The voice of freedom. [volume], April 06, 1839, Image 2

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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THE VOICE OF FREEDOM.
wp mn An it. nlivsicaHv. as a bull-dog can hold a
Knll ..lion ha fnli-lv rrpts aoritton his nose but
once let nn. and the physical superiority becomes
doubtful, while the moral superiority is a gone
case ! 0 for lamp-black enough to transform the
whn e ol I lis naiiou imuauiircunB '' .
Excu?it.
Mass. Abolitionist.
The Tower Question.
In the Greek case no body discovered that we
could render no aid to the side of liberty, because
. we were not Turks. Those who could do no more
elanned Henry Clay's speech heartily, on the priii
ciola that even wind is matter and every little helps.
But, in the American Slave case, the Robbies
have discovered that northern people, millions
upon millions, enough to tie the slaveholders nil up
in one sack, and loss them into Svintnes' hole, have
no manner of responsibility for the existence of
Slavery, nor power for its abolition ! What do they
mean? Do thev mean we have'nt the physica
the blanket-tossing power ? Probably not. They
mean, rather, that we have, legally and constitution
ally, no tongue and type power none of that pow
er which sets all other powers a going; which per
suades men to wish to do many things, and to do
some things which they do not ivisti. but there are
two failings in the discovery of the great Doctor
bodies.
1. Grant it true, that we have no moral power,
and it is only the worse for the slaveholder. I here
is svmvalhii getting up among us like steam. It
must have vent. If it cannot fret at the slavehold
ers through the wjoraZchannel, they must look to it
that it do not, some day or other, come down upon
them in the physical.
2. The very power which they tell us we have
not, is now at work through the appointed consti
tutioriial grooves and it is too late to stop it. On
this subject we must quote the eloquent Herald of
i'reedom, (ve'rsus Dr. Yvayland,) to which we
counsel all loeak abolitionists occasionally to resort
for a dose of cayene and quinine. We will say
that we need not get a vote from congress against
slavery in order to its abolition, there and every
where. Congress? what is it? The mere dregs
and precipitations ; the settlings ahd sediments of
the nation. It is as soulless as a corporation. It
has no soul, no mind, no principle, no opinion.
It is an echo, and that not always a true one. It
is a mere catastrophe an upshot. It will only
mutter the word abolition, after it has become an
old ttory through the country. We have struck
slavery its death blow already. We need not con
tend with the Dr. abot power. ' One thing you
have done,' said an eminent Judge to us, ' you have
driven the South to come out and declare directly
in favour of slavery. Heretofore, they have pre
tended to lament it, as an evil. Now they declare
it is a blessing, and a righteous institution.' Have
wa not, said we, driven them to join the issue, be
fore the world, in favor of slaveholding? 'You
have,' said the Judge. Must they not maintain it
before the world, said we, to save the institution
from going down? 'They must,' he replied.
Can they maintain it ? said we. ' No', said he,
and vet the Judge is not an abolitionist."
We need not contend with this Wayland and
wayward President, for the power as citizens or as
men, to beat down southern slaveholding We
have exercized the power already, and the South
knows it. We have waked the nation to discuss
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM.
MONTrELIER, SATURDAY, APRIL 0, 1839.
Rev. Chester Wright's Address.
The following spirit-stirring appeal to the en
emies of American Slaveholding was offered for
They not only feel distress for the present miser
ies of three millions of slaves, but, like Jefferson,
they tremble for their country when they remem
ber that God is just, and that his justice cannot
sleep forever. They have combined, and are com
Lining their influences, not to urge Congress to
violate the constitution in support of freedom, but
to persuade them not to violate it by enactments
tl ..nlm-nm nf Thi CnJM.fiii.ran.. inc. editor r(
in support oi slavery, ana not to disregard its
spirit by refusing to do what it authorizes them to
that journal having declined its publication, on ac
count of the severity with which it assails Mr.
