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Americans, Blush I
Extracts from the new work of Judge Jay, enti tled ' A Vieto of the Action of the Federal Gov ernment in behalf of Slavery.' FUGITIVE SLAVES IN- CANADA. The endeavors of the Federal' Government to secure the restoration- of fugitive slaves to their masters, u not confined either to the District of Columbia', or to the States of this confederacy. Even-American diplomacy must be made subser vient to the ni-tercsts of the slaveholders, and re publican ambassadors must bear to foreign courts the wailings of our government for the escape of I) urn an property. On the 10th of May, 1S2S, the House of' Rep resentatives requested the President ' to open a negotiation to the British government in the view to obtain an arrangement whereby fugitive slaves who have taken refuge in the Canadian provinces of that government, may be surrendered by the functionaries thereof to their masters,' npon mak ing satisfactory proof of their ownership of said slaves.r Here was a plain, palpable interference in be half of slavery by a government which we are of ten assured by the slaveholders ' has nothing to do with slavery;' and so tame and subservient were the northern members, that this disgraceful resolution was adopted without even a division of the House ! At the next session, the impatience of the slaveholders to know if Great Britain would restore their slaves who had taken refuge in Canada, could brook no longer delay, and the House called on the President to inform them of the result of the negotiation. The President im mediately submitted a mass of documents to the House, from which it appeared that the zeal of the Executive, in behalf of ' the peculiar institution,' had anticipated the wishes of the Legislature. Two years before the interference of the House, viz : on the 19thof June, 1826. Mr. Clay, Secre tary of State, had instructed Mr. Gallatin, Amer ican Minister in London, to propose a stipulation for a 1 mutual surrender of all persons held to ser vice or labor under the laws of either party who escape into the territories of the other.' Mr. Clay dwelt on the number of fugitives in Canada, and desired Mr. Gallatin to press on the British Gov ernment the consideration that such a stipulation would secure to the West India planters the recov ery of such of their slaves as might tahe refuge in the American Republic ! - Surely the Federal Government was never in tended by its founders to act the part of kidnap per for West India slaveholders. On the 24th of February, 1S27, Mr. Clay again urged Mr. Gallatin to procure this stipulation, and informed him that a treaty had just been con cluded with Mexico, by which that power had en gaged to restore our runaway slaves. On the 5th July, 1827, Mr. Gallatin communi cated to his government the answer of the British Minister, that ' it was utterly impossible for them to agree to a stipulation for the surrender of fugi tive slaves.' Determined not to take no for an answer, Mr. Clay desired Mr. Barbour, our then Minister in England, to renew the- negotiation, inasmuch as the escape of slaves into Canada is ' a growing evil ;' but alas ! Mr. Barbour replied that on broa ching the subject to the British Minister, he had informed him ' the law of Parliament gave free dom to every slave who effected his landing on Brit ish ground.' To have attempted to march an ar my into Canada, for the purpose of seizing these fugitives, would have cost rather more than they were worth. There was, however, a territory on our soutnern irontier, belonging to a power less able than Great Britain to punish agressions on he sovereignty, nud hence it is that we are called to consider The invasion of Florida, and destruction of fugi tive slaves by the forces of the Federal Govern ment. On the 15th March, 1916, Mr. Crawford, Sec retary of V ar, addressed a letter to General Jack son, informing him that there fas a fort in Flori da, occupied by between 250 and 300 blacks, and that they and the hostile Creek Indians were guil ty of secret practices to inveigle negroes from the frontiers of Georgia, and directing him to call the attention of the Commandant at Pensacola to the subject. The Secretary added, that should th Commandant decline interfering, and should it be determined that the destruction of the negro fort does not require the sanction of Congress, means will be prompt! v taken lor its reduction Gen. Jackson, however, had, before the receipt of this despatch, '' assumed the responsibility' of sending his orders respecting this very tort to Gen. Gaines. 'If this fort harbors the negroes o our citizens, or of friendly Indians living within our territory, or holds out inducements to the slaves of our, citizens to desert from their owner's service, it must be destroyed. Notify the govern or of Pensacola of youradvance into his territory and for the express purpose of destroying these lawless banditti.' 1 he letter concludes with di rections to ' restore the stolen neirroes to their rightful owners.' (Letter of 8th of April, 1316. Owing to some cause not explained, Gen. Gaines did not fulfil his instructions ; and a gun boat was sent up the Appalachicola river by order of Com modore Patterson, and on the 27th July attacked the fort by firing red-hot shot at it- A "shot enter ed the magazine, which exploded. The result is thus stated in the official report . ' Three hundred negroes, men, women, and children, and about 20 Indians were in the fort ; of these, 270 were, kil led 4c the greater part of the rest mortally wounded.' 