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YOIC OF TTTi 1TB TH ITS 71 r m ir H1 tin. HI j t 0 W ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers, Published untler the sanction of the Vermont Jlnti-Slavery Society. CIIAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor, VOLUME I. . MONTPELIER, VEUMOIVT, APRIL 6, 1839. JVUIBER 14. FIFTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE VERMONT ANTI SLAVE RV SOCIETV. The Executive Committee, in again presenting their Report, renew their expressions of confidence in the soundness of the cause in which they and the Society of which they are the agents, are eno-aed, considered either as a question of morality, religion, philanthropy or politics ; and their unwavering convic tion, judging from all that has transpired within the progress of the abolition effort, and especially within the last year, that the downfall of the hideous system against which our organization is arrayed is certain, and not far distant. The pledges of suc cessful advancement in the great struggle for freedom in which we are enlisted, pre furnished on every hand ; and the presages of an approaching triumph thicken on every side. It is, there fore, with cheerfulness and alacrity that the committee once more give an account of their labors for the unpitied and help less outcasts of our land, and once more cheer on all who arc co adjutors with them in such labors, to prepare themselves for more untiring and devoted ettorts tor the time to come. If our cause were faltering, it should be our pride, as it is our duty, to infuse new vigor into its operations ; but it it is advancing with an un impeded and accelerated step to the great consummation for which we all pray, that fact should, of itself, inspire us with new energies lor the work, and unite us in a closer union and mightier effort to hasten that day in which the deliverance the captive from the thraldom of the fetters and the lash, shall work out for the free a nobler emancipation an emancipation lrom intolerance, prejudice, and the debasing spirit of caste. The committee propose, in what they now have to present for .1, 13 r.l- . . . .1 r . 1 me cousiuerauon 01 uie society, 10 give, in tne nrsi place, a con cise sketch of their own labors for the past year, and, in the se cond place, to offer a few general remarks upon the state of the cause, and the duties which all abolitionists owe to it. The committee, in order to effect a more systematic effort both among themselves and the friends of abolition, have had, during the past year, regular monthly meetings, at which they have taken into consideration the necessities of the cause, and have devised such means as they deemed most effectual in meeting them In order to keep up an intercourse with the abolitionists of oth er parts of the country, and thus promote concert of action, har mony of feeling and union of effort, the committee appointed delegates to attend the anniversaries of the American and New England Anti-Slavery Societies, in both of which this society was represented. In order, also, to enlist, as far as possible, the ministers of that gospel which professes to bring peace on earth and good will to men, in the work of abolishing a system which is the nurse of discord, and hatred, and every evil passion of the human heart, and to obtain such an expression of sentiment against slavery from a large and influential denomination of christians among us as would be calculated to arrest the atten tion of slaveholding professors of religion, and lead them to re flection upon the tendencies and influences of their system, the committee appointed Rev. H. F. Leavitt and Rev. Jona. Clan- chard, delegates to the General Convention of Congregational ministers of this State, which met at Vergennes during the last summer, with instructions, if permitted to lay the cause of the slave, of humanity and freedom before that body, and obtain, if possible, a direct expression oi opinion lrom it upon the sintul ness of slaveholding, and the duty of all who practice it imme diately to repent of and renounce it. The delegates appeared before the convention and were heard ; and the convention sub sequently adopted the following resolutions : " Whereas slavery is regarded by this Convention as morally wrong, therefore "Resolved, That this Convention cannot, by any opinion or act of theirs, support or give encouragement to this evil. " Resolved, That as individuals, the members of this Conven tion are ready to do any thing politically and morally right, to accomplish tne entire removal oi slavery irom mis country. " Resolved, That it is the wish and earnest request of this Convention, that our fellow-citizens in the slaveholding states should immediately make efforts to abolish slavery ; and that as individuals we tender to them our prayers and our elhcient co operation in this benevolent work." At the last annual meeting of the state society, it was recom mended to the committee by the society, to hold four State anti slavery conventions in different sections of the State for the year to come. The committee, in accordance with that recommenda tion, called three conventions, (being all which, in the opinion of the committee, could be holden with success,) ot the character above mentioned ; one of which was holden at Chester, one at Danville, and one at St. Albans. Ihese conventions, as tne committee are informed, were well attended, and had a salutary