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THE VOICE OF FREEDOM.
frame, that they cannot be extracted without dis solving the whole fabric ; that we must endure the - evil without hope and without complaint. Our Tery natures must be changed before we can be brought tamely to submit to this doctrine. The pvil will be remedied ; and, to use the language of Jefferson again, 'this people will yet be free.' The Senator finds consolation, however, in the midst of this existing evil, in color and caste. The black race (says he) is the strong ground of slave ry in this country. Yes, it is color, not right and justice, tnat is to continue lorever slavery in our country. It is prejudice against color, which is rhe strong ground ol the slaveholder's hope. Is that prejudice founded in nature, or is it the effect of base and sordid interest? Let the mixed race which we see here, from black to almost perfect white, springing from white fathers, answer this question. Slavery has no just foundation in co lor; it rests exclusively upon usurpation, tyranny, oppressive fraud, and force. These were its pa rents in every age and country of the world. The Senator says, the next or greatest diflicul- ty to emancipation, is the amount of property it would take from the owners. All ideas of right and wrong are confounded in these words : email cipate property, emancipate a horse, or an ox, would not only be an unmeaning, but a ludicrous expression. To emancipate, is to set free from slavery. To emancipate, is to set free a man, not property. The Senator estimates the. number of slaves men now held in bondage at three mil lions in the United states. Js this statement made here by the same voice which was heard in this Capiiol in favor of the liberties of Greece, and for the emancipation of our South American brethren from political thraldom ? It is. And has all its fervor in favor of liberty been exhausted upon for eign countries, so as not to leave a single whisper in favor of three millions of men in our own coun try, now groaning under the most galling oppres sion the world ever saw ? No, sir. Sordid inter est rules the hour. Men are made property, and paper is made money, and the Senator, no doubt, sees in these two peculiar institutions a power which, if united, will be able to accomplish all his wishes. He informs us that some have computed the slaves to be worth the average amount of S500 each. He will estimate within bounds at $400 each. Making the amount twelve hundred millions of dollars' worth of slave property. I heard this statement, Mr. President, with emotions of the deepest feeling. By what rule of political or commercial arithmetic does the Senator calculate the amount of property in human beings? Can it be fancy or fact, that I hear such calculation, that the people of the United States own twelve! hundred millions' (double the amount of all the specie in the world) worth of property in human flesh ! And this property is owned, the gentleman informs us, by all classes of society, forming part ot all our contracts within our own country and in Europe. I should hnve been glad, sir, to have been spared the hearing of a declaration of this kind, especially from the high ?ource and the place lrom which it has emanated, hut the assertion has gone forth that we have twelve hundred mil lions of slave property at the South ; and can any man so close his understanding here as not plainly to perceive, that the power of this vast amount of property at the South is now uniting itself to the banking power of the North, in order to govern the destinies of this country ? Six hundred mil lions of banking capital is to be brought into this coalition, and the slave power and the bank power are thus to unite In order io break down the presr ent Administration. There can be no mistake, as I believe, in this matter. The aristocracy of the North, who, by the power of a corrupt banking system, and the aristocracy of the South, by the power of the slave system, both fattening upon the labor of others, are now about to unite in or der to make the reign of each perpetual. Is there an independent American to be found, who will become the recreant slave to such an unholy com bination? Is this another compromise to barter the liberties of the country for personal aggrandise ment ? 'Resistanco to tyrants is obedience to God.' The Senator further insists, 'that what the Jaw makes property is property.' This is the predi cate of the gentleman ; he has neither facts nor reason to prove it ; yet upon this alone docs he rest the whole cose, that negroes are property. I deny both the predicate and the argument. Suppose the Legislature of the Senator's own State should pass a law declaring his wife, his children, his friends, indeed, any white citizen ol Kentucky, property, and should they be sold and transferred as such, would the gentleman fold his arms and say, ' Yes, they are property, for the law has made them such' ? No, sir ; he would denounce such law with more vehemence than he now denounces abolitionists, and would deny the authority of human legislation to accomplish an object so clearly beyond its power. Human laws, I contend, cannot make human brings property, if human force can do it. If it is competent for our Legislatures to make a black man property, it is competent for them to make a white man the same ; and the same objection ex ists to the power of the people in an organic law for their own government ; they cannot make property of each other, and, in the