1 1 .... " commodore t'attcrson, m his letter to the bee retary of the Naw. observes : ' The service ren dered by the destruction of this fort, and the band of negroes who held it and the country in its vi cinity, is of great and manifest importance to the United States, and particularly those States bor j : .... n i. .... . . uciiiig uu me vrei'K nation, as u nael become a general rendezvous for runaway slaves and disaf fected Indians an asylum where they found arms and ammunition to protect themselves against their owners and the government. This hold be ing destroyed, they have- no-longer a place to fly to, and will not be so liable to abscond. The force of the negroes was daffy increasing, and" they had commenced several plantations on the banks of the Appalachicola.' Various plantations have also been commenced in Canada by fugitive slaves, but being under the protection of Great Britainrnnd not of Spaiii, the Federal Government has wisely abstained from any forcible attempt tc-destroy them! It is now time to advert to one of the most ex traordinary exploits of American diplomacy, viz : Compensation for fugitive slaves, obtained by the Federal Government. The presence of British armed vessels in our THE southern waters, during the last war, afforded an opportunity to many of the slaves to escape from bondage. . In 1814, and while the war was raging in all its fury, commissioners were appointed to treat of peace, and instructions were given to them as to the stipulations to be inserted in the treat These instructions contain the following remarkable passage. The negroes taken from the Southern States should be returned to their owners, or paid for at their full value. If these slaves were considered as non-combatants, they ought to be restored r if as property, they ought to lie paid for.' Moreover, this stipulation is ex pressly included ' in the conditions on which you are to'insist in the proposed negotiations.' Let ter of instructions from Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State, 2Sth January, 1814. Thus we see that not even the calamities of war could divert the attention of the Federal Gov ernment from the peculiar interest of the slave holders. The commissioners were faithful to the charge thus given to them ; and in the treaty con cluded at Ghent, adroiily provided for the restora tion of slaves ; and in such obscure terms as ul timately secured a far more extensive concession than the British negotiators had any intention of making. The first article is as follows : ' All territory, places and possessions whatever, taken'from ei ther party by the other, during the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, shall be restored without delay ; and without caus ing any destruction or carrying away of the ar tillery or other public property originally captured in said forts or places, and which shall remain up on the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or any slaves or other private property.' The treaty was ratified at Washington on the 17th February ; and six days after, three commis sioners appointed by the government appeared in the Chesapeake, authorized to demand and receive the slaves on board the British squadron still in our waters. Captain John Clarelle happened to bo nt the moment in command of the British forces, and he positively refused to give up a single fugitive; contending that the stipulation in the treaty relat ed only to slaves ' originally captured in forts or places,' and remaining in forts or places, and re maining in such forts or places at the exchange of the ratifications, and had no reterence to slaves who had voluntarily sought protection onboard British vessels. A few days after, Admiral Coekburn arrived and a similar demand was made upon him. H also refused to surrender any fugitives, as such were not intended in the treaty, but gave up SO slaves which were, found on Cumberland Island at the time that place was captured, and who had not been removed previous to the exchange of rat ifications ; this being a case directly within the true meaning and intention ot the treaty. In Secretary of State then applied to the British Charge d'Affaires at Washington, requesting him ... j: . .1. . tvt I ... io uiieci me iuvui commanuers in me vnesa peake to give up the fugitives on board their ves sels ; but Mr. Baker declined interfering, taking the same view ot the article as the Admiral had done. In the mean time the squadron had sailed for Bermuda. The Government, tracking the scent ot a fugitive, with blood-hound keenness lorthwith despatched an agent to Bermuda in pur suit, to demand the negroes of the Governor. The worthy Englishman, nettled at a requisition so derogatory to the honor or his country, replied ' he had rather Bermuda, with every man, woman anaemia in it, were sunk under the sea, than surrender one slave that had sought protection under the flag of England. The Atrent, (Thomas Spauldinc) nothing daunt ed, now assumed the diplomatist, and addressed a long argumentative despatch to Admiral (jrifhth commanding on the Bermuda Station, demanding the fugitives, and promising to furnish him with a particular list of the slaves claimed, which he expected to receive in a few days from the Uni ted States. The Admiral very cavalierly assured Mr. Spaulding that it was quite unnecessary for him to wait at Bermuda for the expected docu ment, since there was, neither at Bermuda nor any other British Island or settlement, any authority ' competent to deliveV up persons who during the late wars, had placed themselves under the pro tection of the British flag. 