effect in disseminating anti-slavery principles among the com munity and in arousing public attention to the importance of dis cussing the nature and tendency of slavery. A semi-annual meeting was also' holden at Montpelier, at the call of the committee, during the session of the Legislature, at which Alvan Stewart, Esq., at the request of the committee, at tended. Mr. Stewart lectured several times to large and atten tive audiences, composed to a considerable extent of the members of the legislature, and with others, a committee appointed for that purpose, appeared and were heard before a select commit tee of the legislature to whom had been referred certain anti slavery petitions. The report of the legislative committee was favorable to the prayer of the petitioners, and the legislature, with great unanimity, passed the lollowing explicit and plain spoken resolutions : " Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, That our Senators in Congress be instructed and our Representatives be requested to use their utmost efforts to prevent the annexation of Texas to the United States and to procure the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia and the territories of the United States, and the slave trade between the several states and territories of the Union. " Resolved, That the adoption by the House of Representa tives of the United States on the twenty-first of December last, of the resolution by which all "petitions, memorials and papers touching the abolition of slavery, or the buying, selling or trans ferring of slaves, In any state, district-or territory of the United States" were " laid upon the table without being debated, print ed, read or referred, was a daring infringement oi tne right oi tne people to petition, and a flagrant violation of the Constitution of the yt i o: . i i .1 r it,A HnnJ nrYrAKmnnt uniiea aiaies ; ana we uo, in me name oi we yuupo ui cuuum. nrotpst no-ninst the nnssnce of the same, or anv similar resolu tion bv the present or anv future Congress of the United States. " Resoleed, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested to present the foregoing resolutions to their respective Houses, and use their influence to carry the game into effect. " Resolved, That the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to the President of the United States and to each of our Senators and Representatives in Con gress." The committee, ayare of the importance of having a general agent for the State, have had that subject constantly before them, but have unfortunately been unable to procure the services of any one in that capacity. I wo persons nave Deen appointed, one of whom declined, and the other, Rev. Joab Seeley, has not yet entered upon the duties of his appointment. Rev. Amos Dresser and Rev. Guy Beckley have been employed by the com mittee as agents for the society for a short time each, and the committee have also appointed ten far twelve local agents in dif ferent parts of the state, several of whom have been efficient aux iliaries of the cause. In the course of the year the committee have, in addition to one thousand copies of the annual report, caused to be published several circulars to the friends ol abolition and the town an county societies also petitions and remonstrances touching sla very, the slave trade, and the right ol petition, addressed to th state legislature and to Congress, and have, also, published am distributed, gratuitously, one thousand copies of an Appeal to the females of Vermont, by a female, which the committee have rea son to believe has done essential service to the interests ol tli slave. Of the pledge of $2,000 to the parent society, directed by th committee to be made by our delegates, there has been collected and paid since the last annual meeting the sum of 2,259 60. this sum there has been paid for collecting2by the parent soci ty 171 04, leaving the sum of 17S8 56 as the amount fu nished the parent society from this state, free of expense, for the furtherance of the general interests of the cause. 1 here has a so been collected in the slate $347 34, not included in the abov making the whole amount received in the state the past yea $2606 94. Of the above sum of f 2259 60 the sum of $500 has been raised to meet the pressing necessities of the parent society upon the personal responsibility of the members ot the comm: tee, relying upon the contributions of individuals and auxiliaries to enable them to meet the payment of the sum when the ob ligation against them becomes due. After considerable difficulty and delay, the committee sue ceedod in making arrangements with C. L. Knapp, Esq. for the publication ot an anti-slavery paper in this state, to be devoted principally to the interests of the abolition cause, and to be" pub lished under the sanction and control of the committee. In ac cordance with this arrangement, " The Voice of Freedom" was issued at Montpelier early m January last, under the editorial charge of Mr. Knapp, and, if sustained by the abolitionists of the state, will continue to be published until slavery shall be no more. Ihe committee feel it both a duty and a pleasure to re commend this paoer to the patronage of all friends of the anti slavery movement, and of all who wish to become acquainted with the merits of the great question which is occupying the mind of the nation and will ere long be the absorbing topic of discussion and contest. Ihe committee have