The voice of freedom. [volume], April 20, 1839, Image 2

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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Americans, Blush I
Extracts from the new work of Judge Jay, enti
tled ' A Vieto of the Action of the Federal Gov
ernment in behalf of Slavery.'
FUGITIVE SLAVES IN- CANADA.
The endeavors of the Federal' Government to
secure the restoration- of fugitive slaves to their
masters, u not confined either to the District of
Columbia', or to the States of this confederacy.
Even-American diplomacy must be made subser
vient to the ni-tercsts of the slaveholders, and re
publican ambassadors must bear to foreign courts
the wailings of our government for the escape of
I) urn an property.
On the 10th of May, 1S2S, the House of' Rep
resentatives requested the President ' to open a
negotiation to the British government in the view
to obtain an arrangement whereby fugitive slaves
who have taken refuge in the Canadian provinces
of that government, may be surrendered by the
functionaries thereof to their masters,' npon mak
ing satisfactory proof of their ownership of said
slaves.r
Here was a plain, palpable interference in be
half of slavery by a government which we are of
ten assured by the slaveholders ' has nothing to
do with slavery;' and so tame and subservient
were the northern members, that this disgraceful
resolution was adopted without even a division of
the House ! At the next session, the impatience
of the slaveholders to know if Great Britain
would restore their slaves who had taken refuge
in Canada, could brook no longer delay, and the
House called on the President to inform them of
the result of the negotiation. The President im
mediately submitted a mass of documents to the
House, from which it appeared that the zeal of the
Executive, in behalf of ' the peculiar institution,'
had anticipated the wishes of the Legislature.
Two years before the interference of the House,
viz : on the 19thof June, 1826. Mr. Clay, Secre
tary of State, had instructed Mr. Gallatin, Amer
ican Minister in London, to propose a stipulation
for a 1 mutual surrender of all persons held to ser
vice or labor under the laws of either party who
escape into the territories of the other.' Mr. Clay
dwelt on the number of fugitives in Canada, and
desired Mr. Gallatin to press on the British Gov
ernment the consideration that such a stipulation
would secure to the West India planters the recov
ery of such of their slaves as might tahe refuge
in the American Republic !
- Surely the Federal Government was never in
tended by its founders to act the part of kidnap
per for West India slaveholders.
On the 24th of February, 1S27, Mr. Clay again
urged Mr. Gallatin to procure this stipulation,
and informed him that a treaty had just been con
cluded with Mexico, by which that power had en
gaged to restore our runaway slaves.
On the 5th July, 1827, Mr. Gallatin communi
cated to his government the answer of the British
Minister, that ' it was utterly impossible for them
to agree to a stipulation for the surrender of fugi
tive slaves.'
Determined not to take no for an answer, Mr.
Clay desired Mr. Barbour, our then Minister in
England, to renew the- negotiation, inasmuch as
the escape of slaves into Canada is ' a growing
evil ;' but alas ! Mr. Barbour replied that on broa
ching the subject to the British Minister, he had
informed him ' the law of Parliament gave free
dom to every slave who effected his landing on Brit
ish ground.' To have attempted to march an ar
my into Canada, for the purpose of seizing these
fugitives, would have cost rather more than they
were worth. There was, however, a territory on our
soutnern irontier, belonging to a power less able
than Great Britain to punish agressions on he
sovereignty, nud hence it is that we are called to
consider
The invasion of Florida, and destruction of fugi
tive slaves by the forces of the Federal Govern
ment.
On the 15th March, 1916, Mr. Crawford, Sec
retary of V ar, addressed a letter to General Jack
son, informing him that there fas a fort in Flori
da, occupied by between 250 and 300 blacks, and
that they and the hostile Creek Indians were guil
ty of secret practices to inveigle negroes from the
frontiers of Georgia, and directing him to call the
attention of the Commandant at Pensacola to the
subject. The Secretary added, that should th
Commandant decline interfering, and should it be
determined that the destruction of the negro fort
does not require the sanction of Congress, means
will be prompt! v taken lor its reduction
Gen. Jackson, however, had, before the receipt
of this despatch, '' assumed the responsibility' of
sending his orders respecting this very tort to
Gen. Gaines. 'If this fort harbors the negroes o
our citizens, or of friendly Indians living within
our territory, or holds out inducements to the
slaves of our, citizens to desert from their owner's
service, it must be destroyed. Notify the govern
or of Pensacola of youradvance into his territory
and for the express purpose of destroying these
lawless banditti.' 1 he letter concludes with di
rections to ' restore the stolen neirroes to their
rightful owners.' (Letter of 8th of April, 1316.