'If Prom British. Governors and Admirals, our Government now turned to the British Cabinet and found that there also it was held a point of honor to keep faith, even with runaway slaves. Lord Castlereagh declared that the Government never would have assented to a treaty requiring the surrender of persons who had taken refuge under the British Standard. Again was the de mand made, and again was it unequivocally re jected. But the administration refused to yield and insisted on a reference of the question to the decision of a lnendly power, and named the Em peror ot Kussia as umpire. Alter tedious nego tiation, this point was carried ; and in ISIS, a convention was concluded at London, submitting the true construction of the treaty to the Emper or, who decided in favor of the slaveholders. It now became necessary to determine how the num ber of the slaves, and their value should be ascer tained. Another negotiation ensued, which result ed in a second convention, by which it was agreed that each party should appoint a certain number of Commissioners, who should form n Board to sit at Washington, to receive and liquidate the claims of themasters. but difhcultiessoon arose The American Commissioners insisted on inter est, which the others refused to allow. Negotia- tions again commenced, till at last the British Cabinet, wearied with the pertinacity of the Amer ican Government, and sick of the controversy, en tered into a third convention, (13th ISov. leUb) by which the enormous sum of one million two hundred and four thousand dollars was paid and received in full of all demands. Thus afte r a persevering negotiation, conducted tor twelve years, at Washingtbn, m the Chesa peake Bay, at Bermuda, at London, and at Pe tersburgh, did our Government succeed in obtain- ng most ample compensation for the fugitives. Commissioners were then appointed to distribute this sum ; and after fixing an average value on each slave proved to have been carried away, it was tound that a surplus still remained ; and this urplus was divided among the masters ! Having now seen the success that attended the pursuit of fugitive slaves, let us next witness the Efforts af the Federal Government to recover ship wrecked slaves. Considering the extent of the American slave trade, it is not surprising that our slaves are occa sionally driven oat of their course ; and are some times wrecked upon the dangerous reefs abound ing in the neighboring Archipelago. V O I C E OF FREEDOM. On the 3d Jan. 1831, the Brig Comet, a regular slaver from the District of Columbia, on her usual voyage from Alexandria to New Orleans, with a cargo of 164 slaves, was lost off the island of Ab aco. The slaves were saved, and carried into New Providence, where were set at lieerty by the authorities of the Island. A portion of the cargo, (146 head) was insured at New Orleans for 71,330. On the 4th Feb. 1833, the Brig Encomium, from Charleston to New Orleans with 45 slaves, was also wrecked near Abaco, and the slaves carried into New Providence, where like their predeces sors, they were declared to be free. In Feb. 1835, the Enterprise, another regular slaver from the National Domain, on her voyage to Charleston, with 78 slaves, was driven into Bermuda in distress. The passengers instead of being thrown into prison as Bermudians would have been in Charleston under similar circum stances, were hospitably treated, and permitted to go at large. These successive and unexpected transmutations of slaves into freemen, roused the ready zeal of the Federal Government. Directly on the loss of the Comet, instructions were sent from Washington to our Minister, to demand of the British government the value of the cargo. In 1S32, another despatch was forwarded on the sub ject. Tho instructions were again renewed in 1S33; the Secretary of State remarking, this case ' must be brought to a conclusion the doctrine that would justify the liberation of our slaves, is too dangerous to a large section of our country to be tolerated.' In 1834, fresh instructions were sent, and a de mand ordered to be made for the value of the slaves in the Encomium. In 1835, similar instructions were sent relative to the Enterprise. In 1836, the instructions were renewed ; the Secretary observing to Mr. Stevenson, 'In the present state of our diplomatic relations with the Government of his Britanic Majesty, the most im mediately pressing of the matters with which the United States Legation at London is now charg ed, is the claim of certain American citizens a gainst Great Britain for a number of slaves, the cargoes of three vessels wrecked, in British Is lands in the Atlantic' Thus for six successive years did the Cabinet at Washington keep sending despatches to their agents in England, urging them to obtain pay ment from Great Britain lor these cargoes ot Hu man flesh. Nor were those agents remiss or re luctant in fulfilling their instructions. Numer ous were the letters addressed to the British Se cretary, claiming either the restoration of the slaves, or their equivalent in money. From a long and labored communication from Mr. Stevenson to Lord Palmerston, we extract the following