Newspaper Page Text
TIIK VOICE OF FREEDOM. a rule to either white or Mack. In conclusion the certificate was refused, and the man discharged. This was received with loud demonstrations of joy by the audience the man clasped his wife and children, and they embraced him. The wife in her ecstacy of joy cried out ' Give God the glo rir rrive God llie glory.' The hearts and conn tenances spake one languasre, ' the dead is alive again, the lost is found.' He was borne away in triumph by his brethren, amid the greetings and pratelul feelings of hundreds, to the chagrin of the despicable-Albert!, the slave-catcher and his asso ciates.. Thy friend, JAMES MOTT. Profound Distinction. We opine that the slaveholders will deem them selves greatly indebted to the author of the follow' ing elaborate discription to prove that slaveholding is different from stealing. The writer has not made himself as well known as he ought to the reading world, but now occupies, temporarily, but with ram" merit, the Kditnrial chair of the Penn sylvania Freeman, during the temporary respite from labor of J. G. Whiltier. The knowledge which friend ' E.' has of legal and political sci ence, and his singular accuracy of discrimination, and clearness and correctness of language, render it his imperative duty to employ his pen freely in the elucidation of the various delicate and funda mental principles which the Anti-Slavery Reform is bringing forward for final settlement. IS SLAVE HOLDING STEALING ? It is said that some individuals, opposed to slaveholding have declared it to be stealing, and that some of our southern brethren have complain ed of this, as an act of injustice. We, therefore, propose briefly to examine the accuracy of thus denominating the offence. Stealing is the taking of the goods of another in a secret or furtive man ner. There is nothing of this manner in slave holding, for it goes openly about its work. Here then is one difference. Stealing is the taking from an individual, a portion of the surplus fruits of his past industry, leaving him free to enjoy the re mainder, as well as his future earnings ; but slavcholding is the violent seizure of the whole surplus earnings of an individual, during the whole term of his natural life. Here is a second difference. The thief does not prevent his vic tim from being clothed and fed, for he takes only what he has remaining, after providing for his dai ly wants ; but slaveholding arrests the requisite portion and quality of food before it reaches the mouth of the laborer, and prevents comfortable clothing from covering his back. This is a third difference. Stealing does not inflict injury on the person; but slaveholding covers it with stripes and wounds. This is a fourth difference. Steal ing does not deprive its victim of the enjoyment of personal liberty and recreation, according to his fancy; but slaveholding chains him down ton particular spot, according to the will of another, and forbids his innocent amusements, except at the pleasure of another. This is a fifth differ ence. Stealing does not separate the husband from the wife, the mother from the child ; but sla very severs these relations, never to meet again up on the earth. Here is a sixth difference. Steal ing does not deprive its victim of redress for wrongs, through a fair trial in a court of justice ; but slaveholding takes from him this privilege : it forbids . the reception of testimony from the. only witnesses to outrages against him. Here is a seventh difference. Stealing does not war against the restoration of the goods, upon the repentance of the thief ; but slaveholding combines its forces, and prevents by legal enactments the repentant slaveholder from restoring liberty to his captive. Here is an eighth difference. Stealing shuns the gaze of the injured party, and confesses its own comparative unworthiness ; but slaveholding glo ries in its shame, and taunts its oppressed with airs of superior excellence and virtue. Here is a ninth difference. Stealing does not prevent its victim from mental improvement and recreation ; but slaveholding seals against him the book of knowl edge, and vengeance upon all who would open ii before his eyes. Here is a tenth difference. Stealing does not deprive its victim of the consola tions of religion, under his affliction ; but slave holding forbids their enjoyment, otherwise than through the hearing of the gospel of justice and mercy expounded by those who arc required so to construe it as to justify the wrongs he sutlers. There are thus eleven marked differences be tween stealing and slaveholding : a number equal to the ten commandments of Moses, with the ad dition of the new commandment of Christ. Have not our southern brethren cause, therefore, lb corn plain, that things so different should be confound ed together ? Who are our southern brethren? If