Owing to some cause not explained, Gen. Gaines
did not fulfil his instructions ; and a gun boat was
sent up the Appalachicola river by order of Com
modore Patterson, and on the 27th July attacked
the fort by firing red-hot shot at it- A "shot enter
ed the magazine, which exploded. The result is
thus stated in the official report . ' Three hundred
negroes, men, women, and children, and about 20
Indians were in the fort ; of these, 270 were, kil
led 4c the greater part of the rest mortally wounded.'
1 1 .... "
commodore t'attcrson, m his letter to the bee
retary of the Naw. observes : ' The service ren
dered by the destruction of this fort, and the band
of negroes who held it and the country in its vi
cinity, is of great and manifest importance to the
United States, and particularly those States bor
j : .... n i. .... . .
uciiiig uu me vrei'K nation, as u nael become a
general rendezvous for runaway slaves and disaf
fected Indians an asylum where they found arms
and ammunition to protect themselves against
their owners and the government. This hold be
ing destroyed, they have- no-longer a place to fly
to, and will not be so liable to abscond. The force
of the negroes was daffy increasing, and" they
had commenced several plantations on the banks
of the Appalachicola.'
Various plantations have also been commenced
in Canada by fugitive slaves, but being under the
protection of Great Britainrnnd not of Spaiii, the
Federal Government has wisely abstained from
any forcible attempt tc-destroy them!
It is now time to advert to one of the most ex
traordinary exploits of American diplomacy, viz :
Compensation for fugitive slaves, obtained by the
Federal Government.
The presence of British armed vessels
in our
THE
southern waters, during the last war, afforded an
opportunity to many of the slaves to escape from
bondage. . In 1814, and while the war was raging
in all its fury, commissioners were appointed to
treat of peace, and instructions were given to
them as to the stipulations to be inserted in the
treat These instructions contain the following
remarkable passage. The negroes taken from
the Southern States should be returned to their
owners, or paid for at their full value. If these
slaves were considered as non-combatants, they
ought to be restored r if as property, they ought
to lie paid for.' Moreover, this stipulation is ex
pressly included ' in the conditions on which you
are to'insist in the proposed negotiations.' Let
ter of instructions from Mr. Monroe, Secretary of
State, 2Sth January, 1814.
Thus we see that not even the calamities of
war could divert the attention of the Federal Gov
ernment from the peculiar interest of the slave
holders. The commissioners were faithful to the
charge thus given to them ; and in the treaty con
cluded at Ghent, adroiily provided for the restora
tion of slaves ; and in such obscure terms as ul
timately secured a far more extensive concession
than the British negotiators had any intention of
making.
The first article is as follows : ' All territory,
places and possessions whatever, taken'from ei
ther party by the other, during the war, or which
may be taken after the signing of this treaty,
shall be restored without delay ; and without caus
ing any destruction or carrying away of the ar
tillery or other public property originally captured
in said forts or places, and which shall remain up
on the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty,
or any slaves or other private property.'
The treaty was ratified at Washington on the
17th February ; and six days after, three commis
sioners appointed by the government appeared in
the Chesapeake, authorized to demand and receive
the slaves on board the British squadron still in
our waters.
Captain John Clarelle happened to bo nt the
moment in command of the British forces, and he
positively refused to give up a single fugitive;
contending that the stipulation in the treaty relat
ed only to slaves ' originally captured in forts or
places,' and remaining in forts or places, and re
maining in such forts or places at the exchange of
the ratifications, and had no reterence to slaves
who had voluntarily sought protection onboard
British vessels.
