feel proud of him ?
' Cazcnwia (X, V.) Hernia