morceau. ' The undersigned feels assured that it will only be necessary to refer Lord Palmerston to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and the Ias of many of the States, to sa tisfy him of the existence of slavery, and that slaves are there regarded and protected as pro perty : that by these laws, there is in fact no dis tinction in principle between property in persons and property in things ; and that the Government have more than once, in the most solemn manner determined that slave? killed in the service of the United States, even in a state of war, were to be regarded as property, and not as persons ; and the government held responsible for their value.' No answer having been vouchsafed to this let ter, and the argument being exhausted, Mr. Ste venson tried the virtue of a diplomatic hint that the United States would go to war for their slaves; expressing his hope in a letter to Lord Palmer ston, that the British Government would ' not longer consent to postpone the decision of a sub ject which had been for so many years under its consideration ; and the effect of which can be none other than to throw not only additional im pediments in the way of an adjustment, and in crease those feeling of dissatisfaction and irrita- tation which have already been excited ; but by possibility tends to disturb and weaken the kind and amicable relations which now so happily sub sist between the two countries, and on the preser vation of which, so essentially depend the inter ests and happiness of both. (Letter of the Slst December, 1836). How this hint was received we arc not inform ed ; but it is certainly not creditable to the British Government, that instead of a prompt and frank relusal to deliver into cruel and perpetual . bond age, innocent men who had providentially been thrown under its protection, or to estimate thei value in pounds, shillings, and peace, it had, at our last accounts, avoided giving a decided answer to the demands of the Washington Cabinet, under pretence ol taking the opinion of tho law offi- cers of the crown. JLlie negociation was made public in conse quenee ol a call by the feenate on the 1 resident (7th Feb. 1837) for a copy of the ' Correspondence with the uoveniment ot Great Britain in relation to the outrage committed on our flag, and the right of our citizens, by the authorities of Bermuda and New Providence, in seizing the slaves on board the Brig " EiiconiunV'arid " Enterprise," engaged in the coasting trade, but which were forced by- shipwreck and stress of weather into the ports of those Islands. ' The language of this resolution, influence exerted by slavery over indicates the the Federa Government. Should a murderer escape from England and land on our shores, we refuse to surrender him to the justice of his country ; but when the West India authorities refuse to deliver two hundred and eighty-seven innocent men, wo men, and children, thrown by the tempest under their protection, into hopeless interminable slavery, the Senate solemnly pronounce the refusal to be an outrage on our flag, and the rights of our citi zens. Moreover, the liberation of these persons is spoken of as a seizure of them and the slavers carrying human cargoes to a market, are most au daeiously declared to have been engaged in the coasting trade ! I he real trade in which these vessels were engaged, was the American Slave 1 HADE UNDER THE PROTECTION AND REGULATION of the Federal Government. "Such a treat; was negotiated, but tba Mexican Congress refused to ratify tho baae compact. tstate papers, 2d Sess. 20th Cong. Vol. 1. JStnte papers, 2d Sess. ISth Cong. No. G5. American State papers, Vol. 9, p. 3G4. HSlate paper 14th Cone. 21 Sen. Senate documents. Mo. 82. From the Sandwich Islands, we learn that the mportation of ardent spirits is entirely prohibited, and a duty imposed on wines. Similar laws have been enacted in South Africa. Friend of Man. THE VOICE OF FREEDOM. MONTPEI.IER, SATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1839. OUlt PAPER. While we would not be ungrateful for the kind co-operation of those who have thus far assisted in extending the circulation of this paper, we may still be permitted to urge on all, who feel interest ed in its success, the necessity of further efforts. We started in the enterprise on short notice and in the face of many discouragements, which need not be dwelt upon. The working abolitionists had, generally, provided themselves with anti-slavery periodicals, and many thought themselves hardly able to subscribe for a new paper, while one or two subscriptions were already on their hands. Yet these very men were the ones to whom we were to look for assistance in getting subscriptions in their own neighborhoods. But, counting on the assistance of the agents of the State Anti Slavery Society, in procuring subscriptions, we flung out our flag. Thus far, however, ourpat ronage has come almost wholly from volunteers. The number of subscribers obtained by the Slate Society's agents is very limited. In order to make the publication an economical outlay for the anti- slavery cause, we ought to have an immediate ad dition of five hundred to our subscription list. We know it is not easy to satisfy every reader ih&t he has any special duty to perform in the premises, but we have not a doubt that, if each of our present subscribers would make an immediate and suita ble effort for us, the list might be doubled in ten days. Shall it be done ? We look mainly to the farming and mechanical interests. Spring work is soon to engross attention. What is done must be done soon. The idea has gone abroad, to some extent, that this paper is published on the pecuniary responsi bility of the State Society. Not so. The Pub lishers have assumed the whole responsibility of the enterprise. They look to the friends of the slave in the pi oneer anti-slavery tate, to second their efforts by such a measure of support as will enable them to proceed without embarrassment and actual loss "A word to the wise is sufficient." From the Rutland Herald. The Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. We regret exceedingly to notice the course taken lately at a meeting of this society -at Middlebury.