we believe the scripture doctrine, that of one blood the Creator hath made all nations of men to dwell on the face of the earth, then we must ac knowledge, that both slaveholders and slaves are our southern brethren. This being done, it will become evident, that at least some portion of our southern brethren have good grounds for charging those with injustice towards them, who assert that slaveholding and larceny are one and the same thing. From Zion's Watchman. Melancholy Accident. Mr. Editor, The following letter is from my brother-in-law, Jas. S. Shedden, Esq., one of your firm friends and patrons, and a devoted friend of the slave. I forward it to you for publication, hoping that it may not only excite the sympathy and prayers of Christian friends for the afflicted parents, but also serve the interests of the public as a warning to guard them against similar occur rences. A. WlTUERSPOON. MooEits, March 15, 1S30. My very dear Friends, It is with aching heart and under circumstances the most painful, that we nddress vou at this time. It is not the loss of worldly property that pains our hearts or causes tears to flow. No, my friends, we are too much accustomed to scenes of that kind to permit them to move us. It is nflijetion of another kind, of more terrific form. Start not when we tell you our Junius is no more ! When we inform you his little spirit is gone ! is goni ! ! But this, too, would have been tolerable were it not for the cir cumstances of his exit. Had he been taken from us in the usual course of Providence, we could have endured it, comparatively without a mur mur. But it has pleased the Almighty to lake him in a way we thought not of. Yesterday while the men were at dinner, he went from Mr. Walker's over to the new house, and as we suppose, commenced burning shavings which communicated with others, and in a mo ment enveloped the building in flamR encircling our Junius in the midst. Immediately the alarm of fire ! fire ! fire ! ran along our streets, and we all to the number of 30 'or 40, were on the spot, and still the fire raged. But we little thought that the- devouring element was then preying upon the form of our little Ju nius, nq wn imt then missed him. When we (mypil ninnno- tlm children nresent and saw him ?,nt .n Mn m i imi'n mV as he used to call him, and he was not there, when we became con firmnd in the. helief that we should never find him m n ljfoUee mnss. rescued from the raging element. We then took a position the best calcu lated to reach the fact which we had too truly be lieved ; and wo were the first to discover our dar-linn- boy amid the curling flames, a dark, mutilat ed Corpse ! We then went around to the kitchen window and commenced flinging water in the di rection we saw him, and by so doing we rescued a part of him. from being wholly consumed. To-day Mr. Seaton preached his funeral ser mon from Pro v. 27 : 1 ; and we committed his remains to the silent tomb, there to rest until sum moned by the archangel to the judgment of the great day. We know that you have parted with your chil dren, and have felt a parent's pangs as you have seen the last fhckerings of sintering nature de part. We know you can, in some measure, sym pathise with us, but we think none can realize how hard it is to part with a dear child under the above circumstances, them excepted. who have had like trials. Yours, &c, James and Ann Shedden. Their little son, about 4 years of age. The Clergy of Vermont. Elijah Paine, Pres't. of the Vt. Colonization So ciety, bears the lollowing honorable testimony to the clergy of the ureen Mountains, m a letter m which he proposes, if Vermont will raise $G,000 for the Colonization Society by the 1st of Decem ber, 1839, to add another '$1000 from his own nurse, very safe pledge ! He says : " Before I close this long letter, I hope the cler gy of Vermont will permit me to address a few words to them. It is but a few years since a goodly number of ministers took up contributions in their societies. That number has been decreas ing for five or six years, until this year. This year, since the first of January, i. e. till the 11th Dec. 183S the number is small indeed. Only seven congregations have contributed any thing since that time." file then names Williamstown, Woodstock, Brookfield, Bennington, Brattleboro' West Parish, Danville i.nd Bridport; which gave in all eighty-four dollars and fuiir cents .'1 And I know that one of these contributions was not asked for by the minister." Well done for the clergy of V ermont ! But Mr. Paine proceeds, as well as he knows how, to spoil the compliment : " 1 do not permit myself to doubt that there are many clergymen friendly to the cause of Coloniz ation ; and 1 have sought in my own mind for the reason why such ministers have not asked for contributions ; and I have come to the conclusion that