A few days after, Admiral Coekburn arrived
and a similar demand was made upon him. H
also refused to surrender any fugitives, as such
were not intended in the treaty, but gave up SO
slaves which were, found on Cumberland Island
at the time that place was captured, and who had
not been removed previous to the exchange of rat
ifications ; this being a case directly within the
true meaning and intention ot the treaty. In
Secretary of State then applied to the British
Charge d'Affaires at Washington, requesting him
... j: . .1. . tvt I ...
io uiieci me iuvui commanuers in me vnesa
peake to give up the fugitives on board their ves
sels ; but Mr. Baker declined interfering, taking
the same view ot the article as the Admiral had
done. In the mean time the squadron had sailed
for Bermuda. The Government, tracking the
scent ot a fugitive, with blood-hound keenness
lorthwith despatched an agent to Bermuda in pur
suit, to demand the negroes of the Governor.
The worthy Englishman, nettled at a requisition
so derogatory to the honor or his country, replied
' he had rather Bermuda, with every man, woman
anaemia in it, were sunk under the sea, than
surrender one slave that had sought protection
under the flag of England.
The Atrent, (Thomas Spauldinc) nothing daunt
ed, now assumed the diplomatist, and addressed a
long argumentative despatch to Admiral (jrifhth
commanding on the Bermuda Station, demanding
the fugitives, and promising to furnish him with
a particular list of the slaves claimed, which he
expected to receive in a few days from the Uni
ted States. The Admiral very cavalierly assured
Mr. Spaulding that it was quite unnecessary for
him to wait at Bermuda for the expected docu
ment, since there was, neither at Bermuda nor any
other British Island or settlement, any authority
' competent to deliveV up persons who during the
late wars, had placed themselves under the pro
tection of the British flag. 'If
Prom British. Governors and Admirals, our
Government now turned to the British Cabinet
and found that there also it was held a point of
honor to keep faith, even with runaway slaves.
Lord Castlereagh declared that the Government
never would have assented to a treaty requiring
the surrender of persons who had taken refuge
under the British Standard. Again was the de
mand made, and again was it unequivocally re
jected. But the administration refused to yield
and insisted on a reference of the question to the
decision of a lnendly power, and named the Em
peror ot Kussia as umpire. Alter tedious nego
tiation, this point was carried ; and in ISIS, a
convention was concluded at London, submitting
the true construction of the treaty to the Emper
or, who decided in favor of the slaveholders. It
now became necessary to determine how the num
ber of the slaves, and their value should be ascer
tained. Another negotiation ensued, which result
ed in a second convention, by which it was agreed
that each party should appoint a certain number
of Commissioners, who should form n Board to
sit at Washington, to receive and liquidate the
claims of themasters. but difhcultiessoon arose
The American Commissioners insisted on inter
est, which the others refused to allow. Negotia-
tions again commenced, till at last the British
Cabinet, wearied with the pertinacity of the Amer
ican Government, and sick of the controversy, en
tered into a third convention, (13th ISov. leUb)
by which the enormous sum of one million two
hundred and four thousand dollars was paid and
received in full of all demands.
Thus afte r a persevering negotiation, conducted
tor twelve years, at Washingtbn, m the Chesa
peake Bay, at Bermuda, at London, and at Pe
tersburgh, did our Government succeed in obtain-
ng most ample compensation for the fugitives.
Commissioners were then appointed to distribute
this sum ; and after fixing an average value on
each slave proved to have been carried away, it
was tound that a surplus still remained ; and this
urplus was divided among the masters !
Having now seen the success that attended the
pursuit of fugitive slaves, let us next witness the
Efforts af the Federal Government to recover ship
wrecked slaves.
Considering the extent of the American slave
trade, it is not surprising that our slaves are occa
sionally driven oat of their course ; and are some
times wrecked upon the dangerous reefs abound
ing in the neighboring Archipelago.
V O I C E OF FREEDOM.
On the 3d Jan. 1831, the Brig Comet, a regular
slaver from the District of Columbia, on her usual
voyage from Alexandria to New Orleans, with a
cargo of 164 slaves, was lost off the island of Ab
aco. The slaves were saved, and carried into
New Providence, where were set at lieerty by
the authorities of the Island. A portion of the
cargo, (146 head) was insured at New Orleans
for 71,330.