Clay, the author has committed it to our disposal.
demprits nf thp ftvstnm nnrl fhp ntiostioil Of me
negro man s humanity, and they are discussing
it, and amid the Hash and fervor ol the agitation
tne loui system dies, it can no more endure it
than owls can noon, or bats sunshine, or ghosts
day-break. While Wayland is groneing about in
his metaphysics to get hold of some puzzle to em-
oarrass us about the power, we will have'exercised
it to trie lull, and cleared the land ol slavery
Then where will the Doctor find a market for his
"limitations?" Slavery is a dead man already
unless orator Rhett, and professor Dew, and
colonel ! Mc Dufiie, and general Hamilton, and
doctor this, that and the other one, can man tain
the precious creature in the argument, and get the
verdict ot an enlightned and purged Christianity
in its favor. To this conclusion it has already
come. The question is stated the issue joined
the pleadings closed all demurring and abateing
nnd delaying past by. And now for the trial.
Now slavery, hold thy own. The Doctor's ques
tion of our having the power comes too late. Hu
nan Rights.
Another Slave State Ahead. Florida has al
ready petitioned Congress for admission as the
twenty seventh State of the Union, and will, it is
expected, be admitted at the next session, and thus
add two more pro-slavery members to the Senate.
The Convention now in session, says a New-York
paper, is making progress, though slowly, in the
formation of a State Constitution. At the last dates
from St. Josephs, they had done little more than
parcel out the several divisions of the subject a
mong committees and receive reports from some
of them. On the subject of " domestic slavery," a
committee of the convention recommend that the leg
islature be prohibited by the constitution from pas
sing any laws for the emancipation of slaves.
They are to have the power of prohibiting the in
troduction of slaves as merchandize or criminals
from other States ; but not to prevent any emigrant
from bringing in his own slaves. For all offences
of higher grade than petit larceny, slaves shall
have trial by jury. JNegroes and mulattoes
are to be excluded from the State.
do for the extension of freedom. They have corn
bined, not to destroy their country, but to save it
To the Enemies ot American Maveiioiamg: not to dissolve the Union, but to preserve it; not
Brethren, We are fallen on eventful times, to drench their country in blood, but to deliver it
The cause of Universal Freedom in which we are from all fear of such a catastrophe ; not to bring
engaged, is advancing with a rapidity not only about amalgamation, as Mr. Clay, without the
cheering but astonishing. And if any one event shadow of reason, afiirms. They have not, as
can be named,' calculated to give to this cause a Mr. Clay admits they have not, and even re-
new and more powenul nilluence man it has yet proaclies them that they nave not, set the exam-
received, it is the pro-slavery speech which the pie. They wish rather to stop amalgamation
great Mr. Clay lately delivered in the U. States' Mr. Clay asks, who is to begin it ? Did he think
Senate chamber. How lately was the doctrine us such fools as not to know that it was begun at
proclaimed in the halls of Congress, that the com- the south before he was born, and has been car
mencement of debate on this subject would be the ried on to such an extent between white masters
signal for the dissolution of the Union ? Touch and black slaves, that a large proportion of the CO'
this subject, said, in substance, the wise men of lored population is yellow? " Who is to begin
the South, open debate in these hnlls on the it ?" Ask the Vice President of the United States,
subject of slanery, and our work is done. We who is to begin it ? Abolitionists would protect
quit these seats in a moment. We go nome to the black populaton in the enjoyment of matnmo
our constituents, and tell them the splendid nial connexions among themselves, in all that pu
fabric of our government is overthrown, fhe bar- rity which is the bond, which is the well-spring
riers of the Constitution are broken down. The of social happiness, but into which slaveholding
Union is dissolved, and we must provide a gov- infuses a deadly poison.