language of the constitution of Indiana, such an act " can only originate in usurpation and tyranny." Dreadful, indeed, would be the condition of this country, if these principles should not only be carried into the ballot-box, but into the Presidential chair. The idea that abolitionists ought to pay for the slaves if they are set free, and that they ought to think of diis, is addressed to their fears, and not to their judgment. There is no principle of mor ality or justice that should require them or our citizens generally to do so. To free a slave is to take from usurpation that which it has made property and given to another, and bestow it up on the rightful owner. It is not Inking property from its true owner for public use. Men can do with their own as they please, to vary their peace if they wish, but cannot be compelled to do so. The gentleman repeats the assertion that has been repeated a thousand times : that abolitionists are retarding the emancimtion of ih slavo nr.A have thrown it back fifty or a hundred years : that wiCy jiavo increased the rigors of slavery, and caused the master to treat his slave with more severity-. Slavery, then, is to cease at some period; . ""YV"0 M abolmonists have said to the slaveholder, ' Now is the accepted 'time,' and be- ? "f n improper interference, and not having the abolitionists in his power, he in flicts his vengeance on his unoffending slave. x ne moral oi mis story-is, the slaveholder will ex ercise more cruelty, because he is desired to show mercy. I do not envy the Senator the full benefit of his argument. It is no doubt a true picture of the leelings and principles which slavery engen ders in the breast of the master. It is in perfect keeping with the threat we almost daily hear : that if petitioners do not cease their efforts in the exercise of their constitutional rights, others will dissolve the Union. These however, ought all to be esteemed idle assertions and idle threats. The Senator tells us that the consequences aris ing from the freedom of slaves, would be to re duce the wages of the white laborer. He has furnished us with neither data nor fact upon which this opinion can rest. He, however, would draw a line, on one side ol which he woultf nine the slave labor, and on the other sid free w hite labor ; and looking over the whole as a general system, both would appear on a perfec equality, I have observed, for some years past that the southern slaveholder has insisted that his laborers are, in point of integrity, morality, usefu ness, and comfort, equal to the laboring populatio oi trie Aorth. J. litis endeavoring to raise tl r .1 H i mi . . w slave, in public estimation, to an equality with th nee wane lauorer oi the iorth ; while, on th other hand, the Northern aristocrat has, in th same manner, viz: by comparison, endeavored to reduce his laborers to the moral and political con dition of the slaves of the south. It is for free white American citizens to determine whether they will permit such degrading comparisons Ion ger to exist. Already has this spirit broken forth in denunciation ot the right ol universal suf frame. Will free white laboring citizens take warning before it is too late ? The last, the great, the crying sin of abolition ists, in the eyesot the senator, is that they are opposed to colonization, and in favor of amalga' ination. It is not necessary now to enter into any ol the benefits and advantages ol colonization the Senator has pronounced it the noblest scheme ever devised by man ; he says it is powerful but harmless. I have no knowledge of any benefits resulting lrom the scheme to either race. 1 have not a doubt as to the real object intended by its founders ; it did not arise from principles of hu inanity and benevolence towards the colored race but a desire to remove the free of that race be yond the United States, in order to perpetuate and make slavery more secure, J. he Senator lur ther makes the broad charge, that abolitionists wish to enforce the unnatural system of amalga mation. We deny the fact, and call on the Sen ator lor proof. 1 he citizens ol the free State the petitioners against slavery, the abolitionists of the free States, in favor of amalgamation! JNo sir! II you want evidence ot the tact, and reason ing in support of amalgamation, you must look into the slave States ; it is there it spreads and flourishes from slave mothers, and presents all possible colors and complexions, from the jet black African, to the scarcely to be distinguished white person. Does any one need proof of this fact ? Let him take but a few turns through the streets ot your capital, and observe those whom he shall meet, and he shall be perfectly satisfied. Amalgamation indeed ! Ihc charge is made with a very bad grace on the present occasion No, sir ; it is the negro woman, it is the slave and and the contaminating influence of slavery, that is the mother of amalgamation. Does the gen tleman want facts on this subject ? Let him look at the colored race in the free States ; it is a rare occurrence there. A colony of blacks, some three or lour hundred, were settled, some hlteen or twenty years since, in the county of Brown, a few miles distant from my former residence in Ohio, and I was told by a person living near them, a country merchant with whom they dealt, when conversing with him on this very subject, he in formed me he knew of but one instance of a mu latto child being born among them for the last fif teen years ; and I venture the assertion, had this same colony been