The voice of freedom. [volume], March 16, 1839, Image 1

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THE YOICE
OF FBEEBOM.
ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers. Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor.
' ' ' :rj
VOLUME I. MOWTPEMEK, VERMONT, MARCH 16, 1S39. NUMBER II.
'nOIl S)IF IPlBISISIDESilo
For the Voice of Freedom.
Middlebcry, March 7, 1S39.
C. L. Knapp. Esq. :
Last mail I received from Rev. G. Beckley an
acknowledgment of the several sums of money
received by him as Agent of the Vermont Anti
Slavery Society, since January 3d. As this mon
ey has not been acknowledged in our annual re
port, on account of its not having been reported in
(season, I send it to you, that it may be added or
subjoined to our annual report ; or at least, that it
may be .acknowledged in the Voice of Freedom.
V. AS. SOCIETY. Cr,
Bv money received by Rev: G. B., 1839..
January 9. East Bethel $7 69
" 10. Rovalton 1 50
10. East Barnard 7 20
" 11. Barnard 1 71
" 12.. South Woodstock 5 16
" 13. West Windsor 1 00
" 18. Chester 9 00
" 20. Weston 10 00
" 21. Ludlow 2 82
" 22. Cavendish 9 61
' 24 Norwich 5 72
' 25. Thetford 3 77
$65 IS
Besides the above, Mr. Beckley received from
Dec. 11, 1S38, till Jan. 3, 1S39, $26 91, in the
towns of Braintree, Williamstown, Strafford,
Chelsea, and Northfield which have, I believe,
been acknowledged in the Emancipator by the
American Society, and passed to our credit on the
Vermont pledge of $2000.
Cordially yours,
J. A. ALLEN,
Sec. of the Ex. Committee.
For the Voice of Freedom.
Mr. Adams' Position,
C. L. KsArp, Esq. :
Sir I perceive by the prints of both our oppo
nents and of our friends the true position occupied
by Mr. Adams on the abolition question is not
generally distinctly understood. The pro-slavers
will have it that he has receded while our friends,
the abolitionists, so far as I have seen, only con
tend lliat he remains as he was. Now the fact is,
that neither of these conclusions are true. In re
lation to the district of Columbia, Mr. A's views
have not changed ; but in relation to the slave
trade between the slave-states, till his late disclaim
er, he has never, to my knowledge, publicly ex
pressed an opinion. He has now avowed him
self " a warm advocate for the abolition of the do
mestic slave-trade between the states," which he
regards "as peculiarly under the control of Con
gress." So far, therefore, from his having retro
graded, he has assumed the strongest position pos
sible upon the abolition subject. On taking this
ground, he has aimed a fatal blow at the whole
system. He has laid the political axe at the root
of the tree. The slave-selling states will cease
raising slas for the market, if they be prohibited
tmnsrmrtino- them from one state to another. Vir
ginia, for instance, which it is estimated receives
annuallv about twentv-four millions of dollars for
her exported " human goods and chattels" will be
deprived of her strongest inducements for contin
uing the corrupt system. The same will be equal
ly true of Maryland and Kentucky. Suppress
the traffic between the slates, and you stop the
circulation of the life's blood of this fiend-like slave
monster. Aside from the war-power, the prohib
iting of the traffic is probably the only tenable
ground which Congress has over slavery in the
states. This has a direct influence upon emanci
pation within the slaveholding states, whereas the
influence which Congress can exert in the Dis
trict of Columbia has only a remote bearing on the
several states.
Suppose, for instance, slavery and the slave
trade were now abolished in the 'ten miles square,'
and the domestic slave-trade between the states
remains untouched, it is evident a new slave mar
ket would immediately be established in the vi
cinity of Washington, so that in lieu of abolishing
the thing, it would merely change its location.
True, abolitionism aims at the overthrow of the
whole of the American slave system. It appears
to me, therefore, that in placing so much stress as
we have upon the District of Columbia, we have
been too mild and timid. We ought to bring our
political as well as our moral power to bear di
rectly upon the states immediately concerned.
