The voice of freedom. [volume], March 30, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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ALLEN &, POLAND, Publishers. Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor.
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VOLUME ! MOWTPEIiIBK, VJERMOIVT, MAUCII 30, 1830. WIIMIIEK 13.
SPEECH OF UK. MOItltlS,
OF OHIO,
In Senate, February 9, 1S39.
(concluded.)
The Senator admits the Abolitionists are now
formidable ; that something must be done to pro
duce harmony. Yes, sir, do justice, and harmony
will be restored. Act impartially, that justice may
be done ; hear petitions on both sides, if they are
offered, and give righteous judgments, and your
people will be satisfied. You cannot compromise
them out of their rights, nor lull them to sleep
with fallacies in the shape of reports. You can
not conquer them by rebuke, nor deceive them by
sophistry. Remember you cannot now turn pub
lic opinion, nor can you overthrow it. You must,
and you will, abandon the high ground you have
taken, and receive petitions. The reason of the
case, the argument, and the judgment of the peo
ple, are all against you. One in this cause can
' chase a thousand,' and the voice of justice will be
heard whenever you agitate the subject. In In
diana, the right of" petition has been most nobly ad
vocated in a protest, by a member, against some
puny resolutions of the Legislature of that State to
whitewash slavery. Permit me to read a para
graph, worthy of an American freemen :
" But who would have thought, until lately, that
any would have doubted the right of petition in a
respectful manner to Congress ? Who would have
believed, that Congress had any authority to re
fuse to consider the petitions of the people ? Such
a step would overthrow the Autocrat of Russia, or
cost the Grand Seignior of Constantinople his
bead. Can it be possible, therefore, that it has
been reserved for a Republican Government, in a
land boasting of its free institutions, to set the first
precedent of this kind ? Our city councils, our
courts of justice, every department of Government,
are approached by petition, however unanswera
ble, or absurd, so that its terms are respectful.
None go away unread or unheard. The life of
every individual is a perfect illustration of the sub
ject of petitioning. Petition is the language of
want, of pain, of sorrow, of man in all his sad va
riety of woes, imploring relief, at the hand of some
power superior to himself. Petitioning is the toun
Ration of all Government, and of all administra
tions of law. Yet it has been reserved for our
Congress, seconded indirectly by the vote of this
Legislature, to question this right, hitherto sup.
nosed to be so old, so heaven-deeded, so undoubted
that our fathers did not think it necessary to place
a guaranty of it in the first draft of the b edera
Constitution. Yet this sacred right has been at
one blow, driven, destroyed, and trodden under the
feet of slavery, Ihe old bulwarks ol our r edera
and State Constitutions seem utterly to have been
forgotten, which declare, ' that freedom of speech
and the press shall not be abridged, nor the rigil
of the people peaceably to assemble and petition
for the redress of their grievances. '
These, sir, are the sentiments which make Ah
olitionists formidable, and set at naught all your
counsels for their overthrow. 1 he honorable ben
ator not only admits that Abolitionists are formid
able, but that they consist of three classes. The
friends of humanity and justice, or those actuated
by those principles, compose one class. These
form a very numerous class, and the acknowledg
ment of the Senator proves the immutable princi
ples upon which opposition to slavery rests. Men
are opposed to it from principles of humanity and
justice men are Abolitionists, he admits, on that
account W e thank the Senator for teaching us
that word : we intend to improve it. I he next
class of Abolitionists, the Senator says, are so, ap'
parently, for the purpose of advocating the right
of petition. What are we to understand from this?
That the right of petition needs advocacy ? Who
has denied this right, or who has attempted to
abridge it ? The slaveholding power, that power
wnicn avoids.open discussion, and the tree exer
cise of opinion ; it is that power alone which ren
ders the advocacy ot the right of petition necessa
ry, having seized upon all the powers of the Gov
eminent. It is fast uniting together those opposed
to its iron rule, no matter to what political party
they have heretofore belonged ; they are united
with the first class, and act from principles of hu
inanity and justice ; and if the mists and shades
of slavery were not the atmosphere in which gen
tlemen were enveloped, they would see constant
and increasing numbers of our most worthy and
intelligent citizens attaching themselves to the two
classes mentioned, and rallying under the banners
of Abolitionism, They are compelled to go there,
if the gentleman will have it so, in order to defend
and perpetuate the liberties of the country. The
hopes of the oppressed spring up afresh from this
discussion of the gentleman.