settled in a slave State, the cas es of a like kind would have been far more numer ous. I repeat again in the words of Dr. Chan ning, it is a slave country that reeks with licen tiousness of this kind, and for proof I refer to the opinions of Judge Harper, of North Corolina, in his defence of southern slavery. The Senator, as if fearing that he had made his charge too broad, and might fail in proof to sustain it, seems to stop short and make the in quiry, where is the process of amalgamation to begin ; he had heard of no instance of the kind against abolitionists ; they, (the abolitionists,) would begin it with the laboring class ; and if I understand the Senator correctly, that abolitionism, by throwing together the white and the black la borers would naturally produce this result. Sir I regret, I deplore, that such a charge should be made against the laboring class that class which tills the ground, and in obedience to the decree of their Maker, cat their bread in the sweat of their face that class, as Mr. Jefferson says, if God has a chosen people on earth, they are those who thus labor. This charge is calculated for effect, to induce the labouring class to believe that if emancipation takes place, they will be, in the free States, reduced to the same condition as the color ed laborer. The reverse of that is the truth of the case. It is the slaveholder now, he who looks upon labor as only fit for a servile race, it is him and his kindred spirits who live upon the la bor of others, endeavoring to reduce the white la borer to the condition of the slave. They do not yet claim him as property, but they would exclude him from all participation in the public affairs of the country. It is further said, that if the negroes were free, the black would rival the white laborer in the free States. I cannot believe it, while so many facts exist to prove the contrary. Negroes, like the white race, but with stronger feelings, are attached to the place of their birth, and the house of their youth ; and the climate of the south is congenial to their natures, more than that of the North. If emancipation should take place at the South, and the negro bs freed from the fear of be ing made merchandize, they would remove from the tree States of the INorth and West, immediate ly return to that country, because it is the home of their friends and fathers. Already in Ohio, as far as my knowledge extends, has free white la bor (emigrants) from foreign countries, engrossed almost entirely all situations in which male or fe male labor is found. But, sir, this plea of neces sity and convenience is the plea of tyrants. Has not the free blnck person the same right to the use of his hands as the white person ; the same right to contract and labor for what price he pleas es ? Would the gentleman extend the power of Government to the regulation of the productive in dustry of the country ? This was his former theory, but put down effectually by the public voice. Taking advantage of the prejudice against labor, the attempt is now being made to begin this same system, by first operating on the poor black laborer. For shame ! let us cease from at tempts of this kind. The Senator informs us that the question was asked fifty years ago that is now asked, can the negro be continued lorever in bondage? Yes and it will continue to be asked, in still louder and louder tones. But, says the Senator, we are yet a prosperous and happy nation. Pray, sir, in what part of your country do you find this pros penty and happiness ? In the slave States ? No no ! There all is weakness, gloom and despair while in the free States, all is light, business, and activity. What has created tne astonishing dif ference between the gentleman's State and mine between Kentucky and Ohio? Slavery, th withering curse of slavery is upon Kentucky while Ohio is free. Iventuckv, Ihe garden of th West, almost the land of promise, possessing al the natural advantages, and more than is posses ed by Ohio, is vastly behind in population and wealth. Sir, I can see from the windows of my upper chamber, in the city of Cincinnati, lands in Kentucky, which, I am told, can be purchased for from ten to fifty dollars per acre, while lands of the same quality, under the same improvements and the same distance from me in Ohio, would probably sell lrom one to hve hundred dollars per acre. I was told by a friend a tew days before left home, who had formerly resided in the county of Bourbon, Kentucky a most excellent county of lands, adjoining, I believe, the county in which the Senator resides that the white population of that county was more than tour hundred less than it was hve years since. Will the senator con tend, after a knowledge of these facts, that slavery in this country has been the cause ol our pros' perity and happiness ? No, he cannot. It is be' cause slavery has been excluded and driven from a large proportion of our country, that we are a prosperous and happy people, hut its late at tempts to force its influence and power into the free States, and deprive our citizens of their un questionable rights, has been the moving cause of all the riots, burnings and murders that have tak en place on account of abolitionism ; and it has, in some degree, even m the tree States, caused mourning, lamentation and woe. Remove slave ry, and the country, the whole country, will re cover its natural vigor, and our peace and future prosperity will be placed on a more extensive, sale and sure foundation. It is a waste of time to an swer