where there are a very few abolitionists in their congregations, they are afraid of giving of fence if they should ask for contributions.' But abolition ministers do not discover such timidity. When they have any Colonizationists in their so cieties, they are not afraid to nsk for money topay their itinerant lecturers. Is it because the latter possess more moral courage than the former ?" rso, Mr. Paine, it is because they possess a bet ter cause. Mass. Abolitionist. From the Vermont Telegraph. Selling the Church. Brother MuniiAY, A lady of more than ordi nary intellect, of high respectability and on whom perfect reliance for vcraeily can be placed, who had spent several years in Lexington, Kentucky, informed me that there was in that place a free colored man, a blacksmith by profession, who had by his industry become rich, that he owned and lived in a large brick house, &c, that he was a member of the church, and that for some misde meanor his brethren labored with him to produce a confession of his wrong, but in vain. At length he grew weary with their constant iiripoitunities, and he finally told them if they did not desist from further interference with his concerns he would purchase all of them and sell them to ' the soul-driver,' who would send them down the river to a southern market. As most, if not all the church were slaves, and as they dreaded a separa tion from their friends and a southern bondage next to death, this had the desired effect. The subject was entirely dropped, and he who had caused so much grief to his brethren, remained in full communion, notwithstanding his offence. Cordially yours, J. A. Allen. Middlebury, March 27, 1839. From Zion's Watchman. Sliclburne, Vt. Mr. Editor, We have recently held a protrac ted meeting in this station, and it pleased the great Head of the church to give us one of the most blessed seasons that lever witnessed. The church were united in feeling and effort to a man ; in deed, I never saw the like iumy life before. We had good, affectionate, convincing preaching, from brothers M. Bates, P. Elder of the district, J. F. Chambf.rlain, and J. Frazer, and the solemn, melting influence experienced by the congregations resulted in the salvation of about 30 souls ; 23 have joined already, some of them very interest ing cases. Immediate emancipation to the soul and body ot all enslaved is the true doctrine. Praise the Lord for his goodness? to my flock in Shelburne. In haste and affection, C. PrINDLE. Shelbunic Sta. Troy Conf., March 2G, 1839. Morris' Speucii. Wc do not endorse the par ty bearings of Mr. Morris" speech. In other re spects, it is all we could desire. He has carried the war home into thecampof the enemy, in a style which no man has before done, on the lloor of con gress. Adams has been the A jnx of the rightofpeti tiofi. Slade has proposed &defendel abolition in the District, in a substantial and sound manner. Mor ris has struck still deeper has confounded the sophistries of Mr. Clay, and carried all before him. Others have done very well, for Congressmen. Morris rises higher and lake3 the stand of a thor ough going abolition lecturer and disputant, on the floor of Congress. We are glad to learn, from the Emancipator, that our New York friends are putting this speech in a pamphlet form, for general circulation. Friend of Man. THE VOICE OF FREEDOM. MONTPELIER, SATURDAY, APRIL 13, 1839. Itcv. Chester Wright's Address. (concluded.) To the Enemies of American Slaveholding: Yes, Mr. Clay, in all that we say and do a gainst the sin of slaveholding, we say and do as we would that you and your brother slaveholders should do to us if you find occasion. If you send missionaries, however, to reason with us against what you deem wicked institutions, it were better not to send duellists, who apologize for fashionable murder by the plea that it is a subject on which we cannot reason tho' wc should. From the lips of those inculcating such morality, it is to be fear ed we should be loth to take lessons. For a reply to Mr. Clay's statement of the a mount of slave property at the south as one of the insuperable obstacles in the way of abolition, he and his friends are referred to tho strictures of brother K. Bayley, in a late number of the Voice of Freedom. Tho position taken by Mr. Clay on this point brings to mind a rich man, who, under the influence of an awakened conscience, made an estimate of the sum it would require to restore his ill-gotten gains, and finding it would require a large portion of his estate, mustered resolution to say, I will not make this sacrifice. Whether his decision was a wise one, the day of final retribu tion will show. In regard to the frightful images that haunt the mind of Mr. Clay, of the conflicts and blood and carnage which would follow a gen eral emancipation of the slaves in their future struggle