The third class the Senator says are those who,
to accomplish their ends, act without regard to
consequences. To them, all the rights of property,
of the States, of the Union, the Senator says, are
nothing. He says they aim at other objects than
those they profess emancipation in the District
of Columbia. No, says the Senator, their object
is universal emancipation, not only in the District,
but in the Territories and in the States. Their
object is to set free three millions of neirro slaves,
Who made the Senator, in his place here, the
censor of his fellow-citizens ? . Who authorized
him to charge them with other objects than those
they profess ? How long is it since the Senator
himself, on this floor, denounced slavery as an
evil ? What other inducements or objects had he
then in view ? Suppose universal emancipation
to he the object of these petitioners ; is it not a no
ble and praiseworthy object ; worthy of the Chris
tian, the philanthropist, the statesman, and the cit-
zen f But the senator says, they (the petitioners)
airn to excite one portion of the country against an
other. I deny, sir, this charge, and call for the
proof ; it is gratuitous, uncalled for, and unjust
towards my fellow-citizens. 1 his is the language
of a stricken conscience, seeking for the palliation
of its own acts bv charging crnilt upon others. It
is the language of those who, failing in argument,
endeavor to cast suspicion upon the character of i
their opponents, in order to draw public attention
from themselves. It is the language of disguise
and concealment, and not that of fair and honora
ble investigation, the object of which is truth. I
again put in a broad denial to this charge, that any
portion of these petitioners, whom I represent,
seek to excite one portion of the country against
another; and without proof, I cannot admit that
the assertion ot the honorable senator establishes
the fact. It is but opinion, and naked assertion
only. The Senator complains that the means and
views of the abolitionists are not confined to the
securing the right of petition only ; no, they resort
to other means, he affirms, to the BALLOT BOX ;
and if that fail, says the Senator, their next ap
peal will be to the bayonet. Sir, no man who is
an American in feeling and in heart, but ought to
repel this charge instantly, and without any reser
vation whatever, that if they fail at the ballot box,
they will resort to the bayonet. If such a fratraci
dal course should ever be thought of in our coun
try, it will not be by those who seek redress of
wrongs, by exercising the right of petition, but by
those only who deny that right to others, and seek
to usurp the whole power of Government. If the
ballot box fail them, the bayonet may be their ret
sort, as mobs and violence now are. Does the
Senator believe that any portion of the honest
feoinanry of the country entertain such thoughts ?
hope he does not. If thoughts of this kind exist,
they are to be found in the hearts of aspirants to
office, and their adherents, and none others. Who,
sir, is making this question a political affair ? Not
the petitioners. It was the slaveholding power
which first made this move. I have noticed for
for some time past that many of the public prints
in this city, as well as elsewhere, have been filled
with essays against abolitionistsfor exercising the
rights of freemen.
Both political parties, however, have courted
them in private and denounced them in public,
and both have equally deceived them. And who
shall dare say that an Abolitionist has no right to
carry his principles to the ballot box ? Who fears
the ballot box f The honest in heart, the lover of
our country and its institutions? No, sir! It is
feared by the tyrant ; he who usurps power, and
seizes on the liberty of others; he, for one, fears
the ballot box. Where is the slave to party in
this country, who is so lost to his own dignity, or
so corrupted by interest or power, that he does not,
or will not, carry his principles and his judgment
into the ballot'box ? Such an one ought to have
the mark of Cain in his forehead, and sent to la
bor among the negro slaves of the South. The
honorable Senator seems anxious to take under
his aire the ballot box, as he has the slave system
of the country, and direct who shall or who shall
not use it for the redress of grievances. Suppose
the power .of the Executive chair should take un
der its care the right of voting, and should pro"
scribe any portion of our citizens who should car
ry with them to the polls of election their own
opinions, creeds, and doctrines. This would at
once be a deathblow to our liberties, and the rem
edy could only be found in revolution. There can
be no excuse or pretext for revolution while the
ballot box is free. Our Government is not one of
force, but of principle ; its foundation rests on pub
lie opinion, and its hope is in the morality of the
nation. 1 he moral power of that of the ballot box
is sufficient to correct all abuses. Let me, then
proclaim here, from this high arena, to the citizens
not only of my own State, but to the country, to
all sects and parties who are entitled to the right
of suffrage, lo the ballot box : Carry with you
honestly your own sentiments respecting the wel
tare ol your country, and make them operate as
eitectuaiiy as you can, through that medium, up.