Through the agency of Jefferson, Franklin, Rush,
and their coadjutors, God has given us (the free
states) the political power to remove from our
country the " most corrupt system of wickedness
and villainy the world ever saw." And to be si
lent and inactive, is to participate in the guilt ; more
especially, since we have a direct connection with
the evil. And if wc have not, what says divine
writ. "When thou sawest a thief, then thou con-
sentedst with him." See L. Psalm. An old and
true maxim is, a "partaker is as bad as the thief."
By countenancing the evil in Church and State,
are we not partakers ? Do we not consent to sla
very in the District of Columbia, and to the do
mestic slave-trade ? Let him who can, in this
matter, engrave on his tablet, to be kept in perpet
ual remembrance, "mizpaii." Gen. xxxi, 49, &c
Cordially yours,
J. A. ALLEN.
Middlebury, March 9, 1839. '
For the Voice of Freedom.
Qnechee Village Anti-Slavery Society.
C. L. Knapp, Esq. :
Agreeably to a vote of the Quechee Village An
ti-Slavery Society, we forward you for insertion
in the Voice of Freedom, (if you shall deem it
worthy of notice, or that it will in any degree pro
mote the glorious cause of the emancipation of the
slaves in our country,) an account of the organi'
zation and doings of this society
The Quechee Village A. S. Society, consis
ting of about 90 members, was organized Feb. 8,
of the present year, by choosing James Udall, Esq.
President pro tem, and Z. W. Furbur, Secretary
pro tem when the meeting was adjourned to the
19th Feb'y inst., for the choice of officers.
Feb. 19, met agreeably to adjournment, the
President pro tem in the chair when, on motion,
a committee of three were chosen to nominate the
officers of the society. This committee consisted
of Edward Farmer, F. K. Nichols, and John
Chase who reported the following officers, which
were elected : Hon. William Strong, President ;
James Udall and George Udall, Esqrs., Vice Pres
dents; Z. W. Furbur, M. D., Secretary, and
Shubael Russ, Esq., Treasurer.
The following resolutions were offered by Geo.
Udall, Esq., and after remarks were adopted :
Whereas, slavery is contrary to the principles
of natural justice of our republican form of gov
ernment, and of the christian religion, and is de
structive ot the prosperity ol the country; we be
lieve we owe it to the oppressed, to our country,
to posterity, and to God, to do alj that is lawful
in our power to bring about the extinction of sla
very :-r-
Resolved, That we view the resolutions of Pat
ton of Virginia, and Alherton of N. H., relative to
slavery, to be a base violation of the right of peti
tion, anti-republican in principle, and repugnant
to the spirit of our Constitution.
Voted, that a committee of two be chosen to
prepare resolutions for the society at the next
meeting, and Austin P. Chase and Edward Far
mer were chosen.
Voted to adjourn one week.
Tuesday, the 26th Feb., met at Barrow's Hall.
Meeting opened by prayer. George Udall, Esq.
in the chair : when the committee appointed to
draft resolutions for the society reported the fol
lowing preamble and resolutions :
Whereas, the most high God hath made of one
blood all the nations of men that dwell on the face
of the earth, and hath endowed all with the same
inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty.
and the pursuit of happiness ;" and whereas, sla
very unblushingly deprives men of these rights,
and renders them 'things' chattels personal lia
ble to be bought, sold, tasked, scourged, beaten,
hunted and killed like wild beasts: and whereas,
slavery rests upon us as a nation, inasmuch as it
is upheld by our national councils, and inasmuch
as the slave-trade with all its horrors is carried on
under the very eye and with the sanction of Con
gress, and our national prisons are made the re
ceptacles of slaves, and free-born Americans des
tined to slavery and inasmuch as we are basely
deprived of the rights of petition and remonstrance
guarantied to us by tne oonstitution tnereiore
Resolved, That American slavery is a sin a
gainst God, and therefore ought to be immediate
ly abolished,
Resolved, That we at the North are deeply im
plicated in the sin of slavery.