ernnient for ourselves. And now what do we be- Mr. Clay complains of our exaggerated exhibi
hold ? The great champion, the very Goliath of tions of the horrors of slavery, and our publishing
Southern institutions, opening the grand debate advertisements of runaways, and of negroes for
on this very subject on the floor of the Senate, sale? and says the slaveholder is held up as the
which, to his immortal honor, and that of the most atrocious of human beings. He also ask
Green Mountain State, William Slade had the if the affair of the liberation of six thousand negro
preeminent privilege of opening in the House slaves in the District of Columbia is of sufficient
of Representatives during the last year's session, magnitude to agitate, distract and embitter this
Yes! we hear Henry Clay open the debate on the great comfederacy? As to exaggerations. Let
very subject of Mr. Slade's resolution, the aboli- Mr. Clay himself declare if any representations
tion of slavery in the District of Columbia, and of slavery he has seen, give a worse or deeper im
declaring his belief that it ought to have been pression of its evils than he would realize if his
i -
opened before. True, he comes out on the wrong own children, with their posterity forever, were
side: but no matter. Discussion is what we consigned to such slavery as he believes to exist
want. L,et falsehood gird up her loins, and buck- under the worst class of slaveho ders in the south
-
e on her armor, and grapple with truth. We say the worst twentieth part of all the slave
fear not the result. We have reason to rejoice, owners' overseers and drivers in the U. S. ? As
too, that this grand debate, which we trust in God to southern advertisements of runaways and ne
will never be closed till the last fetter is knocked groes for sale, he will admit that thev sneak the
. -j
from the American slave, was opened in the grand- truth ; but he may well dislike their being pub
est council on the globe, by the giant of that body, lished at the north, for nothing is better calculated
For what has this giant produced ? What has he to bring upon slaveholding, if not on slaveholders
put forth to his country and the world against the the abhorrence of the whole civilized world. Ou
abolition of slaveholding? An intelligent school- whole country shares in the disorace. and we
boy, among the abolitionists of the Green Moun- would -not publish them, did we not hope to make
grUi tlcpnco of V mighty speech, our southern brethren ashamed of practices so ab-
of which Mr. Clay himself, should he fight no horrent to humanity. And as to the small atlair
more duels, may live to be most heartily asha- of six thousand slaves, we admit that it is smal
med. compared with three millions : but we have ppvpr
.
Mr. Clay thinks there is no substantial differ- thought, whatever Mr. Clay may think, that the
ence between the manner in which the anti-slave- slavery of a single individual was in itself a small
ry petitions have been treated by Congress, and affair, or that his restoration to freedom was an
receiving and referring them, and reporting against unworthy object. Nor do we believe Mr. Clay
their object. Docs he suppose this could have would think so, if that slave were his own child
been done without debate ? Does he suppose that the son or daughter of his own wife, and she of
a report against the petitions could have been vo- pure Saxon blood. But Mr. Clay knows that the
ted by a committee, and read, and voted through SIX thousand, not like the three millions, are held
both houses of Congress, without a hearing of the jn slavery by the laws of Congress, and this is
reasons pro and con? And does he know that what makes their slavery so eminently grievous
such a hearing would produce no effect in favor to us. And we know, too, (maugre the miserable
of the petitions, or no effect towards satisfying any sophistry of this famous speech,) that Congress
.: ' -i .1 it., .1 . : , . . ., . . . , , .
jioruoii oi vats pemiuners mm mey an. m euui t nave power to set mem iree. Anu, although, as
Mr. Clay's war is chiefly with what he calls Mr. Clay says, .we publish to the world that we
the ultra abolitionists. He says, they promulgate go for the freedom of the three millions, and (not
to the. world their purpose to be, to manumit forth- as he says) use no masked batterries, we think,
n-llU oil tllrt cl.lf fiO J ttlrt TT G . nA vn, U a i,knl. I J 1. 1 r .1 1 a
...... uu me u,i9 ui mi, , uiiu jcv iic wiui- ueerjiy concerned as we are lor the honor ol our
ges them with concealment of their purpose, country, that the emancipation of the six thousand
with using their efforts against slaveholding m would be a good beginning. .We think, too, that
the District of Columbia, and in Honda, and a- ten years will not elapse before it will be done,
gainst the removal of the slaves from one state to and done with the concurring votes of southern
another, as mashed latteries, concealing the real members
Can he put that and that to-
Mr. Clay complains of our carrying this subject
to the ballot box. No wonder he is alarmed at
this ; for the ballot box is a mighty engine in the
The Nature of the Case. Only reflect for a
moment, on the absurdity of supposing that Amer
ican slaves, remaining such, will ever be permitted
to enjoy religious instruction. A " chattel person
al," an heir of immortality ! The appendage of
bis master, a brother in Christ Jesus ! A Chris
tian disciple bought and sold by Christian disciples !
A being taught to exercise his free moral agency,
whose free moral agency is by his teacher, denied !