on its policy and for its prosperity. Fear not the
trowns ot power. It trembles while it denounces
you. The Senator complains that the Abolition
ists nave associated with the politics of the coun
try. So far as I am capable of judging, this charge
is not well founded ; many politicians of the coun
try have used Abolitionists as stepping stones to
mount into power; and, when there, have turned
about and traduced them. He admits that politl
cal parties are willing to unite with them any class
r J .1 . . .
oi men, in oraer to carry meir purposes. Are Ab
olitionists, then, to blame if they pursue the same
course f It seems the senator is willing that his
party should make use of even Abolitionists ; but
he is not willing that Abolitionists should use the
same party for their purpose. This seems not to
be in accordance with that equality of rights, abou
which we heard so much at the last session. A bo-
litionists have nothing to fear. If public opinion
should be for them, politicians will be around and
amongst them as thick and noisy as the lucusts of
fcgypt. Ihe senator seems to admit that, if the
Abolitionists are joined to either political party, there
is danger danger of what ? That humanity and
justice will prevail ? that the right of petition will
be secured to all equally ? and that the long-lost
and trodden African race will be restored to their
natural rights ? Would the Senator regret to see
this accomplished bv argument, persuasion, and
the force of an enlightened public opinion ? I hope
not ; and these petitioners ask the use of no other
weapons in this warfare.
These ultra-abolitionists, says the Senator, in-
voue tne power ol this Government to their aid.
And pray, sir, what should thev invoke? Have
they not the same right to approach this Govern
ment as other men ? Is the Senator of this body
authorized to deny them any privileges secured to
other citizens ? If so, let him show me the char
..... . ...
ter of his power, and I will be silent. Until he
can do this, I shall uphold, justify, and sustain
them, as 1 do other citizens. The exercise of
Eower by Congress in behalf of the slaves of this
district, the Senator seems to think, no one with
out the District has the least claim to ask for. It
is because I reside without the District, and am
called within it by the Constitution, that I object
to the existence of slavery here. I deny the gen
tleman's position, then, on this point. On this,
then, we are equal. The Senator, however, is at
war with himself, He contends, the object of the
cession by the States of Virginia and Maryland,
was to establish a Beat of Government only, and ton
give to Congress whatever power was necessary
to render the District a valuable and comfortable
situation for that purpose, and that Congress have
full power to do whatever is necessary for this
District ; and if to abolish slavery be necessary, to
attain the object, Congress have the power to
abolish slavery in the District. I am sure I quote
the gentleman substantially ; and I thank him for J
this precious confession in ii is argument: it is
what I believe, and I know it is all I feel disposed
toask. If we can, then, prove that this District is
not as comfortable and convenient a place for the
deliberations of Congress, and the comfort of ou
citizens who may visit it, while slavery exists here
as it would be without slavery, then slavery ought
to be abolished ; and I trust we shall have the diS'
tinguished Senator from Kentucky to aid us
in
this great national reformation. I take the Sen
ator at his word. I agree with him that this ough
to be such a place as he has described ; but I deny
that it is so. And upon what facts do I rest my
denial? We are a christian nation, a moral and
religious people. I speak for the free States, at
least for my own State ; and what a contrast do
the very streets of your capital daily present to the
Christinnilv nnrl mnrnlitv nf thp nntinn ' A rnf
of slaves, or at least colored persons of every hue
from the jet black African, in regular gradation
up to the almost pure Anglo Saxon color. Dur
ing the short time official duty has called me here
I have seen the really red haired, the freckled, and
the almost white negro ; and I have been aston
ished at the numbers of the mixed race, when
compared with those of full color, and I have deep
ly deplored this stain upon our national morals ;
and the words of Dr. Channmg have, thousands
of times, been impressed on my mind, that ' a slave
country reeks with licentiousness.' How comes
this amalgamation of the races ? It comes from
slavery. It is a disagreeble annoyance to persons
who come from the free States, especially to their
.1 " . 1 f 1. T. . , .