made considerable effort to carry into effect the Library system. In addition to the personal exertions oi the members ot the committee, one or two agents have been employed, lor a limited period, to form library societies and fur nish them with books. Books, to the amount of $750, have been purchashed, and such as have not been disposed of for 1 braries, remain in the Anti-Slavery depository at Vergennes ihe committee have considered it ot vital importance to the m terests of the cause, that this system should.be adopted through out the state, deeming it as among the best and most efficient means of enlightening the public mind on questions connecte with slavery and its abolition, and of enkindling and increasing the zeal ol abolitionists themselves in the work, lhey there fore recommend this branch of the anti-slavery operations, to the particular attention of the society, and the friends of abolition generally. During the past year the whole control of the cause in th State has been relinquished by the parent society, and assumed by the committee. Notwithstanding many forcible reasons which exist for the adoption of this course, it may still be doubt ed whether the general interests of the cause will be promoted oy it. ti upon a lair trial it should be found not to succeed as well as the plan of central action through the parent society, it 1, ., i o i . i V .. . win, witnout aouot, be cneeriully abandoned, it must be mam fest to all, upon the slightest reflection, that, if this system adopted generally, the pledges of the State societies must be lib eral, and must be promptly met, or the parent society will be shorn of its strength and will become entirely unable to go for ward m its operations with any systematic effort. In taking into consideration the present state of the abolition cause and the duty of its friends in relation to the means to be employed to further its advancement and success, the most prom inent topic which presents itself for discussion, is the attitude as sumed by Congress in regard to petitions relating to slavery 1 he resolutions passed by the House of .Representatives on the 11th and 12th of last December, are similar in spirit and pnn ciple, and designed to effect the same object as the resolutions of Mr. Pinckney, Mr. Hawes and Mr. Patton of previous sessions of Congress, though they evince, on the part of their framers and supporters, some slight regard to public opinion, in that they em brace reasons, justificatory of the course of their movers, which were manifestly intended to satisfy the people of the propriety of their passage. Ihat the opponents ol abolition in Longress have been brought to offer reasons for the high-handed and ar bitrary course which they have seen fit to pursue, is a great point gained, for when the principles for which abolitionists contend are brought to the test of scrutiny and discussion, then success is .at hand. And notwithstanding the resolutions in question had for their object the stifling of discussion, yet when their framers so far departed from the position of the despot as to offer reasons for their attrocious warfare upon the constitution and rights of the people, they made themselves amenable to the bar of public opinion, and when those reasons fail them on their trial before that tribunal, they drop, lrom haughty dictation, into irreprovable culprits, waiting only their sentence from the in dignant judicatory to which they have appealed. We propose to examine as hastily as possible, the positions tpken in those resolutions, lhey are as iouowsi " Resolved That this government is a government of limited powers ; and that, by the constitution of the United States, Con gress has no jurisdiction whatever over the institution of slave ry in the several states ol the conlederacy. Resolved, That petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the territories of the United States and against the removal of slaves from one state to another, are apart of a plan of operation set on foot to affect the institution of slavery in the several states, and thus indirectly to destroy that institution within their limits. Resolved, That Congress has no right to do that indirectly which it cannot do directly ; and that the agitation ot the sub ject of slavery in the District of Columbia, or the territories as a means and with the view, of disturbing or overthrowing that institution in the several states, is against the true spirit and meaning of the constitution, an infringement of the rights of the states affected, and a breach of the public faith upon which they entered into the conlederacy. Resolved, That the constitution rests upon the broad princi pie of equality among the members of this confederacy, and that congress in tne exercise ol its acknowledged powers, has no right to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the states and another, with the view of abolishing the one and promoting the other. Resolved, therefore, That all attempts on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, or the territories, or to prohibit the removal of slaves from state to state, or to dis crimate between the institutions of one portion of the confedera cy and another, with the views aforesaid, are in violation of the constitution, destructive of the fundamental nrincinles on which the union of these states rests, and beyond the jurisdiction of congress; ana mat. every peuuon, memorial, resolution, proposi