(a) While we have no desire to impugn the motives of this apparently respectable society, we cannot be restrained from question ing its correctness and policy, in so.ne things. (6) Rash and inconsiderate measures, let them proceed from friend or foe, where public policy is concerned, we cannot let pass without notice and reproof.(e) Those who know our views on the subject of slavery, know that we in common, probably, with four-fifths of our follow citizens, generally, in this region, have a great aver sion to slavery ,() and it would be considered one of the greatest discoveries of modern times, to be enabled to frame a practicable measure, to relieve the country from this great evil, this horrible stain upon our boasted free institutions !(e) But still we are not disposed either to act the part of a fanat ic on this subject, or to enlist in a wild and futile crusade against the slave-holders, and every body else who will not come up to the standard of ultra abolitionism. Neither are we prepared to unite in an exclusive proscriptive political or religious party on this subject. () We here subjoin three resolutions purporting to have bren passed at the aforesaid meeting, and we submit to our anti-slavery friends in this neighborhood whether they are prepared to subscribe to tho proscription doctrine here laid down. If they are we can only say they ' are prepared to greatly endanger all the religious and civil institutions of our highly favored country. () Here follow the Kesolu tions: Hesolved, That we cannot continue in communion with slaveholders, or those professing christians or churches that, after repeated admonitions, fellowship slaveholders Hesolved, That northern churches and professing chris tians, by holding religious fellowship with slaveholders, by admitting them into their pulpits, and to the communion table; and by apologizing for their 'unfortunate relation do more to strengthen the bonds of slavery, and to arrest the current of public opinion against it, than all its sophis tical casuists and chivalrous defenders of the south Hesolved, That, as abolitionists, we carefully avoid all alliance with either of the political parties of the day ; but in the exercise of the elective franchise, we will support those candidates, without regard to party distinctions, who will promote the cause of immediate emancipation; and no such candidates are nominated by either of the politica parties, we will give our votes to good men not on either of the regular tickets. We here take occasion to protest most solemnly against the doctrine contained in those resolutions. In our day we have witnessed several efforts to establish this kind of political heresy, but it never succeeded. Usurpers and ty rants might carry it into execution, by the strong arm tjf power, but a free and intelligent people like those inhabit ing the green hills of Vermont, under our present form of government, will not go it. This proscribing and disfran chizing our fellow citizens for merely political or religiouj opinions, has always met with signal rebuke from the peo ple, and if we mistake not, it will now. (A) It seems, furthermore, from the proceedings of the Anti- slavery society at the meeting above alluded to, that hav ing, doubtless, been warmed up by the eloquence of some of the ultras and the passage of the above resolutions, the cold-hearted work of proscription must be commenced. Hence one of the best and most eminent living men in America must be sacrificed; and he receives the anathemas of the meeting with little ceremony.(i) Offwith him, say the Society; he can have no countenance nor no support from such pure patriots as we. We wonder the meeting had not commissioned in the first instance a messenger to despatch to Heaven, with a request that Washington, Mad ison, and other similar immortal patriots and statesmen be proscribed from tho joys of paradise, because they were slaveholders, when on earth! ( t) " But to manifest their consistency, the Society could not exactly stop by proscribing Mr. Clay, and (after being nara pushed) " expunged " Mr. Van Buren also.() The 'po litical action' was then accomnlished! We r.nnld KnrHlir h lrl in Knliuve that some of our more rational fellow citizens on this subject, there prescm, -oum be induced to sustain such abominable doctrines as those . ' v ------ ., embraced in the above resolutions, and we are now nappy to Inarn lii mn ;u,nied. and it is hardly proba ble that half the persons could be induced to approve of them after their more " sober secona mii i - sed in their mind.() (a) Very likely Mr. McDuffie, Mr. tiny, Mr. Van Buren, or Mr. Charles G. Atherton would say the same. (b) " Policy, Mr. Speaker. 