ennsuan ana moral ieenngs. it is a great hin
drance to the proper discharge of their duties while
here. Kemove slavery lrom this District, and
this evil will disappear. We argue this circum
stance alone as sufficient cause to produce that ef-
lect. But slavery presents within the District oth
er and still more appalling scenes scenes well
calculated to awaken the deepest emotions of the
human heart. Ihe slave trade exists here in all
its horrors, and unwhipped of all its crimes. In
view of the very chair which you now occupy, Mr
President, if the massy walls of this building did
not prevent it, you could see the prison, the pen,
the h 1, where human beings, when purchased
for sale, are kept, until a cargo can be procured for
transportation to a southern or foreign market ;
for I have little doubt slaves are carried to Texas
for sale, though I do not know the fact.
Sir, since Congress has been in session, a mourn
ful group of these unhappy beings, some thirty or
torty, were marching as it in derision of members
ot Congress, m view of your Capitol, chained and
manacled together, in open daylight, yes, in the
very lace ot heaven itself, to be shipped at Balti
more for a foreign market. I did not witness this
cruel transaction, but speak from what I have heard
and believe. Is this District, then, a fit place for
our deliberations, whose feelings are outraged with
impunity with transactions like this ? Suppose,
sir, that mournful and degrading spectacle was at
this moment exhibited under the windows of our
chamber, do you think the Senate could deliber
ate, could continue with that composure and at
tention which I see around me ? No, sir ; all your
powers could not preserve order for a moment.
The feelings of humanity would overcome those
of regard for the peculiar institutions of the States;
and though we would be politically and legally
bound not to interfere, we are not morally bound
to withhold our sympathy, and our execration in
witnessing such inhuman traffic. This traffic
alone, in this District, renders it an uncomfortable
and unfit place for your seat of Government. Sir,
it is but one or two years since I saw standing a
the railroad depot, as I passed from my boarding
house to this chamber, some large wagons and
teams, as if waiting for freight ; the cars had
not then arrived. I was inquired of, when I re
turned to my lodgings, by my landlady, if 1 knew
.11. r . I . I , I T ? . ,
me oojeci oi mose wagons wnicn l saw in me
morning. 1 replied, I did not; I suppose they
came and were waiting for loading. Yes, for
slaves,' said she ; ' and one of those wagons were
filled with little boys and little girls, who had been
bought up through the country, and were to be
taken to a southern market. Ah, sir,' continued
she, ' it makes my very heart ache to see them
me very recital unnerved and unfitted me for
thought or reflection on any other subject for some
time, it is scenes like this, of which ladies of mv
country and my state complained in their peti
lions, some time since, as rendering this Disirict
unpleasant, should thev wish to visit the capital of
.i .. . i i. . j.
me iiuuuii, as wives, sisiers, uaugniers, or menus
of members of Congress. Yet, sir these respect
able females were treated with contemptuous sneers;
they were compared on this floor to the fish-wo
men of Paris, who dipped their fingers in the blood
of revolutionary France. Sir, if the transaction
in slaves here, which I have mentioned, could
make such impression on the heart of a lady, a
resident of the District, one who had been used
to slaves, and was probably an owner, what would
be the feelings of ladies from free states on be
holding a like transaction f I will leave every
gentleman and every lady to answer for themselves
I am unable to describe it. Shall the capital of
your country longer exhibit scenes so revolting to
humanity, that the ladies of your country cannot
visit it without disgust ? No ; wipe off the foul
stain, and let it become a suitable and comfortable
place for the seat of Government. The Senator
as if conscious that his argument on this point had
proved too much, and of course had proved the
converse of what he wished to establish, conclu
ded this part, by saying, that if slavery is abolish
ed, the act ought to be confined to the city . alone.