Resolved, That every man is bound, as a citizen
of this republic, to use his utmost endeavors, in
accordance with the spirit of our free institutions
to wipe away this plague-spot from our national
character,
Resolved, That we have reason to look with a-
larm at the daring encr6achment of our govern
ment in virtually denying hundreds of thousands
of our citizens the sacred right of petition, and fi
nally trampling under foot, unheard, the resolves
and remonstrances of the legislature of our own
sovereign state.
Resolved, That the recent experiments of email
cipation in the British West Indies, fully demon
strate the practicability ol immediate emancipa
tion, and that the pecuniary interests of the plant
ers demand it.
Resolved, That the cause of suffering humanity
is worthy of the sympathy of every generous and
benevolent mind, and that those who profess re
gard for the slave, and yet stand aloof from all
measures that have a tendency to liberate him,
are not entitled to our confidence as friends to the
cause of universal liberty.
Resolved, That we view with regret and abhor
rence the conduct of the pro-slavery representa
tion from the North in supporting the resolutions
of Atherton of N. II., (thereby violating the spirit
of the Constitution, and suppressing enquiry and
debate,) as derogatory of enlightened freemen.
Resolved, That it is of the utmost importance
that the public mind be enlightened on the subject
of slavery, inasmuch as there are terrries un
der the goverment of the U. S. which may soon
be expected to claim admittance into the Union as
slave-holding states.
Resolved, That we view it as an imperious du
ty binding upon all christians, and especially upon
ministers of the gospel, to make slavery a subject
of prayer, inquiry, aud discussion, with a view of
its cessation at the earliest possible period consis
tent with its pacific accomplishment.
Whereupon tho resolutions were taken up sep
arately, and after discussion were voted to be a
dopted as expressive of tho views and sentiments
of the society.
Voted to adjourn sine die,
Z. W. FURBUR, Secretary.
From the Friend of Man.
Letter from a Brother,
The Editor has recently received a Letter from
a dear brother whom he has not seen for a long
timea minister of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, residing at Windsor, Broome County,
The following extracts will show his views of the
great question pending in this country :
Colesville, Jan. 7th, 1839.
Dear Brother : Having for a Ions; time been
favored with the " Friend of Man," in which
read many of your thoughts on the subject of slave
ry, I address a few lines to you on the same sub-
ject and although I may advance nothing new
to yourself, yet if you think them of any use to the
wutc ui iiumumij, juu ars in uueny to puunsn
them.
Slavery has always been considered a creat evil,
by the wise and good of all ages, and most of our
opponents profess as much sympathy for the slave
as the abolitionists do; and yet they oppose any race of people that can be enslaved ; ar,d they re
direct measure to remove it, as though the evil fer to Noah's words to Ham, " A servant of ser
would remove itself. Now as slavery exists by vants shall lie be ;" as though they had always
immoral political action, it cannot be removed been slaves, whereas, we have no account that
without moral political action, any more than the thev were slaves, till about the timp nf Columbus.
heathen, the d runkard, the swearer, the libertine
or sabbath breaker, can be converted without di-
ect moral action. But no sooner did we act on
the subject, than we were told by the high and
low, rich and poor, that morality had nothing to
do with politics ! Although Washington, in re-
tiring from public life declared, that " of all the dis-
positions and habits, that tend to political prosper-
ty, religion and morality were indispensable sup-
ports, although the above sentence was copied
into our spelling books, taught to millions of our
youth, by thousands of our teachers, and applaud-
edby the nation from center to circumference, yet
no sooner is this principle acted upon, in favor of
the slave, than it is pronounced fanatical and false,
But let us examine this sentiment. If morality
must be excluded from politics, and if the stream
cannot rise higher than its fountain, we will leave
morality out of the-question, and see how far we
can proceed with safety to the nation. In a nation
ike ours, where there are thousands of Christians,
shall they be excluded from the polls ? Or shall
they become hypocrites, and say to religion and
morality, tarry thou here, while we go up to the
polls yonder ? Or if they wish to read political
papers to inform themselves, shall they refuse to
obey the apostle, who commands us, " Whether ye
r V4i j W vvHuiuvur ye uu, uu an luiiiugioiy u winch is the most dangerous slavery or imme
of God ? Or must they forego the right of suf- diate emancipation ?" Our judges decided in fan-age
altogether? And should a Christian be mrnfiho fnrmor V. fi
elected to make our laws, must he foreco the priv'
liege ot being a Christian, till his term of service
expires f And again, must all prayer to Almighty
God, (except immoral prayer,) be excluded from
tne counsels and deliberations ot this nation f We
are taught, "if any lack wisdom, let him ask of
9 11 aw u u J v c
God, who giveth to all men, (law makers and ru
lers not excepted) and it shall be civen them." So
thought Washington, at the head of the American
army,
But again, morality is excluded from the de
liberations of the nation, and the stream cannot rise
hitrhpr than its fniintnin. thpn n lnvvs thnt nrp
made must be destitute of moral principle; and if
. . 1 . - .