His conscience enlightened, that he may be " en
tirely subject to the will of his master" ! Instructed
in the Bible, and thus taught by his oppressor that
God hates oppression ! Denied equality with man,
and yet exhorted to aspire after the condition of
nngels ! Classed with the brutes, and yet remind
cu that the uod ol Heaven is n is lather: the
man must be stupid indeed that could think of
reconciling slavery with the thorough religious
culture of the slaves. Slaveholders, as a body, are
too intelligent to harbour any intention of mak
ing any such experiment.
A . S, Lecturer.
Riots. The Commissioners of thr County of
x uimueipma paid me aneriu lor expenses incur
red in preserving the public peace in May and
June last, 2,023.
point of attack.
gether ?
To all he says of the recklessness of the aboli
tionists, their disregard of the rights of property, cause of freedom. But Mr. Clay surely should
their overlooking the difference between the pow- not wonder at us, for it cannot have escaped the
ers of our government and those of the British observation of so snirncinus n nolitir.ian thnt. whpn
Parliament over slavery, their willingness to dis- freemen are engaged in bringing a moral influ-
solve the Union, to deluge their country in blood, ence to bear on the community in favor of an ob
Set:., &c, it 13 sufficient to reply again, as they Meet which must be accomplished (if at all) by le
have often replied to those and similar charges, as gislative action, they will, if consistent, vote for
Mr. Clay ought to know, and must know if he men who are in favor of such legislative action.
has read the southern correspondence, that theab- Now the congressional legislative action called for
olitionists are not reckless. They know the dif- by abolitionists, is, in their view, of no small im-
ficulties of their enterprise. They have surveyed portance to the great cause in which they have
the evil they have undertaken to overthrow in its embarked. If Mr. Clay does not know it, he is
length and breadth. They understand well how not well schooled in the tactics of his brethren ; for
far it is fortified by the constitution and laws of southern members of Congress have told us that
tne country and of the states. They ask nothing abolition in the District was the entering wedge
of Congress which that body is not clearly author- that would rive the whole system: that slavery
ized to do by the constitution. They do indeed throughout the entire south, must follow the for
claim for the slaves immediate and universal eman- tunes of slavery in the District. We, nt least,
cipation ; but they know very well that this must hope it will prove so ; and Mr. Clay, and the coun-
bo etiected, in the slaveholding states, by the in- try, and the world, may rest assured that, as we
fluence of public opinion in those states, producing believe it to be the constitutional right and the re
state legislative enactments to that effect, and cor- ligious duty of Congress to establish universal lib
respondent action on the part of the slaveholders, erty in all places where they have exclusive legis
They understand the limits of congressional pow- lative jurisdiction, we shall not cease to petition
ers. They ask not Congress to step beyond them, them to do so till our prayer be granted, or our
They seek the perpetual peace, the perpetual lips sealed and our hands palsied in the stillness of
union, the perpetual happiness of these United death. Nor shall we cease to vote at the ballot
States. But they know these desirable objects box for such men as we believe will, to the extent
cannot be secured in connexion with the perpetu- of their constitutional powers, aid in the accom-
ity of the most enormous system of oppression. plishincnt of our object.
Mr. Clay labors hard, as well he might, for the
task is hard, to make it appear that Congress have
no right to abolish slavery in the District. It
seems like trifling to examine his arguments ; but
as some weak minds may possibly be troubled
with them, it may be well to bestow on them a
moment's attention. He says the object of the
cession was to establish a seat of government of
the United States ; and the grant in the Constitu
tion of exclusive legislation, must be understood,
and should always be interpreted as having rela
tion to the object of the cession. And ho consid
ers two duties incumbent on Congress : one to ren
der the District comfortable and convenient as a
seat of government ; and the other, so to govern
the people within the District as best to promote
their happiness and prosperity.
Now from these premises, the mind of any man,
not poisoned with the spiritof slaveholding, would
draw conclusions exactly the opposite of what Mr.
Clay has drawn.