We thank him for this small sprinkling of correct
opinion upon this arid Waste ot public teelmg-
iberty may yet vegetate and grow even here.
The Senator insists that the States of Virginia
and Maryland would never have ceded' this Dis
trict, if they had thought slavery would ever have
been abolished in it. This is an old story twice
told. It was never, however, thought of. until the
slave power imagined it, for its own security. Let
the States ask a retrocession of the District, and
am sure the free States will rejoice to make the
grant.
The Senator condemns the Abolitionists for de
siring that slavery should not exist in the territo
ries, even in Florida. He insists that, by the
treaty, the inhabitants of that country have the
right to rpmove their effects when they please,
and that, by this condition, they have a right to
retain their slaves as effects, independently of the
power of Congress. I am no diplomatist, sir, but
I venture to deny the conclusion of the Senator's
argument. In all our intercourse with foreign na
tions, in all our treaties in which the words 'goods,
efiects, etc. are used, slaves have never been con
sidered as included. In all cases in which slave:
are the subject matter ol controversy, they are
specially named by tlie word 'slaves ;' and, if I
remember lightly, it has been decided in Congres
that slaves are not property for which a compen
sation shall be made when taken for public use,
(or rather slaves cannot be considered as taken for
public use,) or as property by the enemy, when
they are in the service of the United States. If I
am correct, as I believe I am, in the positions I
have assumed, the gentleman can say nothing, by
this part of his argument, against Abolitionists,
for asking that slavery shall not exist in Florida.
The gentleman contends that the power to re
move slaves from one State to another, for sale,
is found in that part of the Constitution which
gives Congress the power to regulate commerce
within the states, &c. lhis argument is non se
quiter, unless the honorable Senator can first prove
that slaves are proper articles for commerce. We
say that Congress have power over slaves only as
persons. The United States can protect persons,
but cannot make them property, and they have
full power in regulating commerce, and can, in
such regulations, prohibit from its operations eve
ry thing but property ; property made so by the
laws ofnature, and not by any municipal regula
tions. The dominion of man over things, as pro
perty, was settled by his Creator when man was
first placed upon the earth. He was to subdue
the earth, and have dominion over the fish of the
sea, the fowls of the air, and over every living
thing that moveth upon the earth ; every herb
bearing seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding seed,
was given for his use. This is the foundation of
all right in property of every description. It is
for the use of man the grant is made, and of
course man cannot be included in the grant. Ev
ery municipal regulation then, of any State, or any
of its peculiar institutions, which makes man pro
perty, is a violation of this great law of nature,
and is founded in usurpation and tyranny, and is
accomplished by force, fraud, or an abuse of pow
er. It is a violation of the principles of truth and
justice, m subjecting the weaker to the stronger
man. In a christian nation, such property can
form no just ground for commercial regulations,
but ought to be strictly prohibited. I therefore
believe it is the duty of Congress, bv virtue of this
power to regulate commerce, to prohibit, at once,
slaves being used as articles ot trade.
i ne gentleman says, me constitution leit tne
subject of slavery entirely to the States. To this
position I assent ; and, as the States cannot reg'
ulate their own commerce, but the same being the
right of Congress, that body cannot make slaves
.,' 1 r , , i f
an arucie oi commerce, because slavery is telt en
ureiy 10 me states in wnicn it exists, ana slaves
within those States, according to the gentleman,
are excluded lrom the power of Congress. Cat
Congress, in regulating commerce among thesev-
eral States, authorize the transportation of arti
cles from one State and their sale in another.
which they have not power so to authorize in any
State? I cannot believe in such doctrine ; and I
now solemnly protest against the power of Con
gress to authorize the transportation to, and the
sale in, Ohio, of any negro slave whatever, or for
any possible purpose under the sun. Who is
there in Ohio, or elsewhere, that will dare deny
this position? If Ohio contains such a recreant
to her Constitution and poiicy, I hope he may
have the boldness to stand forth and avow it. il
the States in which slavery exists love it as a
household god, let them keep it there, and not call
upon us in the free States to offer incense to their
idol. We do not seek to touch it with unhallowed
hands, but with pure hands, upraised in the cause
of truth and suffering humanity.