so, they must be destitute of the principle of jus
tice ! thus Jet this principle be carried out, and
no man's person, or property, or civil, or religious
privileges are any more secure than if no laws ex
isted. Thus will men throw away their dearest
iberties, rather than acknowledge the African to
1 !,i.i A. r ,1 o i i. - i-;.
oe a man, enuueu 10 ireeuoru. oui'ii is me leim-
c rj- i ii c li l
to do unto others as we would they should do un
. , . " J ,,,, , u j '
to us.
liut it may be said, sucli a state ot things can
not take place. Believe it not ! Look at the signs
of the times. Why this disregard for the laws
that now exist ? Why do our Chief Magistrates
and Executives recommend a course contrary to
uic vuiiauiuwuiJ r jiy ouuuiu iiictcivijlluilLliaL
headed the Utica mob, be promoted to the office of
Attorney General, by the government
, by the government of this State?
Why have men in authority, who are sworn to
keep the peace, assisted the mobs, or looked on
with cool indifference, while anarchy and misrule
nave been doing their work ? Answer : because
our rulers are marching with rapid strides towards
the lull practice ot the above sentiment, that mo
rality has nothing to do ivith politics .'
Notwithstanding the dangerous condition of our
nation, yet there is a chance for escape. Let no
man ue promoieu 10 ouice DUl uiose 01 niuiai iuu-
ciple, and "just, ruling in Xhejear of Crorf. i here
is yei eiucacy in uie uioou 01 uib jjuhiu. xireie
IS a God who governs, and who hears prayer. Let
every christian and philanthropist unite in expos-
iuS am ia uu ymz, uuu cumpaie mc uui.ia ui
our holy religion be inculcated ; Jet unceasing
prayer be made to the throne of Grace, and by the
blessing of heaven we may say, in the name of
10 luneiu ui jiuuu iy, j. uu mr huuu
iuuu cuiue.mmuu iui uiei , anu ut-ic auuu wy jiuuu
waves be stayed.
we may oe certain, with Mr. Wesley, that "no
I 1 - TUT -wtr 1 . I
human codes, war, or any other circumstance what- the , adies of coior) as ll)0 venerable Mr. Weller
ever, can give one man that right to another, that Son;or in lhe Picsvjck papers, was, by the ' wid
he has in his sheep and oxen." Liberty is a right lers . nnd youn!? women of forty, ' after the de-
juu naa yueu w otij iuau, uu nunc
has a right to take it irom him. Although we
have practical demonstration, in the West In-
dies, that emancipation is lor the interest ol the
master, yet we may otier some lurther prool.