the allegation, that the emancipation of the negro race would induce them to make war upon the white race, livery lact in the history ol eman cipation proves the reverse ; and he that will not believe these facts, has darkened his own under standing, that the light of reason can make no im pression ; he appeals to interest not to truth for information on this subject. We do not fear his errors, while we are left free to combat them. The Senator implores us to cease all commotion on this subiect. Are we to surrender au our rights and privileges, all the official stations of the country, into the hands ot the slaveholding power, without a single struggle ? Are we to cease all exertions for our own safety, and submit in quiet to the rule of this power ? Is the calm of despotism to reign over the land, and the voice of lreemen to be no more heard ? Ihis sacrifice is required of us, in order to sustain slavery. Free men, will vou make it ? Will vou shut your ears and your sympathies, and withhold from the poor, tarnished slave a morsel ol bread f Can you thus act and expect the blessings of heaven upon your country? i beseech you to consider lor yourselves. Mr. rresident, 1 have been compelled to enter into this discussion from the course pursued by the Senate on the resolution 1 submitted a lew- days since. The cry of Abolitionist has been raised against me. If those resolutions are Abo- itionism, then 1 am an abolitionist trom the sole of my feet to the crown of my head. If to maintain the rights of the States, the security of the citizen from violence and outrage, if to preserve the su premacy of the laws, if insisting on the right of petition, as a medium through which every person subject to the laws has an undoubted right to ap proach the constitutional authorities of the country, be the doctrine of abolitionists, it finds a response in every beating pulse in my veins. Neither power, nor favor, nor want, nor misery, shall de ter me from its support while the vital current con tinues to flow. Condemned at home for my op position to slavery, alone and single handed here, well may I feel tremor and emotion in bearding this lion of slavery in his very den, and upon his own ground. I should shrink, sir, at once from his fearful and unequal contest, was I not thor oughly convinced that I am sustained by the pow er of truth and the best interests of the country. I listened to the Senator from Kentucky with ndivided attention. I was disappointed, sadly isappointed. I had heard of the Senator's tact n making compromises and agreements on this oor, and though opposed in principle to all such proceedings, yet I hoped to hear something on which we could hang a hope that peace would be restored to the borders of our own States, and all future aggression upon our citizens from the slave States be prevented. Now, sir, he offers us noth- ng but unconditional submission or political death; nd not political alone, but absolute death. We ave counted the cost m this matter, and are de termined to live and die free. Let the slavehold er hug his system to his bosom in his own State, we will not go there to disturb him ; but, sir, within our own borders we claim to enjoy the same privileges. Even, sir, in this District, this ten miles square of common property and com mon right, the slave power has the assurance to come into this very Hall, and request that we es, Mr. President, that my constituents be de- led tho right of petition on the subject ol slavery n this District. The most extraordinary petition gainst the rights of others to petition on the same ubject of theirs is graciously received and order ed to be printed ; preans sung to it by the slave power ; while the petitions 1 oner, trom as hon orable, free, high-minded and patriotic American citizens as any in this District, are spit upon, and turned out of doors as an unclean thing. Genius f liberty ! how long will you sleep under this ron power of oppression ? Not content with rui ng over thpir own slaves, tbey claim the power to instruct Congress on the question of receiving petitions; and yet we are tauntingly and sneer- ngly told that we have nothing to uo wim me ex istence of slavery in the country a suggestion as absurd as it is ridiculous. We are called up on to make laws in favor of slavery in the Dis trict, but it is denied that we can make laws against and at ast the right of petition on the sub ject, by the people of the free States, is complain ed ot as an improper interterence. l leave it to the Senator to reconcile all these dirncuities, ab surdities, claims and requests of the people of this District, 1o the country at large ; and I venture the opinion that he will find as much difficulty in producing the belief that he is correct now, that he has found in obtaining the same belief that he was belore correct in his views and pontica course on the subject of banks, internal improve' ments, protective tariffs, &c. and the regulation, by acts of Congress, of the productive industry of the country, together with all the compromises and coalitions he has entered into for the attain ment of those objects. I rejoice, however, that the senator has made the display he has on this occasion. It is a powerful shake to. awaken the sleeping energies of liberty, and his voice, like a trumpet, will call from their slumbers millions of freemen to defend their rights ; and the overthrow of all his tormer grand schemes, by the same mighty power. I feel, Mr. President, as if I had wearied your patience, while I