On the 4th Feb. 1833, the Brig Encomium, from
Charleston to New Orleans with 45 slaves, was
also wrecked near Abaco, and the slaves carried
into New Providence, where like their predeces
sors, they were declared to be free.
In Feb. 1835, the Enterprise, another regular
slaver from the National Domain, on her voyage
to Charleston, with 78 slaves, was driven into
Bermuda in distress. The passengers instead of
being thrown into prison as Bermudians would
have been in Charleston under similar circum
stances, were hospitably treated, and permitted to
go at large. These successive and unexpected
transmutations of slaves into freemen, roused the
ready zeal of the Federal Government. Directly
on the loss of the Comet, instructions were sent
from Washington to our Minister, to demand of
the British government the value of the cargo. In
1S32, another despatch was forwarded on the sub
ject. Tho instructions were again renewed in
1S33; the Secretary of State remarking, this case
' must be brought to a conclusion the doctrine
that would justify the liberation of our slaves, is
too dangerous to a large section of our country to
be tolerated.'
In 1834, fresh instructions were sent, and a de
mand ordered to be made for the value of the
slaves in the Encomium.
In 1835, similar instructions were sent relative
to the Enterprise.
In 1836, the instructions were renewed ; the
Secretary observing to Mr. Stevenson, 'In the
present state of our diplomatic relations with the
Government of his Britanic Majesty, the most im
mediately pressing of the matters with which the
United States Legation at London is now charg
ed, is the claim of certain American citizens a
gainst Great Britain for a number of slaves, the
cargoes of three vessels wrecked, in British Is
lands in the Atlantic'
Thus for six successive years did the Cabinet
at Washington keep sending despatches to their
agents in England, urging them to obtain pay
ment from Great Britain lor these cargoes ot Hu
man flesh. Nor were those agents remiss or re
luctant in fulfilling their instructions. Numer
ous were the letters addressed to the British Se
cretary, claiming either the restoration of the
slaves, or their equivalent in money.
From a long and labored communication from
Mr. Stevenson to Lord Palmerston, we extract the
following morceau.
' The undersigned feels assured that it will
only be necessary to refer Lord Palmerston to the
provisions of the Constitution of the United
States, and the Ias of many of the States, to sa
tisfy him of the existence of slavery, and that
slaves are there regarded and protected as pro
perty : that by these laws, there is in fact no dis
tinction in principle between property in persons
and property in things ; and that the Government
have more than once, in the most solemn manner
determined that slave? killed in the service of the
United States, even in a state of war, were to be
regarded as property, and not as persons ; and the
government held responsible for their value.'
No answer having been vouchsafed to this let
ter, and the argument being exhausted, Mr. Ste
venson tried the virtue of a diplomatic hint that
the United States would go to war for their slaves;
expressing his hope in a letter to Lord Palmer
ston, that the British Government would ' not
longer consent to postpone the decision of a sub
ject which had been for so many years under its
consideration ; and the effect of which can be
none other than to throw not only additional im
pediments in the way of an adjustment, and in
crease those feeling of dissatisfaction and irrita-
tation which have already been excited ; but by
possibility tends to disturb and weaken the kind
and amicable relations which now so happily sub
sist between the two countries, and on the preser
vation of which, so essentially depend the inter
ests and happiness of both. (Letter of the Slst
December, 1836).
How this hint was received we arc not inform
ed ; but it is certainly not creditable to the British
Government, that instead of a prompt and frank
relusal to deliver into cruel and perpetual . bond
age, innocent men who had providentially been
thrown under its protection, or to estimate thei
value in pounds, shillings, and peace, it had, at
our last accounts, avoided giving a decided answer
to the demands of the Washington Cabinet, under
pretence ol taking the opinion of tho law offi-
cers of the crown.