Slavery has a tendency to make labor appear dis
honorable, and to produce a disregard of the com
mands of God, who requires us to labor. Avast
amount of labor is thus lost, Add to this the ex
travagance of a life of idlenoss, the incompatibil
lty of slave labor with that which is voluntary,'
the inactivity of mind, (nineteen twentieths of the
patent rights being invented in the Northern
states,) and also the disadvantage, in many cases,
in having to advance a large capital, perhaps from
50 to 200,000 dollars to buy slaves and the in-
terest of this sum, .with the loss of the lives of
slaves by fevers, cholera, broken limbs and running
away, at a rate of from 400 to 1000 dollars a head,
wan otner disadvantages too numerous to be men- between whites and Indians, negroes and mulat
tioned ; and tho probability is, it would amount to toes illegal. It was opposed by Robinson of Low
a sum equal to the present income of tho south, ell, Gray of Boston, and advocated by the mover,
Besides, by emancipation they would be delivered
from the fear of beinir murdered by the slaves, and
Krom the stings of a guilty conscience, which can-
no' e estimated in dollars and Cents.
w rPSf , r
themselves. But the loic is amusintr. If the
slave submits patiently, he does not possess the
TV J ,a ,e' , ' Ule sword' as
blood, and must lose his life ! If he is free, and
attains wealth and resnectabilitv. it r.annot bp .
dured! If he sinks in desnondencv and indo-
- 1 lence bv misusaee. he is worse than a bruin. !
This lojric reminds us of the drunkard, who. re
turning late at night, calls out to his companion,
" If my wife has not got my supper ready, I'll beat
uer : u snenas got it ready, 1 11 beat Her ! II she is
in bed. I'll beat her ! If she is sittinr nn. I'll Vipm
her !" In either case, turn which wav thev mnv.
the slaves are mot without mercy.
It is said bv some that the African is the onlv
Yet they contend that slavery has existed ever
since the days of Abraham ! But what were the
sons of Ham about, from the davs of Abraham to
Columbus ? Historians and divines .m-rep. that
Egypt was peopled by the posterity of Ham;
among whom were sixty monarehs by the name
of Pharaoh, some of whom flourished in the days
of Joseph and Moses that the arts and sciences
flourished there in an eminent degree, insomuch
that it was n honor even to Moses, that " lie was
learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians." See
Woods' and Watson's Bible Dictionaries on the
word Egypt. Yet they are that inferior people
that cannot take care of themselves ! Have they
lost their genius for science and the mechanical
arts? The slave holders declare the enntrarv.
when ofierinsr them for sale : nor are thev denen-
dent on the economy of their masters, as St. Do
innifro, Antigua and Barbadoes. will show. But
if such evidence will not convince men, neither
will thev be persuaded though one should rise from
the dead. I remain your affectionate brother,
EZEKIEL GOODELL.
R s j am now on a visit ,0 fricnds ;n CoIes.
vie. The cause of abo!ition is here.
h;. jof,nfo : ,..k:,.u t .!,, t,0i,i ;
Kandolph, a few days since. The question was,
From The Amcsbury Morning Courier.
Equal Laws the I.ynn Petition.
Mr.
Editor, I have seen in several papers an
I . ,. i- i t i
' p- ' Vt A all"?nse "L r S1S1
ture, signed by Caroline Augusta Chase, of Lynn
and 785 others, praying for the repeal of all laws
which make a distinction between citizens of this
Commonwealth, on account of their complexion.
I have been especially Miiprised to see this lauda
ble and truly democratic request stigmatized by pa-
r : . i r . i i r
U 1 a . ... J " '"-"no i
mocracy, as absurd, r.d.culous, and as ,n facta
npliiinn in hivmir ni nmn imm') inn liopnuort if neL-o
a repeal of a law, which in direct violation of the
1st article of the Constitution of Massachusetts, de
clares that a marriage solemnized between persons
-r.KO! . 5 . 1 II r , ,
ui uiiiciem uuuipicAiuua js uiieriy null OC void, and
renders the offspring of such a marriage illegiti
mate. rpi , n j i- r ,i i i i
AiJJS iuw. uic uiuiiiiu uuu icut ui me uiu Slave
laws of Massachusetts, ought to have been repealed
with kindred legal abominations, long since.
As
a preventative of marriage between white and col
ored persons, it is of no avail, as the parties can
easily evade it by passing over the state line.