The gentleman admits that, at the formation of
our government, it was feared that slavery might
eventually divide or distract our country ; and, as
the ballot box seems continually to haunt his
imagination, he says there is real danger of di.s-j
solution ol the Union, it Abolitionists, as is evi
dent they do, will carry their principles into the
ballot box. If not disunion in fact, at least in
feeling, in the country, which is always the pre
cursor to the clash of arms. And the gentleman
further says, we are taught by holy writ, 'that the
race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.'
The moral of the gentleman's argument is, that
truth and righteousness will prevail, though oppo
sed by power and influence ; that Abolitionists,
though few in number, are greatly to be feared
one, as I have said, may chase a thousand, and
two put ten thousand to flight; and, as the
weapons of warfare are not 'carnal, but mighty to
the pulling down ol strong holds, even slavery it'
self ; and as the ballot box is the great moral levpr
in political action, the gentleman would exclude
tlbolitionisls entirely from its use, and, for opin
ion s sake, deny them this high privilege of every
American citizen. Permit me, sir, to remind the
of another text of holy writ. 'The
wicked flee when no man pursueth, but the right
eous are bold as a lion. 1 he Senator says tlial
those who have slaves, are sometimes supposed to
be under too much alarm. Does this prove the
application of the text I have just quoted i 'Con
science sometimes makes cowards ol us all. Ihe
Senator appeals to Abolitionists, and beseeches
them to cease their efforts on the subject of slave
ry, it they wish, says ne, 'to exercise their benev
olence. ' What! Abolitionists benevolent J He
hopes they will select some object not so terrible.
Oh, sir, he is willing that they should pay tithes
of 'mint and rue,' but the weightier matters of the
aw, judgment and mercy, he would have them
entirely overlook. I ought to thank tho Senator
for introducing holy writ into this debate, and in
form him his arguments are not ihe sentiments of
Him, who, when upon earth, went about doing
good.
Ihe senator further entreats tho clergy to de
sist from their efforts in behalf of abolitionism.
Who authorized the Senator, as a politician, to
use his influence to point out to the clergy upon
what they should preach, or for what they should
pray ? Would the Senator dare exert his power
here to bind the consciences of men ? I think
not. By what rule of ethics, then, does he under
take to use his influence, from this high place of
power, in order to gain the same object, I am at a
loss lo determine. Sir, this movement of the Sen
ator is far more censurable and dangerous, as an
attempt to unite Church and State, than were the
petitions against Sunday mails, the report in op.
position to which gained for you, Mr. President,
so much applause in the country. I, sir, also ap
peal to the clergy to maintain their rights of con
science ; and if they believe slavery to be a sin,
we ought to honor and respect them for their open
denunciation of it, rather than call on them to de
sist, for, between their conscience and their God,
we have no power to interfere ; we do not wish
to make them political agents for any purpose,
But the Senator is not content to entreat the
clergy alone to desist ; he calls on his countrywo
men, to warn them, also, to cease their efforts, and
reminds them that the ink shed from the pen held
in their fair fingers when Writing their names to
Abolition petitions, may cause the shedding of
much human blood ! Sir, the language towards
this class of petitioners is very much changed of
late ; thev formerly were pronounced idlers, fa
natics, old women, und school-misses, unworthy
of respect from intelligent and respectable men.
I warned gentlemen then that they would change
their language ; the blows they aimed fell harm
less at the feet of those against whom they were
intended to injure. In this movement of my
countrywomen, I thought was plainly to be dis
covered the operations of Providence, and a sure
sign of the triumph of universal emancipation !