tion, or paper, touching or relating in any way or to any extent whatever, to slavery as aforesaid, or to the abolition thereof, shall, on the presentation thereof, without any further action thereon, be laid upon the table without being debated, printed or referred." The first of these resolutions asserts, what are generally under stood to be truisms. It ought not to be forgotten, however, that some of the most distinguished stqtesmen of the nation, contend Difficulties,-. Dialog. Irtt1'. very good; but then that under the powers given to Congress to declare war and raise armies for the defence of the nation, Congress might, in certain contingencies, constitutionally exercise jurisdiction over slavery, there are difficulties which will forever nr t it t If, moreover, the slave trade be a part of the " institution of slave- being put in practice. preent it irom ry," as it is termed in the resolution, the position of the resolu- B. Will you be so good as to name them ? tion is manifestly unsound, for no intelligent man can doubt that A. Why, they are so numerous I hardlv U-n w V, Congress has jurisdiction of that trade under an express grant to begin, and if I began, I should hardly know Thr- m of power in the constitution. It is true that the government of end. "nere iq the United States is a government of limited powers, in so much B. Well, I will content myself with two or three that it is confined to the exercise of the powers expressly granted even one of the chief. Among them I suppose is not the to it by the constitution ; but are not many of the powers granted difficulty of convincing our fellow citizens of the goodness to it as unlimited as the powers of any government can right- of our theory, for that, it seems, has been overcome in wil fully be ? V hat limit is there, for instance, to the powers of case, and in like manner it may be overcome elsewhere the general government over the District of Columbia, except A. Not at all. Theory is a very different thing from those natural and necessary limits which restrict and govern all practice. The difficulties are practical ones, and will re. legislation ? No restriction, as to its legislation over the Dis- main, however popular the theory may become, trict of Columbia, could, in point of fact, be constitutionally placed B. I am anxious to make the acquaintance of some of upon Congress, in as much as the power over the District, giv- them. en Congress by the constitution, is to "exercise exclusive legis- A. In that case, I will introduce you to one of them so lation mail cases whatsoever." But, it being true that Congress ably dwelt on by Mr. Clay, in a speech replete with prac can exercise no power that is not expressly granted in the con- tical wisdom and sound sense. I cannot repeat his words stitution, it must follow that if Congress is prohibited by the con- but the drift of it is that the two races can never live to stitution from doing certain things, any attempt to do those things, gether on terms of equality. No practical man will ever is equally a violation of that instrument as an assumption of commit such a blunder in politics as to put the black and power not granted therein. Thus, Congress being prohibited white races on a level. The consequences are too obvious from making any law " abridging the freedom of speech or of A. May I ask what they would be ? the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and A. Why, in the first place, as Mr. Clay very forcibly re petition the government for a redress of grievances," if Congress marks, there would be " a rlesnpmte sivnn-n-l fL ; ,i;. do any act which abridges the freedom of speech or of the press ascendancy of the black race over the white race !'.' or infringes the right of petition in its fullest extent, that act is B. Will you be so kind as to inform ine how Mr. Clav equally a violation of the constitution as an assumption of juris- knows this ? ' diction, if it have none by the constitution, over the " institution A. From the nature of the case. of slavery" in the several states. This view of the subject seems B. The nature of the case I understand in ho tKIo TU entirely to have been overlooked by the supporters of the fore- weaker of the two races is now meanly robbed of every going resolutions, who in their " hot haste" to preserve invio- thing, to their bones and muscles; subjected to despotic mm me constitution, so lar as slavery is concernea, nesitated not win ; turned into mere merchandise ; compelled to work to trample with heedless heel upon other provisions of that in- without wages : kept in total ignorance: fnrWH,lr, in ,v. strumcnt of the most vital character to the interests and perpe- ercise the mind for any ennobling purpose. In short, they limy ui nee institutions. are placed under the strongest motives ihnt. mn ha The next resolution simply asserts that petitions for the abo- to struggle desperately even to cut their master's throats! ition of slavery and the slave trade, are part of a plan of opera- Mr Clay, then, knows that if these motives be taken awav' tions set on foot to abolish slavery in the states. This of itself and the weaker race be treated justly, fairly and honorably, would require no comment, but taken in connection with the pre- they will struggle desperately to gain the nscenrlnnMr IT: ceding resolution, the argument assumes this form : Congress knows that when they have every thing to fight for and will has no