am sure my own bodily powers admonish me to close ; but I cannot do so without again reminding my constituents of the greetings that haye taken place on the consummation and ratification of the treaty, offensive and defensive; between the slaveholding and bank powers, in or der to carry on a war against the liberties of our country, and to put down the present Administra tion. Yes, there is no voice heard from New England now. Boston and Faneuil Hall are si lent as death. The free day-laborer is, in pros pect, reduced to the political, if not moral condl tion of the slaves ; an ideal line is to divide them in their labor ; yes, the same principle is to govern on both sides. fcven the farmer, too, will soon be brought into the same fold. It will be again said, with regard to the Government of the country, ' The farmer with his huge paws upon the statute book, what can he do ?' I have endeav ored to warn my fellow citizens of the present and approaching danger, but the dark cloud of slavery is belore their eyes, and prevents many ol them from seeing the condition ot things as they are. That cloud, like the cloud of summer, will soon pass away, and its thunders cease to be heard. Slavery will come to an end, and the sunshine of prosperity warm, invigorate and bless our whole country. 1 do not know, Mr. President, that my voice will ever again be heard on this floor. 1 now wil lingly, yes, gladly return to my . constituents, to the people ot my own State. 1 have spent my life amongst them, and -the greater portion of it in their service, and they have bestowed upon me their confidence in numerous instances. I feel perfectly conscious that, in the discharge of every trust they have committed to me, I have, to the best of my abilities, acted solely with a view to the general good, not suffering myself to be influ enced by any particular or private interest what ever ; and I now challenge those who think I have done otherwise, to lay their finger upon any public act of mine, and prove to the country its injustice or anti-republican tendency. That I have often erred in the selection of means to ac complish important ends, I have no doubt ; but my belief in the truth ol the doctrines ol the Dec laration of Independence, the political creed of 'resident Jefferson, remains unshaken and unsub dued, j, My greatest regret is that I have not been more zealous, and done more for the cause of in dividual and political liberty than I have done. 1 hope, on returning to my home and my friends, to join them again in rekindling the beacon-fires of liberty upon every hill in our state, until their broad glare shall enlighten every valley, and the song ot triumph will soon be heard ; for the hearts of our people are in the hands of a just and holy Being, (who cannot look upon oppression but with abhorrence,) and he can turn them whithersoever he will, as the rivers of water are turned. Iho our national sins are many and grievous, yet re pentance, like that of ancient Nineveh, may di vert from us that impending danger which seems to hang over our heads as by a single hair. That all may be safe, I conclude that the Negro will yet be Jrce. Southern Morality. Our " Northern man with Southern principles" bids fair to get some knowledge of Southern mo' rality that will be of use to him. In the lately published correspondence ol the 1 reasury Depart ment with certain defaulters in the public Land Office, in Mississippi, a compliment is paid to the morals of that region which is quite significant. A Mr. Harris had retired from ofhee with about $200,000 of the public money. A Mr. Boyd suc ceeded, who directly become a detaulter to the amount of about $60,000. Of this lellow a Mr. M. Garesche, who seems to be a government gent, writes to Mr. Secretary Woodbury : " The man seems really penitent, and I am in clined to think, in common with his friends, that he is honest, and has been led away from his duty by the example of his predecessor, and a certain LOOSENESS IN THE CODE OF MORALITY which here does not move in so limited a circle as it does with us at home. Another receiver would probably move in the footsteps of the two. You will not, lierefore, be surprised if 1 recommend his . being retained, in preference to another appointment ; for he has his hands full now, and will not be dis posed to speculate any more." Truly this "looseness ot morality" at the south does not, a3 we have often said, move in a very limited circle. I hey rob there on the large scale. Let us see. Of the laboring population under the " peculiar institution," viz: 2,400,000, we will allow one-half as inoperative. Avera- ing the labor of the remainder at the low rate of $6 per mouth we have the value of the whole for one year $S6,400,000. Now, according to the various estimates which we have seen ot the planters themselves, as well as from the nature of the case, it is not probable mat more than 1U a head is annually expended for the support of this pecies of population, r or this deduct $24,000,0UU nd we have left $62,600,000 of clear robbery or defalcation per annum, at the South. Say it was alf as much J0 years ago, and we may recuon the amount for the last 30 years throwing away the interest, to be about $1,400,000,000. This would buy up a pretty large part of the South. It would buy up all the slaves at nearly $600 a head. .'lie South had better emancipate men. ... vu, nd if th rhnnrprv nf heaven will cancel this bond, hinkjthemselves well compensated. Wlm A n.ir lionpst-hearted, hard-handed de