Ought the District to be rendered comfortable
as aseat of government of the whole union ? Then
all the inhabitants should be free. For a slave
holding District governed by Congress is very un
comfortable to all those members of Congress who
are true friends of universalliberty. All the mem
bers from the free States, who are not men of
southern principles, view the existence of slavery
under the jurisdiction of Congress with an utter
loathing. They are pained at the sight. They
are ashamed to hear the remarks of Foreign min
isters and other gentlemen of distinction from
abroad on this disgusting feature in the metropolis
of this boasted land of liberty. The sight of men,
women and children, chained, handcuffed, and
driven by the doors of the capitol of the United
States, a sight often beheld, is to those members
nsufl'erably disgusting and horrible. To be ac
costed as they walk the street, as was once an hon
orable member from this state, with the question,
Do you wish to buy a breeding slave ? followed
by an enumeration of her good properties, and
the excellency of her stock, in the style of a New
England horse-jockey, is an annoyance to the Rep
resentatives of freemen, more intolerable than heaps
of offal at every corner of the streets. Never can
the present seat of Government be at all comfortable,
till slavery is abolished there, Mr. Clay's asser
tion to contrary notwithstanding. But, says this i
champion of southern institutions, slavery exists
here in its most mitigated form. And what then ?
So much more dreadful is the idea to the slaves
of being sold for the southern market : an evil to
which they are always exposed, and of which
many, every year, are the agonized victims. And
we learn from Mr. Clay himself, that the right of
so disposing of thern is inseparable from the right
of property in them. Again, ought Congress so
to govern the people within the District as best to
promote their happiness and prosperity? Then
they ought to give them all the enjoyment of free
dom, and equal rights. If Mr. Clay had not over
looked the six thousand slaves, when he spoke of
Congress best promoting the happiness and pros
perity of the people of the District, had he regarded
these slaves as a part of the people and having as
good a claim on Congress for the security of their
happiness and prosperity as the other part, he could
not have made out his conclusion that the abolition
of slavery was not demanded in order best to pro
mote the happiness of the people. Jrlis assertion
that beyond the limits of Washington city, per
sons concerned in the uovemment ol the U. ts
have no more to do with the inhabitants of the
District than they have with the inhabitants of
the adjacent counties of the neighboring states,
will be duly appreciated by any person who reflects
that Congress is responsible for their welfare so
far as a just and wise system of legislation can
avail to promote it.
Mr. Clay contends that Virginia and Maryland
could not have anticipated the abolition of slavery
in the District, by Congress, and would not have
made the cession if they had ; and therefore, such
action would be a violation of implied faith. But
they might have anticipated this. It was a rea
sonable anticipation. They ought to hare antici
pated it. They ought to have expected, and it is
reasonable to believe they did expect, that Congress
would abolish slavery there. Nothing could be
a more reasonable expectation, than that the gov
ernment of a great and free people would refuse
to sanction by its own legislation a system of op
pression a thousand times more grievous than that
from which all the sacrifices of blood and treasure
of an eight years' war had been made to deliver
their country. Those states ought to have be-
ieved and so ought the whole Union to have be-
ieved, that it was the indispensable duty, for it
ivas the indispensable duty, of Congress invested
with the power of exclusive legislative jurisdic
tion over the ten miles square, the consecrated
sanctuary of American Liberty, to establish over
ts inhabitants a government just, wise, liberal, ex
tending equal rights to all a government which
in its principles and general outlines should be
a worthy model for the imitation of all the Estate
Legislatures, and for all nations under Heaven.
As to the compromise, of which Mr. Clay speaks,
as an imposing obstable to the abolition of slavery
n Florida, it is sufficient to say that that comprom
ise was regarded by the Northern members as a
mere pretence, and if it had any influence at all in
the decision of the question, it only influenced a
member barely sufficient to turn the scale, and that
the wounds of which Mr. C. speaks as bound up
and healed by that compromise so far as they ex
isted at the North, have never been healed to this
day. And they bleed afresh whenever the eye
is turned to Missouri. Northern freemen grieve
to see the accursed system of holding and using
men as cattle extending over that noble tract in
cluded within the limits of Missouri, a fairer and
more fertile spot than which is not to be found on
this whole continent, in -which if this system con
tinues unchecked in its career, uncounted mil
lions of slaves are to be born and bred and worked
like oxen and horses, till death shall deliver them
from their bondage. As to the compromise, a
Northern member nt the time the Missouri ques
.ion was settled declared, that instead of comprom
ise the admission of Missouri with her slavehold
ing constitution was effected by sheer manage
ment, and remarked, "Thus judgment springeth,
up as hemlock in the furrows of the field."