jurisdiction over the institution of slavery in the several not fight, but when they have nothing to fight for, they will states of the Union ; but the petitions for the abolition of slave- fight. ry and the slave trade are designed to effect the abolition of sla- A. Oh, Mr. Chiy does not mean, or at any rate I do not, very in the states therefore, for Congress to receive, act upon, that the blacks, when freed, would rise in rebellion nrJ and grant the prayer of the petitioners, would be to exercise ju- change places with the whites by brute force. But if freed, uauicuuu over me institution oi slavery in me several states ! A tne next step would be to give them equal political rights, more ferfect fallacy cannot be imagined. It is nothing more or and having these they would immediately gain the politi less than saying that, for Congress, for good reasons, to exercise cal ascendancy in the states where thev outnnmher iha powers expressly granted, on the petition of those who had form- whites. They would push their own color into office, and ed a plan to effect that over which Congress had no jurisdiction, would aspire to govern the whites. There would every would be to assume jurisdiction where it had never before. By where be a political contest between the two castes. They this stultifying process we arrive at the sage conclusion, that the would not be satisfied with mere eaualitv. exercise of a constitutional jurisdiction becomes an assumption B. I am happy to understand the difficulty more clearly, of jurisdiction, when that exercise is in accordance with the wish- It would seem to relieve us of another difficulty, 'as Pha- es of those who aim at accomplishing that over which the body raoh's lean kine ate up the fat ones, and still were lean if acting has not jurisdiction ! In this way, moreover, we have not, indeed, after the manner of the celebrated Kilkenny furnished to our hand a new rule of determining the constitu- cats viz. the difficulty that the slaves, if emancipated, Could tionality of every law passed by Congress, which is, not to resort not talce care of themselves. For a party, however n'umer to the Constitution to see whether the power to pass the law is ous, to gain the ascendancy in a political contest requires a there given, but to inquire whether those who ask. tor its pas- large number of mo ., ,, e .1 ' l?. , , , , , - , , lane laic Ul lliemsRi vpo i""- sage, or those who pass it, are governed by good, sound, consti- a good many other people to boot. Let us suppose, for in. Uitional motives! The motive of the petitioner, or the law-ma- stance, that the democratic party in New Hampshire could ker, is the test of constitutionality, and not the bringing of the not have taken care ef themselves, but had been candidates law and its provisions within the powers conferred by the Con- for the alms house thereof dropping into vagabondage. stitution ! The same fallacy runs through the third of the fore- wreck and ruin, where would have been Governor Hill, and going resolutions, which, if it has any force at all, is an asser- the famous "Patriot" man ? Why, if a majority of the tion of the doctrine that Congress cannot constitutionally exer-. people of New Hampshire had been mere emntv basrs that cise a constitutional power on the passage of a law which may could'nt stand alone, what would the Whigs of New Hamp. operate incidentally or indirectly to effect that which Congress shire have been about while Isaac Hill and a few others cannot constitutionally effect by direct legislative action ; and were filling them all so as to march up to the polls taking mm., mciciuic, vuugitoo ..aiuiui uuuiimi slavery in ine uisinci oi ior granteu mat isaac inn was iuii enougn to stand hiinsell f Columbia, although by the constitution it possesses that power, The votes of such bags, you understand, might be had for if those members who advocate and vote for its passage doit the filling. with the knowledge and wish that, in its indirect and incidental A. But you forget that there are plenty of white men effects, it may operate to extinguish slavery in the states ! To who for the sake of office would put themselves at the head what absurdities will not this species of reasoning lead, if adop- of the black partv. ted, in relation to other questions? A slight analysis will show. B. Let me warn you, my friend, not to spoil too soon The first branch of the resolution asserts the broad doctrine your side of the argument. Thjs exaltation of white rr.en that "Congress has no right to do that indirectly which it can- by black votes is dangerous both to their ascendancy and Mr not do directly." If this proposition be true in relation to one Clay's theory. Thedifliculty, you should remember, is, that power of the constitution, it is true in relation to all others. Let the blacks will not vote for the whites, but will seek at once us test it. to elevate their own race to a sunerioritv. Congress has no power by the constitution to cause the lives A. Bv whatever means thev mav strive tn nrpnmn1isli of individuals to be summarily taken without due process of their object, the testimony of so clear sighted a politician as ..... , ioouiuj ontuucu vvmi a givui ffuLiiwce oi mr viny, is enuugu tu suusiy me mat tney will QO SO, human life without process of law therefore. Congress has no B. I 'have no doubt that Mr Clav sops one thinr rlenrlw right to declare war, raise and support armies and maintain