JLlie negociation was made public in conse
quenee ol a call by the feenate on the 1 resident
(7th Feb. 1837) for a copy of the ' Correspondence
with the uoveniment ot Great Britain in relation
to the outrage committed on our flag, and the right
of our citizens, by the authorities of Bermuda and
New Providence, in seizing the slaves on board
the Brig " EiiconiunV'arid " Enterprise," engaged
in the coasting trade, but which were forced by-
shipwreck and stress of weather into the ports of
those Islands. '
The language of this resolution,
influence exerted by slavery over
indicates the
the Federa
Government. Should a murderer
escape from
England and land on our shores,
we refuse to
surrender him to the justice of his country ; but
when the West India authorities refuse to deliver
two hundred and eighty-seven innocent men, wo
men, and children, thrown by the tempest under
their protection, into hopeless interminable slavery,
the Senate solemnly pronounce the refusal to be
an outrage on our flag, and the rights of our citi
zens. Moreover, the liberation of these persons
is spoken of as a seizure of them and the slavers
carrying human cargoes to a market, are most au
daeiously declared to have been engaged in the
coasting trade ! I he real trade in which these
vessels were engaged, was the American Slave
1 HADE UNDER THE PROTECTION AND REGULATION
of the Federal Government.
"Such a treat; was negotiated, but tba Mexican Congress
refused to ratify tho baae compact.
tstate papers, 2d Sess. 20th Cong. Vol. 1.
JStnte papers, 2d Sess. ISth Cong. No. G5.
American State papers, Vol. 9, p. 3G4.
HSlate paper 14th Cone. 21 Sen. Senate documents.
Mo. 82.
From the Sandwich Islands, we learn that the
mportation of ardent spirits is entirely prohibited,
and a duty imposed on wines. Similar laws have
been enacted in South Africa. Friend of Man.
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM.
MONTPEI.IER, SATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1839.
OUlt PAPER.
While we would not be ungrateful for the kind
co-operation of those who have thus far assisted
in extending the circulation of this paper, we may
still be permitted to urge on all, who feel interest
ed in its success, the necessity of further efforts.
We started in the enterprise on short notice and
in the face of many discouragements, which need
not be dwelt upon. The working abolitionists had,
generally, provided themselves with anti-slavery
periodicals, and many thought themselves hardly
able to subscribe for a new paper, while one or
two subscriptions were already on their hands.
Yet these very men were the ones to whom we
were to look for assistance in getting subscriptions
in their own neighborhoods. But, counting on
the assistance of the agents of the State Anti
Slavery Society, in procuring subscriptions, we
flung out our flag. Thus far, however, ourpat
ronage has come almost wholly from volunteers.
The number of subscribers obtained by the Slate
Society's agents is very limited. In order to make
the publication an economical outlay for the anti-
slavery cause, we ought to have an immediate ad
dition of five hundred to our subscription list. We
know it is not easy to satisfy every reader ih&t he
has any special duty to perform in the premises,
but we have not a doubt that, if each of our present
subscribers would make an immediate and suita
ble effort for us, the list might be doubled in ten
days. Shall it be done ? We look mainly to
the farming and mechanical interests. Spring
work is soon to engross attention. What is done
must be done soon.
The idea has gone abroad, to some extent, that
this paper is published on the pecuniary responsi
bility of the State Society. Not so. The Pub
lishers have assumed the whole responsibility of
the enterprise.
They look to the friends of the slave in the pi
oneer anti-slavery tate, to second their efforts by
such a measure of support as will enable them to
proceed without embarrassment and actual loss
"A word to the wise is sufficient."
From the Rutland Herald.
The Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
We regret exceedingly to notice the course taken lately
at a meeting of this society -at Middlebury.(a) While we
have no desire to impugn the motives of this apparently
respectable society, we cannot be restrained from question
ing its correctness and policy, in so.ne things. (6) Rash
and inconsiderate measures, let them proceed from friend
or foe, where public policy is concerned, we cannot let pass
without notice and reproof.(e)
Those who know our views on the subject of slavery,
know that we in common, probably, with four-fifths of our
follow citizens, generally, in this region, have a great aver
sion to slavery ,() and it would be considered one of the
greatest discoveries of modern times, to be enabled to frame
a practicable measure, to relieve the country from this great
evil, this horrible stain upon our boasted free institutions !(e)
But still we are not disposed either to act the part of a fanat
ic on this subject, or to enlist in a wild and futile crusade
against the slave-holders, and every body else who will not
come up to the standard of ultra abolitionism. Neither are
we prepared to unite in an exclusive proscriptive political
or religious party on this subject. ()
We here subjoin three resolutions purporting to have
bren passed at the aforesaid meeting, and we submit to our
anti-slavery friends in this neighborhood whether they are
prepared to subscribe to tho proscription doctrine here laid
down. If they are we can only say they ' are prepared to
greatly endanger all the religious and civil institutions of
our highly favored country. () Here follow the Kesolu
tions:
Hesolved, That we cannot continue in communion with
slaveholders, or those professing christians or churches
that, after repeated admonitions, fellowship slaveholders
Hesolved, That northern churches and professing chris
tians, by holding religious fellowship with slaveholders,
by admitting them into their pulpits, and to the communion
table; and by apologizing for their 'unfortunate relation
do more to strengthen the bonds of slavery, and to arrest
the current of public opinion against it, than all its sophis
tical casuists and chivalrous defenders of the south
Hesolved, That, as abolitionists, we carefully avoid all
alliance with either of the political parties of the day ; but
in the exercise of the elective franchise, we will support
those candidates, without regard to party distinctions, who
will promote the cause of immediate emancipation; and
no such candidates are nominated by either of the politica
parties, we will give our votes to good men not on either
of the regular tickets.
We here take occasion to protest most solemnly against
the doctrine contained in those resolutions. In our day
we have witnessed several efforts to establish this kind of
political heresy, but it never succeeded. Usurpers and ty
rants might carry it into execution, by the strong arm tjf
power, but a free and intelligent people like those inhabit
ing the green hills of Vermont, under our present form of
government, will not go it. This proscribing and disfran
chizing our fellow citizens for merely political or religiouj
opinions, has always met with signal rebuke from the peo
ple, and if we mistake not, it will now. (A)
It seems, furthermore, from the proceedings of the Anti-
slavery society at the meeting above alluded to, that hav
ing, doubtless, been warmed up by the eloquence of some
of the ultras and the passage of the above resolutions, the
cold-hearted work of proscription must be commenced.
Hence one of the best and most eminent living men in
America must be sacrificed; and he receives the anathemas
of the meeting with little ceremony.(i) Offwith him, say
the Society; he can have no countenance nor no support
from such pure patriots as we. We wonder the meeting
had not commissioned in the first instance a messenger to
despatch to Heaven, with a request that Washington, Mad
ison, and other similar immortal patriots and statesmen be
proscribed from tho joys of paradise, because they were
slaveholders, when on earth! ( t) "
But to manifest their consistency, the Society could not
exactly stop by proscribing Mr. Clay, and (after being nara
pushed) " expunged " Mr. Van Buren also.() The 'po
litical action' was then accomnlished!
We r.nnld KnrHlir h lrl in Knliuve that some of our more
rational fellow citizens on this subject, there prescm, -oum
be induced to sustain such abominable doctrines as those
. ' v ------ .,
embraced in the above resolutions, and we are now nappy
to Inarn lii mn ;u,nied. and it is hardly proba
ble that half the persons could be induced to approve of
them after their more " sober secona mii i -
sed in their mind.()
(a) Very likely Mr. McDuffie, Mr. tiny, Mr.
Van Buren, or Mr. Charles G. Atherton would
say the same.
(b) " Policy, Mr. Speaker. 1 he hrst ques
tion to be proposed by a rational being is, not what
is profitable, but what is right. Duty must be
primary, prominent, most conspicuous, among the
objects of human thought and pursuit. If we cast
it down from its supremacy, if we inquire first for
our interests, and then for our duties, we shall cer
tainly err. We can never see the right clearly
and fully, but by making it our first concern. No
judgment can be just or wise, but that which is
built on the conviction of the paramount worth
and importance of duty. This is the fundamen
tal truth, the supreme law of reason ; and the
mind which does not start from this in its inqui
ries into human affairs is doomed to great, per
haps fatal error. Channing.