for power, it is enough to say, let him apply to the case the passage of holy writ he has quoted for the unholy purpose of guarding us a gainst concern for the consequences of the contin uance of slavery in ages to come, " Sufficient to the day is the evil thereof." And surely it would require a wiser casuist than he to make out that greater evil is likely to result, in days to come, from the removal of a most cruel and wicked sys tem of oppression, than from its continuance. Ac cording to his doctrine, we are not to think the present slavery of three millions, with all their ignorance, degradation, wretchedness, heathenism and promiscuous concubinage, and all the concom itant horrors of the accursed traffic in human flesh, severing, as it often does, all the tender ties that bind heart to heart, and soften to endurance even the rigor of negro bondage, as any serious evil. This horrible condition of three millions of im mortal beings, viewed in connexion with the gen- eral prosperity of the country, Mr. Clay would have us regard as no serious evil, and even sup poses it will be no serious evil fifty or a hundred years to come. When the slaves have increased to from fifty to an hundred millions, the question will be asked, as it was more than fifty years ago, arc they ever to remain in bondage ? The pros perity of fifty past years, he says, has been but lit tle chequered by slavery. If he values so low the freedom and happiness of three millions of people because they are black, no man on earth, not even the slave that has a heart of sensibility, need envy him. He says, with the blessing of Providence, we have hitherto taken care of ourselves. But what care have we taken of the black man ? Pos terity will, he says, find the means of its own pres ervation and prosperity. It may be so. But in which way are they most likely to find this? By maintaining slavery, or by abolishing it? By fra ining and practising iniquity by law, and uphold ing a system of the most grinding and cruel op pression, or by dealing equal rights and justice tcl all? Docs righteousness exalt a nation ? And will any man, at this late day, reply, what is right ? i What does God riquire in the premises ? God re quires, man, that we undo the heavy burdens, am let the oppressed go free, and that we break even yoke. But the consequences! At the prospec of these the great statesman trembles, and think even abolitionists would shrink back at the sight with horror and dismay. Nay, Mr. Clay, " suf ficient to the day is the evil thereof." Abolition ists look at the evil of the present day. They think the present mass of guilt, and pollution, and wretchedness, connected with the slavery of three millions at the south, an evil sufficiently appalling for the present day, and calling for the . putting forth of all their energies to bring about its remo val in a peaceable and constitutional way, without troubling themselves with the -frightful pictures which slaveholders are so busy in drawing of the consequences of their measures. As American citizens, they understand their rights, and feel, in some measure, their responsibilities. And Mr. Clay should know that they do not confine their sympathies nor their efforts to their suffering countrymen, tho' they believe a large share is due to them. They remember that of one blood God hath made all nations of men. Their wishes, their prayers, and their contributions, to n greater or less extent, are put forth for the promotion of the elevation from ignorance, slavery and sin, of nations and people in distant parts of the earth and in the islands of the sea. If they bestow a larger portion of their efforts in behalf of their own coun trymen, in behalf of three millions of their breth ren nt home, and in chains, it is not because they suppose their happines worth more than the hap piness of an equal number in Europe, Asia, or Africa; Imt because, from their proximity and their peculiar political relation to them, they .have greater facilities for doing them good. They re member, too, that their fathers rose in arms for the deliverance of three millions from British op pression, and for securing them and their posteri ty in the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, even where personal liberty was not in danger. And they believe that if, through the blessing of God on the bloodless and peaceful enterprize in which they have embarked, they can at length prevail on those who have the power to unclench the hand of oppression, and restore the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, to the three millions now, as Mr. Clay says, in bondage, it will be a more glorious achievement than that which established the independence and self-government of their country. In this cause, trusting in God, they are resolved to labor ; and from the vigorous prosecution of