a navy! to wit, that without the votes of the slaveholders he can ney- Again, congress nas no power by (he constitution to enact er he President, but that he ha3 a distant vision of the how aws expressly to increase or lessen the value of any man's pro- and why the blacks, if clothed with equal rights, will irain perty : but to change the standard of value of the gold and sil- the ascendancy over their white fellow citizens, a freeman ver coin of the country, increases or lessens the value of what must be allowed to doubt. If a common man in the com? each man may possess therefore, Congress has no right to reg- mon concerns of life were to reason in the same way, he mate me vaiue oj money : would make himsell a candidate lor Uedlam. For instance, The unsoundness of the position might be illustrated by in- I am a rich man; my neighbor is poor: I null down hi. stances without number were it necessary, but it is too apparent, fences, turn my hogs into his garden, fence up his road to upon the slightest investigation, to require further notice. market, make him and his sons work for me, and cheat But the second branch of the resolution puts the question up- them out of their wages ; in short, I do what I can to keep on a somewhat different footing. It asserts, in substance, that him poor, and all to prevent his becoming a rich man like Congress cannot rightfully pass a law, although in the exercise myself, competing with me in the maiket and making me of its acknowledged powers, if those who ask for or enact the poor ! I vex his very life out of him", lest he should take ad law, do it with a view of accomplishing that which Congress vantage of kind and honorable treatment to become mv en- could not constitutionally effect by direct legislative action. Tins, emy ! If he were only stout enough to chastise me for my Congress has no power by the constitution to pass laws di- aggressions, I should of course think my only hope of liv- cuiy luuieiiiiig a uuumy upuu uuiucsuu uiuuuiuciuii-M, ur hi ingai peace wiin mm wouia lie m paying a strict regard to ny way directly protect them by legislation from the effects of his rights and treating him with respect and courtesy; but foreign competition, inasmuch as he is not stout enough, I will mal-treat him, But Congress has power to levy and collect duties and im- lest good treatment should induce him to do, what it would posts upon foreign merchandize ; and the tariff law of 1S23, lay- probably prevent his doing if he were stout enough ! ing very high duties on foreign fabrics imported into this coun- A, You forget that wide distinction which God has made try, was advocated and passed with a view to afford the manu- between the races. I acknowledge ypur reasoning might facturers of this country protection from foivign competition : hold true between parties of the same color. I have not yet Therefore, Congress had no constitutional right to pass the to learn ihnt " honesty is the best policy" between neighbors tariff law of 1S2S ! of the same complexion. But I do not believe it is in tha This was the reasoning of ihe Nullifies of 1832. With power of kindness and good treatment to obliberate the nreiu- them the motive which governed the advocates of that law, and dice of color, which is, in fact, as strong on their part as ours, the view with which it was passed, decided the o-iestion of its B. Well, then, ehall we not console ourselves in our safer constitutionality, instead of the provisions of the law compared ty fronvainnlgamation, another of Mr. Clay's difficulties ? with those of the constitution. But what was the reply of Pres- Surely we ought not to be saddled with two such diflicul ident Jackson to the doctrine, in his celebrated proclamation on ties as too much enmity and too much love, at once. And the subject of nullification, which was applauded and supported are we not also rid of another difficulty, that the blacks are by many of those who vote4 far the passage of the resolutions an inferior race? So far from that, it seems they ask poth- nder consideration, liis reply was : ing but the chains off, and, all galled, whip-marked, and " Its (the tariff law) constitutionality is drawn in question from wind-broken ns lhey are, and but one to our five in numr the motives of those who passed it. tlowever apparent thie pur' bers they will enter the political arena with us and ask nq pose may be in the present ca?e, nothing can be more dangerous favors. Aye, southern chivalry confesses, and southern than to admit the position that an unconstitutional wvrpote f?- eagle-eyed statesmanship declares that THEY WILL tertained by the members who assent to a law enacted under a BE.AT ! So, my dear friend, the glory of our striped bunt; constitutional power, shall make the law void. Who is to make ing, with the picture of Uncle barn's pot hawk clawing ht the scrutiny? Uowoften may bad purposes be imputed in how avelnsand pecking at the stars, amounts to this, thatp.- many cases concealed by false professions ,in how many is no twehe millions, with all the forts and ennppn. Bn) s-hips of declaration of motive made ? Admit this doctrine and v'ou give war, and powdcrnnd ball, and discir-les and rnoncy apd know- to the states an uncontrolled right to decide, and every law may ledge, and nil the printing presses but one or two, in our be annuled under the protest." ( Continued next weffc.) possession, can keep under thrcr- mitl'wts q urgrmis that is.