mocracy at the North think of these things? What is likely to be got by selling ourselves to such wholesale defaulters 1 Human Rights. T ; nn means improbable, that Englund as a nation opposed to slavery, will, within a very short time, prohibit the importation of cotton from Amer ica into that country. Let this be done, and Amer ican slavery must die in her own den. Morning Star. THE VOICE OF FREEDOM. MONTPELIER, SATURDAY, MARCH 30, 1839. Notwithstanding the constant discussion of the slavery question, for the last seven years, in every arena of debate, from the school district club up to the Senate chamber of the United States, there are still among us not a few who contrive to keep themselves in profound ignorance as to the foun dation principles of the anti-slavery reformation. As it was in the primitive age of Christianity, so now men are ever learning and never coming to the knowledge of the truth. And many, who have become so far enlightened as to ' see men as trees walking,' are yet too timid to take an atti tude implying a change of views. Here is a man who has for years been identified with the scheme of colonization. He has joined in the discussions of public meetings made his speech at a popular anniversary, and almost satisfied himself that transportation to a foreign coast is the only ration al and christian method of relief or improvement of the colored race. He must have seen, that, for the last few years, the grand effort of colonization has been to array itself before the country as the antagonist of emancipation. He is well assured, too, that the entire class for whose benefit the scheme was professedly originated, are becoming m,ore and more distrustful of its aims, and beg to be saved from its transporting benevolence. But how can such a man brook the idea of confessing his error ? How can he run the moral gauntlet in sight of that long line of titled and honorable men, who have ranged themselves under the col onization banner ? Another, who would yield to no one in his ha tred of slavery, in the abstract, in the plenitude of his good will to slaveholders has taken up with that peculiar interpretation of the constitution which deeds away and forever quit-claims the heaven-descended rights of as many people as oc cupied the soil in 1776. His humanity and reli gion are unhappily under a heavy mortgage to slavery. The cry of a fellow creature can meet with no effectual response from him. His rule of faith and practice is an alleged ' compact,' by which oppression, robbery and lraud were made the great paramount interests of a free and equal peo ple. He has almost persuaded himself that slave ry is a national pet, always to be guarded with a jealous care always to be caressed with sleepless anxiety under the sheltering wing of our noble eagle. In his chatechism, the first duty of man is declared to be to fear Slavery, and love and serve him forever. Another, forgetting the world-wide distinction between a man and a thing, talks with all the vol ubility of a merchant on 'Change of the rights of property meaning, always, the rights of one class only, and that the minority. Seized of theJnsane conceit, ' that that is property which the law de clares to be property,' he can talk of entailment of slaves through a long line of ancestry, with the fluency of the wise men of Old Virginia. The antiquated notions of rights and duties drawn from the New Testament, together with the old-fashioned dogmas of Blackstone and Mansfield, are cast aside as quite unsuited to the state of advance ment in which we find ourselves in the nineteenth century. Another fancies that slavery must needs exist ' in many varieties' from the good gospel slavery of Dr. Ely, who became the legal owner of Am brose for Ambrose's good, down to that of the un christian dog of the Old Dominion who markets his own children, like poultry, by the pound whereas, the slaves of the Doctor and those of the Virginian are held by the same kind of tenure. The painful inconsistencies of which the above are specimens, will, it is believed, find a remedy only in the continued exhibition of truth to the mind of the community. Men must be put upon their consciences, and pointed back to the elemen tary principles of moral and political philosophy the supreme demands of justice and the universal equality and supremacy of natural rights. County Meeting postponed. The quarterly meeting of Washington County Anti-Slavery Society will be held at the Congre gational meetinghouse in Waterbury, on Thurs day, April 4, at 10 o'clock, A..M., not on Tuesday the 2d, as heretofore announced. The postpone ment is made for the purpose of accommodating several individuals who are expected to take part in the meeting, but who could not well attend on Tuesday. Fast Day Evening. A special meeting of the Montpelier Anti-SIave- ry Society will be held at the Free Church, on Friday Evening, April 5, commencing at 1-2 past 6. Rev. Mr. Seely, General Agent of the State Anti-Slavery Society, and others, may be expect ed to give addresses, and an invitation to attend the meeting is extended to the inhabitants of the village and vicinity generally. ET'We have received, too late for insertion this week, a lengthy but valuable article from the pen of Rev. Chester Wright, addressed " to the en- emies of American Slaveholding," i i i i The border troubles. The accounts from Maine and New'Brunswick are more and more pa cific. The Legislature of Maine has adjourned a fact of itself decidedly indicative of continued peace,