Mr. Clay virtually admits that weighty reasons
might justify a departure from what he considers
the compromise so far as Florida is concerned.
Let weighty reasons then decide the case. Con
gress has need to free itself and the country from
the inconsistency, the hypocrisy, the cruelty, and
the aggravated and heaven-daring guilt of uphold-
ng, by its own legislative acts, the most attrocious-
and abominable system of oppression. We claim.!
to be a free nation. We claim to be the assertersy
the advocates, the defenders of the rights of man..
We, the people of the United States, claim before
the world, and before High Heaven, to have or
dained and established a constitution in order Xo
establish justice, and secure the blessings of liber
ty to ourselves and our posterity. These are the
most weighty reasons, why we the people of the
U. States, in our national acts, should cease to falsi
fy these claims. One word on Mr. Clay's argu
ment against the power of Congress to prohibit the
internal slave trade. The grant in the constitution
is a power of regulation and not prohibition. Just
look at the constitution, Art. I. Sec. 8. " The Con
gress shall have power 3. To regulate com
merce with foreign nations, and among the sever
al states, and with the Indian tribes." Mr. Clay
argues that this right to regulate does not author
ize prohibition. Does that great statesman in?
tend to make his country believe that the power
to regulate commerce with foreign nations confer
no right to prohibit a single article of commerce ?
Does he maintain that a law of Congress forbidding
the sale of rum to the Indians is unconstitutional?"
Would he 'have us believe that Congress has nev
er prohibited even for a day the traffic in a single
article of commerce with any foreign nation, or
with any Indian tribe ? If the power to regulate
gives no power to prohibit any article of commerce,
by what authority did Congress prohibit the im
portation of elaves from foreign countries under
penalty of death? And why did the constitution
forbid their doing it until the year 180S, if its
framers supposed they were giving Congress no
power to prohibit the importation of any article
whatever? Alas! for the Statesmanship of Hen
ry Clay! This great opposer of abolitionism com
plains of unneighborly conduct on our part, (he
does not accuse us of seizing southerners when;
they come among us, and dispensing with the fornis
of law, trying them by committees and sentencing'
therr. to the infamous punishment of the whip or
the gallows,) and he asks " What would be tho't
of the formation of societies in the slave states, the
issue of violent and inflammatory tracts, and the
deputation of missionaries pouring out impassion
ed denunciations against institutions under the ex
clusive control of the free slates ?" Be this our
answer, and let the whole South hear ! If we
have institutions in the free states, which you think
to be oppressive, cruel and wicked, tell us so
Put forth against them all your powers of argu
ment and persuasion. Write with all the vehe
mence you can muster. Paint those institutions
in colors as black as your own negroes. Take ex
ample from us. Use the most inflammatory lan
guage you can find in any anti-slavery book, or
pamphlet, or paper, and hurl it at us, with might
and main. Form societies, and rouse up if you
can your whole population. Get them all embodied
in societies for exerting a moral and within consti
tutional limits, a political influence against these
wicked institutions. Raise money, employ lectur
ers, purchase presses, issue millions of papers and
tracts, send them by mail into every nookj and
corner of the free states. We will gladly pay the
postage. We will not burn them. We will read
r word. We will' weigh every argument.
Send hundreds of missionaries here among us to
, . "nr ...til v.t linnrr ttiorrt VXfrt ...Ml
address us. o w,u nut huhq nicim c mn
not set n price on the head of your President even.
We will welcome him to our hospitalties (inferior
to yours when you receive your friends we acknow
ledge.) Our halls, our school-houses, and our
churches shall all be open to your missionaries.
We will listen to their strong reasons. We will
open wide our ears to the thunder of their elo
quence. And H you convince us we will reiorm,
and if not convinced, we will candidly tell you
why. We are friends of free discussion j and
should you happen to be on the wrong side, we
will rernember what one of your own statesmen
has taught, how safely error may be allowed to
circulate, where reason is left free to combat it.
And whether convinced of the wickedness of our
institutions or not, we will, for all your zealous
and faithful labors, tender you our hearty thanks !
Remainder nfrt week.