(c) A rash, precipitate business, truly, for aboli
tionists to reiterate sentiments that have been en
tertained and published by national, state and
county anti-slavery meetings lor the last three or
four years.
d) At the top of the same column of the Her
ald wherein this " great aversion to slavery " is
professed, stands the name of Henry Clay, the
editor's favorite candidate for the Presidency. Mr.
Clay, in his late speech protests that he is " no
friend of slavery " albeit he is the legal owner of
some forty odd human beings, and avers in the
same speech, that " what the law makes property,
is property." Mr. Fay is certainly to be com
mended for his avowal of "great aversion to sla
very." We can only account for his frankness
but on the supposition that he had just perused
the speech of Henry A. Wise on the subject of
duelling, wherein the Virginian expresses his
'great aversion' to duelling in the abstraet !
See last 'Voice.'
(e) " Righteousness exalteth a nation." This
is a discovery not of modern times,' but its truth
has been verified in all ages of the world.
Our means are the Truth, the Power under
whose guidance we propose to carry our views
into effect, is, the Almighty. Confiding in these
means, when directed by the spirit and wisdom of
Him who has so made them as to act on the
hearts of men, and so constituted the hearts of
men as to be affected by them, we expect, 1. To
bring the church of this country to repentance for
the sin of oppression. Not only the Southern
portion of it that has been the oppressor but the
Northern, that has stood by, consenting, for half
a century, to the wrong. . 2. To bring our coun
trymen to see, that for a nation to persist in injus
tice is but to rush on its own ruin that to do jus
tice is the highest expediency to love mercy its .
noblest ornament. Bir?iey.
() Will the editor of the Herald be so kind as
to inform the public what " part " he is prepared
to act in reference to this great national question ?
His course, thus far, reminds one of the clown in
the play, who, when questioned as to the " part " he
was to take in the night's entertainment, gruff!
replied, " AU parts, my lord."
(g) " Very terrible." For "religious and civil,"
read irreligious and servile.
(h) The editor refers to the memorable contest
of 1333, we presume ? " Proscribing and disfran
chising," indeed ! Wonderful stretch of Jack the
Giant-Killer ! The abolitionists are going to
vote ! and in favor of libprty ! and against an ad-
vocate of perpetual slavery and a duellist ! Here
is work for our grand jurors. Condign punish
ment must be visited 'upon all such malefactors!
(i) The rascals !
(j) Our busincs is with the living, Mr. Fay. '
(Ar) And Mr. Fay, with all his horror of Van
Burenism, almost seems to say,"' My heart stops
me to drop the tear of sensibility.'
(I) Why all this trepidation and outcry, then ?
The Herald is assured that these resolutions were
adopted very deliberately after ample discussion
and with great unanimity. We believe that they
will be heartily responded to by many thousands
of our citizens, who would not be behind any in
their devotion to their country's true interests.
We venture a word further. Those politicians
who count on carrying the vote of Vermont for
Henry Clay, or any other pro-slavery candidate
for the Presidency, will yet see their mistake.
" A people like those inhabiting the green hills
of Vermont will not go it."
O" The adjourned anti-slavery meeting, held
at the Free Church on Friday evening, 12th, was
very fully attended. It being Court week, a good
ly number of strangers availed themselves of the
opportunity of hearing the claims of the anti-slavery
cause. Mr. Upham occupied about one hour
and a half in the delivery of a well-wntten ad
dress, explanatory of the ' compact' of the consti
tution. We think he must have convinced his
auditory of the truth of his main proposition that
the Constitution of the United States, so far from
interposing any obstable to the abolition of slavery,
is rather to be interpreted as an anti-slavery docu
ment, .towards the close ol nis argument, iVir.
Upham took a rapid review of Mr. Clay's late
speech, showing up the fallacies of the Kentucky
orator in a manner well calculated to produce a
salutary impression upon the audience.
O"" Doct. Lester Kingsley, of Moretown, is au
thorized to receive subscriptions and give receipts
fot the Voice of Freedom.
D" The introduction to Judge Jay's new work,
an extract of which may be found in another col
umn, is said to be from the pen of Theodore D.
Weld.
Bv" It is reported that two of the Hudson river
Steamboats have been making trial of their speod
by racing. If so, let the traveling public look out
and patronize no racing boats.