1 he hrst ques tion to be proposed by a rational being is, not what is profitable, but what is right. Duty must be primary, prominent, most conspicuous, among the objects of human thought and pursuit. If we cast it down from its supremacy, if we inquire first for our interests, and then for our duties, we shall cer tainly err. We can never see the right clearly and fully, but by making it our first concern. No judgment can be just or wise, but that which is built on the conviction of the paramount worth and importance of duty. This is the fundamen tal truth, the supreme law of reason ; and the mind which does not start from this in its inqui ries into human affairs is doomed to great, per haps fatal error. Channing. (c) A rash, precipitate business, truly, for aboli tionists to reiterate sentiments that have been en tertained and published by national, state and county anti-slavery meetings lor the last three or four years. d) At the top of the same column of the Her ald wherein this " great aversion to slavery " is professed, stands the name of Henry Clay, the editor's favorite candidate for the Presidency. Mr. Clay, in his late speech protests that he is " no friend of slavery " albeit he is the legal owner of some forty odd human beings, and avers in the same speech, that " what the law makes property, is property." Mr. Fay is certainly to be com mended for his avowal of "great aversion to sla very." We can only account for his frankness but on the supposition that he had just perused the speech of Henry A. Wise on the subject of duelling, wherein the Virginian expresses his 'great aversion' to duelling in the abstraet ! See last 'Voice.' (e) " Righteousness exalteth a nation." This is a discovery not of modern times,' but its truth has been verified in all ages of the world. Our means are the Truth, the Power under whose guidance we propose to carry our views into effect, is, the Almighty. Confiding in these means, when directed by the spirit and wisdom of Him who has so made them as to act on the hearts of men, and so constituted the hearts of men as to be affected by them, we expect, 1. To bring the church of this country to repentance for the sin of oppression. Not only the Southern portion of it that has been the oppressor but the Northern, that has stood by, consenting, for half a century, to the wrong. . 2. To bring our coun trymen to see, that for a nation to persist in injus tice is but to rush on its own ruin that to do jus tice is the highest expediency to love mercy its . noblest ornament. Bir?iey. () Will the editor of the Herald be so kind as to inform the public what " part " he is prepared to act in reference to this great national question ? His course, thus far, reminds one of the clown in the play, who, when questioned as to the " part " he was to take in the night's entertainment, gruff! replied, " AU parts, my lord." (g) " Very terrible." For "religious and civil," read irreligious and servile. (h) The editor refers to the memorable contest of 1333, we presume ? " Proscribing and disfran chising," indeed ! Wonderful stretch of Jack the Giant-Killer ! The abolitionists are going to vote ! and in favor of libprty ! and against an ad- vocate of perpetual slavery and a duellist ! Here is work for our grand jurors. Condign punish ment must be visited 'upon all such malefactors! (i) The rascals ! (j) Our busincs is with the living, Mr. Fay. ' (Ar) And Mr. Fay, with all his horror of Van Burenism, almost seems to say,"' My heart stops me to drop the tear of sensibility.' (I) Why all this trepidation and outcry, then ? The Herald is assured that these resolutions were adopted very deliberately after ample discussion and with great unanimity. We believe that they will be heartily responded to by many thousands of our citizens, who would not be behind any in their devotion to their country's true interests. We venture a word further. Those politicians who count on carrying the vote of Vermont for Henry Clay, or any other pro-slavery candidate for the Presidency, will yet see their mistake. " A people like those inhabiting the green hills of Vermont will not go it." O" The adjourned anti-slavery meeting, held at the Free Church on Friday evening, 12th, was very fully attended. It being Court week, a good ly number of strangers availed themselves of the opportunity of hearing the claims of the anti-slavery cause. Mr. Upham occupied about one hour and a half in the delivery of a well-wntten ad dress, explanatory of the ' compact' of the consti tution. We think he must have convinced his auditory of the truth of his main proposition that the Constitution of the United States, so far from interposing any obstable to the abolition of slavery, is rather to be interpreted as an anti-slavery docu ment, .towards the close ol nis argument, iVir. Upham took a rapid review of Mr. Clay's late speech, showing up the fallacies of the Kentucky orator in a manner well calculated to produce a salutary impression upon the audience. O"" Doct. Lester Kingsley, of Moretown, is au thorized to receive subscriptions and give receipts fot the Voice of Freedom. D" The introduction to Judge Jay's new work, an extract of which may be found in another col umn, is said to be from the pen of Theodore D. Weld. Bv" It is reported that two of the Hudson river Steamboats have been making trial of their speod by racing. If so, let the traveling public look out and patronize no racing boats.