These marriages have always been unfrequent
even where they are sanctioned by law ; and the
effect which this unconstitutional provision can
i ., . i . i., .
h"e',,s not to prevent amalgamation buUo rivet
su l l"C ' , ' C 7 g' , "S
gal sanction and expression to a cruel and anti-
christian prejudice, which in Us numberless lorms
of persecution, creates and perpetuates that degra
dation which is imputed to the colord people as a
crime and which furnishes the readiest excuse
for the slavery of their brethren at the South. It
is a fact that a distinguished legal defender of
slnvprv in n snnthorn nprinilicnl hns nnnnnlnil to
this iaw as a nroof that, even in Massachusetts, be-
fore the free spirit of whose Constitution, slavery
unB r n . ).,rrnn hp turn tho Art n srnp .
the peopie 0f coor are stiu a proscrjbed and degra-
ded cass Tne law staucSi therefore, directly in the
.nv nf pmnncin.ntinn. Sn lnnrr ns tliP snnf'hprnprs
can point t0 it on her Statute Book, the anti-slave-
ry. testimony oi Massachusetts is shorn ol hall its
The excitement which the petition for its repeal
produced at the present time, is ridiculous in the
extreme. rt woud seem a3 if peope feared lhat
, caso the legislature listened to its prayer, they
wml ,1 ip pnmnp Pfl tn marrv tin nroscr ipc i-hss
willincr or unwilling. Unmarried ircntlemen iin-
13
;,., tu, ,i,,r Ri,nll ,p nprsorntprl nnd hp.Pt In
mise of his lielp.nato. Ladies in a state ot sin
le blessedness seem to anticipate a visitation from
ln,-p,1 nntlomnn n in-Psistllile nnd furious ns
tuat 0f tlie Romans to the Sabine women
-' Old men and beldames in the street,
Do prophecy upon it dangerously,
And he that speaks doth grasp the hearer's wrist,
And he that hears the while, gives fearful action,
With wrinkled brows, and nods, and jolting eyes.'
But if all the excitement is created by a single
petition at the present session of the Legislature,
how has it happened that the action of the Gener-
al Court itself in 1S31 hus been passed over so
lightly ? During tho session of that year, a bill
for the orderly solemnization of marriace, making-
some alterations in the old law on the subject being
before the House, Hon. Mr. Bigelow of Boston,
the present able and worthy Secretary of Stale,
moved to strike out the clause making marrigos
Brooks, and Kendall of Boston, and by Robert Ran
toul, Esq. and the question being called for, the.
clause was stricken out by a large majority. 0v-.
ing to some other clauses in the Bill which did
not meet with the approbation of the House, the
whole was rejected on the question of its final pas-,
sage.
I leave the subject with the single remark, that
the intelligent women of Lynn may well despiso
the abuse cast upon them by recreant whigs and
counterfeit democrats, while they can point to a
precedent like the one above alluded to in the Leg-. .
lslature cf Massachusetts, and while they have only
asked that the statute Book of their state may be
conformed to its Constitution.
11th 2d mo. 1S39. J. G. W.
Objctions against Abolition.
I turn to an objection that has somewhat of the
semblance of truth, but which yet is not to be trust-,
ed for its comely form. It is said that ministers
should let the subject of slavery alone, and preach
the great principles of the gospel, letting christian
ity in this unobtrusive way operal,e on the minds
of men, and gradually bring about the emancipa
tion of the slaves. Beautiful dream! Fair, but
unsubstantial vision ! How long must this indi
rect and gradual process go on before the work of
emancipation shall be done? If the past throws
any light on the future, these gradations all tread
backward. Slavery itself is the most formidable
hindrance to the progress of Christianity, and the
more time is given to that deadly foe of a moral
kingdom, the broader and deeper will be its en
trenchments. Just where slavery gets the firmest
foothold, just there will it most weaken, till it final
ly displaces a religion of good will to men. Slave
ry coils round the genius of Christianity, and if
she do not soon strangle it, with a violence of ef
fort, it will crush nnd devour her. Why take a
blind and circutitous route? There is nothing
zigzag in the path of Christianity. Her eyes look
right on, and her eyelids look straight before her.