it, no bug-bears of duel lists and slaveholding politicians will ever frighten them. CHESTER WRIGHT. Caledonia Comity, March, 1839. Anti-Slavery at 3Iontpelier. The evening of Fast Day was appropriately inv proved by a large number of citizens of this vil lage and vicinity, who assembled according to no- tice, at tho Free Church, to consider the claims of our countrymen in bonds. William Upham, Esq. was called to the chair, and after prayer by Rev. Mr. Kellogg, several res olutions, embracing the great principles of the anti-slavery cause, and setting forth the duties and responsibilities of Northern men, were presented for consideration. The first resolution asserted the cause of the slave to be essentially and vitally connected with the prevalence of the gospel and its open advocacy an indispensable duty. The second resolution related especially to the duty of ministers of the goepel, it being the same that was unanimously adopted at the late county meeting, viz : " That in the minister of the gos pel, the slave has an advocate, set apart by the nature of his office and the authority of his Mas ter, to the great work of emancipation." The discussion on the second resolution was opened by the Rev. B. W. Smith, who was un derstood to express his hearty concurrence in its sentiment, although he has not, hitherto, publicly committed himself on the side of immediate eman cipation. Mr. Kellogg, Mr. Secly and others, participated in thediscussion till a late hour, the audience manifesting unwearied interest through out, when the meeting adjourned to meet again, at the same place, on Friday evening of this week (April 12.) On the last Sabbath, Mr. Seely, by invitation, occupied tho desk of the Brick Church, it being expressly understood, beforehand, that the claims of those who have " fallen among thieves " would be presented and urged upon the congregation. In the afternoon discourse, which we had the priv ilege of hearing, the preacher laid down with much force and faithfulness, the great christian duty of pleading the cause of the poor and needy, and of remembering those who are in bonds, as bound with them. We cannot but hope that the spirit of inquiry which has been waked up by the re cent movements here, will result in, a more per fect union of feeling and action in reference to a question so vitally affecting the temporal and eternal interests of man, the prosperity of the church and the glory of our Lord. Rev. Ben. Shaw. We gather from a lengthy letter from this brother, that he has been laboring as an agent in the southeasterly part of the state, with considerable success. From first to last he has assisted in organizing 23 anti-slavery socie ties, with an aggregate number of 915 members, besides lecturing to some extent among societies before organized, numbering in the aggregate 777 members. By the way, in giving new organiza tions, the names of the president and secretary should be stated, with the post office address. Mr. S. is a preacher of the Methodist connexion, his post office address, Weston, Vt. Mr. Shaw's Lectures. (7 In a letter dated April 4, Mr. Shaw writes, " I wish you to rccal all my appointments, after Pomfrct, 17th. I will endeavor to fulfil that, and all till then, but my lungs have been injured by repeated colds and much speaking, and I must de sist soon and rest , a little." Errata, An obvious error occurred in the phraseology of the first paragraph of the second column of our last paper occasioned by an alter ation of figures after the report was written. In the fifth paragraph, same column, read "they drop from haughty dictators into irrepricvalle cul prits," &c. Wc tender our hearty thanks to Mr. Wright for his excellent address. Massachusetts forever ! After the exceed ingly servile action on the part of the Legislature of Ohio, in effect requiring the free citizens of that proud state to play the part of slave-cathcrs for the South, it is pleasant to be able to place on record the bold and freedom-breathing resolves of the an cient Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 'where liberty has loved to dwell, and where, as the al moner of God's bounty, she has quenched the peo ple's thirst from the smitten rock.' The subjoin ed resolutions, we learn, passed the Legislature of Massachusetts a few days since : RESOLVES Touching certain laws of slavcholding States, ivhich affect the rights of citizens of Massachu setts. ' Whereas, under the laws of several States in this Union, a part of the citizens of this Commonwealth, visiting those States for purposes of business, and others driven thither by misfortune, may be, in point of fact, often have been, and do still continue to be, though entirely guiltlesss of crime, incarce rated in prisons, subjected to onerous fines, and in many instances sold into temporary, and not selt dom into perpetual slavery therefore, 1. Resolved, That this Legislature deem it a par amount duty of the State, to protect its citizens in the enjoyment and exercise of all the rights, to which, by virtue of their citizenship, they are en titled. 