Ail history, both sacred and profane, both ancient
and modern, bears testimony to the efficacy of fe
male influence and power in the cause of human
liberty. From the time of the preservation, by
the hands of woman, of the great Jewish lawgiv
er, in his infantile hours, and who was preserved
for the purpose of freeing his countrymen from
Egyptian bondage, has woman been made a pow
erful agent in breaking to pieces the rod of the
oppressor. With a pure and uncontaminated
mind, her actions spring from the deepest reces
ses of the humni heart. Denounce her as you
will, you cannot deter her from duty. Pain, sick
ness, want, poverty, and even death ltsell, form no
obstacles in her onward march. Even the tender
in would dress as a martyr for the stake, as
for her bridal hour, rather than make sacrifice of
her purity and duty. The eloquence of the Sen
ate, and clash of arms, are alike powerless when
irought in opposition to the influence of pure nnd
virtuous woman. Ihe liberty of the slave seems
now to be committed to her charge, and who can
doubt her final triumph ? I do not. You cannot
fight against her, and hope for success; and well
does the Senator know this ; hence this appeal to
her feelings, to terrify her from that which she
believes to be her duty. Il is a vain attempt.
The Senator says that it was the principles of
the Constitution which carried us through the
Revolution. Surely it was ; and to use the lan
guage of another Senator from a slave state, on a
former occasion, these are the very principles on
which the Abolitionists plant themselves. It was
the principle that all men are born free and
equal, that nerved the arm of our fathers in their
contest for independence. It was for the natural
and inherent rights oi man they contended. It is
a libel upon the Constitution to say that its object
was not liberty, but slavery for millions of the niu
man race.
The Senator, well fearing that all his eloquence
and his arguments thus far are but as chaff, when
weighed in the balance against truth and justice,
seems to find consolation in the idea, and says
that which opposes the ulterior object of Abolition
ists, is that the General Government has no power
to net on the subject of slavery, and that the Con
stitution or Union would not last an hour, if the
power claimed was exercised by Congress. It is
avery, then, not liberty, that makes us one peo
ple. To dissolve slavery, is to dissolve tho Union.
by require of us to support the Constitution by
oath, if the Constitution itself is subject to the
power of slavery, and not the moral power of the
country ? Change the form of the oath which
you administer to Senators on taking their seats
here, swear them to support slavery, and, accord
ing to the logic of the gentleman, the Constitution
and the Union will both be safe. We hear almost
daily threats of dissolving the Union, and from
whence do they come ? From citizens of the free
states ? No ! from the slave states only. , Why
wish to dissolve it ? The reason is plain that a
new Government may be formed, by which we,
as a nation, may be made a slaveholding people,
No impartial observer of passing events can, in
my humble judgment, doubt the truth of this. The
Senator thinks the Abolitionists in error, if they
wish the slaveholder to free hie slat e, He asks,
why denounce him ? I cannot admit the truth or
the question ; but I might well ask the gentleman,
and the slaveholders generallly, 'why are you art
gry at me because I tell you the truth ?' It is the
light of truth which the slaveholder cannot en
dure; a plain, unvarnished tale of what slavery
is, he considers a libel upon himself. The fact is,
the slaveholder feels the leprosy of slavery upon
him. He is anxious to hide tho odious' disease
from the public eye, and the ballot-box and the
right of petition, when used against him, he feels
as sharp reproof; and being unwilling to renounce
his errors, he tries to escape from their consequent
ces, by making the world believe that he is the
persecuted, and not the persecutor. Slaveholders
have said here, during this very session, 'the fact
is, slavery will not bear examination.' It is the
Senator who denounces Abolitionists for the ex
ercise of their most unquestionable rights, vyhilo
Abolitionists condemn that only which the Senator
himself will acknowledge to.be wrong at all times
and under all circumstances, Because he admits
that if it was an original question whether slaves
should be introduced among us, but few citizens
would be found to agree to it, and none more orw
posed to it than himself, The argument is, thai
the evil of slavery is incurable ; that the attempt
to eradicate it would commence a struggle which
would exterminate one race or the other, What
a lamentable picture of our Government so often
pronounced the beet upon earth ! The seeds of
disease, which were interwoven into its first exis.
tence, have now become sq incorporated into jt