Stealth is neither her principle nor her power.
Her work is not done in a corner. When she
speaks, she speaks to the point. When she calls
sinners to repentance, she tells them what to re
pent of. She shews to the people their transgres
sions, and to the house of Jacob their sins. She
cries aloud and spares not. When she has bro
ken the sceptre of any tyrant sin, she has grasped
it with decision; she. has wrenched it away, and
broken it with the strength of her obvious arm.
Without this decision the world had been ruined
beyond hope.
Why, sir, is the work of emancipation delayed ?
Is not slavery gaining strength every hour? Has
it not, encouraged by vague generalities, been
spreading itself, with its legions of wrongs and
miseries, by night and by day, age after age ? Doea
not its own nature, does not its whole history show
the need of strong pressure upon it? .Is there not
an earnest call to all the friends, and especially to
tho ministers of a holy religion, to proclaim the
rights of men, and denounce the crime of slavery?
And what else stops men's breath but the extreme
need of speaking out, everywhere, their boldest
thoughts ? Yes, it is the magnitude of the evil
that makes men cautious and dumb. It is the
natural impudence of slavery, become more brazen
by indulgence, that makes freedom so reluctant
and shamefaced. I repeat it, it is the enormity of
the evil that makes tongues mute that should
break forth as thunder. It is because slavery
holds so many, so widely, so entirely, and so ha
bitually iu its fierce grasp. If the crime of slave
ry were less magnificent than it is j if, instead of
being spread over thirteen States, it covered only
the State of Connecticut, or Rhode Island, or even
the ten miles sqare, now the nation's emporium of
slavery ; if the blight of this sin on manhood and
its hopes, instead of falling on two and a half mil
lions, fell on only twenty thousand of our country
men ; if slavery struck only the body, instead of
shedding mildew on the soul ; if, instead of being
hoary with age, it had sprung up but yesterday
all eyes would be bent upon it ; men would not
be called upon to circumnavigate the globe to wind
around the unsuspecting monster a thread of gos
samer ; they would snatch the weapons that lie
nigh them, even in their hearts ; they would
pierce it with a storm of arrows ; they would de
stroy it from the land with universal execration.
The next lion in our way, and which comes to
us as from the swellings of Jordan, is the Ex
citement T We are earnestly admonished to shun
it, lest it devour us. For one, I have no desire to
encounter it. I would not unnecessarily place
myself in its way; but if in the path of duty I
meet it, I am told, on the highest authority, not to
give place to it. Besides, is it not of that kind,
which, if we resist, will flee from us?
I am ware that excitement is, of itself, evidence
neither for nor against any cause. It is incident
tal to the movements of ambition and of virtue : it
may be for or against liberty. We are not to de
cide on the merits of any cause by either the ex
citement or the stillness that accompanies it. An
excitement may be the object of just censure or of
just commendation ; and a calm may be even more
fatal than a storm. We are to look at that which
is the occasion or the object of excitement, before
we determine the character of the excitement it-
soil.
The objection which we here meet, is one that
is ever met in attempting to destroy any sin that
has endured long and spread wide. We look in
vain, through the history of man, for any great
reformation which has not encountered opposition.
No purity of motive can calm it off; no seal of
Heaven can gain its respect; no measure of be
neficence is proof against its malice. Which of
tho prophets was not persecuted for righteousness'
sake ? The spotless Son of God was, fiercely
and with mortal hatred, accused of stirring up the
people and perverting the nation. The public
prosecutor, before the corrupt Felix, denounced
Paul ns n pestilent fellow, n mover of sedition, a
ringleader of the sect that was everywhere spoken
against. They who were divinely commissioned
to reinstate a fallen world, were mobbed for turn,
ing it upside down. Christianity started on her
errand of good will in a tempest of the most mat
lignant passions. From their fierce assault hard
ly was she relieved, before nir;hN--her foulest ene.
my came down upon her. After wanderinc dim.
ly mrougn agesoi da
3arknes, the day scarcely broke