1 3 2. Resolved, That this Legislature do solemnly protest againtthe laws in question, as a direct in vasion of the sacred rights of citizens of this Com monwealth, as palpably contrary to both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution of these United States, and as in utter derogation of that great principle of the common law, which presumes ev ery man to be innocent, and treats him as such, until he be proved guilty. 3. Resolved, That this Legislature, not willing that so important a matter as the liberty of a cit izen of Massachusetts should depend on the pre carious bounty of individual benevolence, do here by authorize His Excellency the Governor, when ever it shall be made to appear to His Excellency's satisfaction, that a citizen of this Commonwealth is imprisoned on suspicion of being a slave, to em ploy, at the public expense, a suitable person as agent, whose duty it shall be, to procure the requi site proofs in the case, to proceed, if necessary, to the -State where the individual is so imprisoned, to lay the matter before the proper authorities, and, having obtained the release of the said individual, to bring, or cause him to be brought, to a place of safety ; and that His Excellency be hereby em powered to draw on the treasury of this Common wealth for the expenditures of such agency and procedure. 4. Resolved, That His Excellency the Govern or be requested to transmit copies of this report and these resolves to the Executives of the sever al States of this Union, and to each of our Sena tors and Representatives in the 26th Congress of the United States. For tho Voice of Freedom. Mr. Knapp : I thank you for giving us Mr. Morris' speech in the Voice of Freedom. It should be placed in every family, and read by ev ery friend of humanity. Will' those editors who have published Mr. Clay's speech, with high en comiums, have the magnanimity to publish Mr. Morris', and let their readers see both sides of the question ? If they do not, may we not fairly infer that they feel conscious that their champion is vanquished and driven from the field ? I think Goliath will not wish again to meet David with his sling and stone. Let us be thankful that there was one honorable Senator that did not cower be fore the champion of slavery. And let us hope, that at the next onset other honorable Senators will come to the rescue. Such conflicts, such dis cussion will not be lost. It is what we want, what we invite. Slavery has talent on her side ; and if she has truth and righteousness on her side, she as nothing to fear. Why then does she shrink om investigation, and with superlative meanness ink under gag laics for protection ? Her con- lct shows that she is conscious of her guilt, and ashamed to come forth into the light. And ven her friends practically say, that she is so de nned and vile they will not attempt to vindicate ter before the world. Shame, where is thy blush! And is this a position which the chivalry of the South can long endure ? Chafed, and galled, and ashamed, how can they live, how meet the finger of scorn, how endure the condemnation of the civ ilized world ? If they are not beaten, they are a fraid to meet the foe, and call on Mr. Gag Law and his honor Judge Lynch to come to their help, allies worthy the cause ! But can honorable men stand up before the world in company with such allies ? Must they not feel degraded in such company be ashamed of themselves, and see that their cause and characters must soon sink to gether ? I envy not the man that is afraid to meet the light, and sneaks away under the protection of an infamous gag law. Such a man acknowli edges the baseness of his own soul, and the base ness of the cause which he meanly wishes to sus- tain. And is this the glory slavery wreaths on the temples of her friends ? Let them wear their lau rels. I am glad that the temples of the Senator from Ohio have won garlands of a far different kind, which time can never wither, and which death will render immortal. In the future histo ry of our country, when iniquity shall no longer be established by law, how will the labored effort of Mr. Clay to soothe and uphold the infamous system of slavery wither and die, when placed by the side of the glowing, burning, scorching speech of his neighbor from Ohio? Surely the race is, not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. These speeches will gp down to posterity ; and what will be the decision of future ages ? Can any man doubt ? They will be brought to view in that day when the secrets of every heart will be disclosed, and the oppressor must meet the oppressed before