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-r-i ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers. Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society , CHAUNCET L. KNAPP, Editor. VOLUME I. mONTPELIER, -TEKMOarT, A PR Hi 27, IS39. NUMBER 17, THE YOIC Letter of Hon. W. K. Rnnney, ' Townshend, Feb. 15, 1839. Dear Sir: Accent mv thanks for your favor of the 11th of Jan. soliciting my attendance at the anniversary meeting of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society, to be held at Middlebury on the 20th jnst. 'Till very lately I have entertained the pleas Ing expectaion of meeting the friends of humani ty and of equal rights on that occasion, and in be ing able to take some little part in devising rneaS' ures to effect the great and philanthropic objects of this association. But recent ill health and bad traveling will probably disappoint those expecta tions. You very truly remark, " we are engaged in a great work." If the liberation of the descendants of Jacob from the yoke of oppression in Egypt was aided by divine and miraculous interposition, surely an effort to confer the blessings of freedom on three millions of enslaved human beings, in this age of enlightened policy, and in this land of boast ed liberty, may be justly denominated both ' great1 and good. It is a work in which the patriot, the statesman, and the christian can co-operate, and with absolute certainty of success. The same God who frpwned with signal judgments on Egyptian oppression, yet lives, and his attributes of justice and mercy ace in no sense diminished. It was fitly said that the Almighty possessed no attribute that can be enlisted on the side of the slave-holder in this contest, and that by a southern man, well ac quainted with " southern institutions." We con tend not in our own strength, nor with blood stained weapons but relying on infinite power, we place our dependance lor victory in arguments unanswerable, in reason undethroned and in- the gospel unperverted. If our fathers of '76 were justified in resisting with the sword British oppression, how much more are their children in attempting to expunge, through moral suasion, so disgraceful a stain upon our na tional escutcheon as " American slavery ?" If du ty demands sacrifices at our hands in behalf of perishing pagans on far distant shores, how much more imperious the claim of our colored brethren in the South " to come over and help us ?" If liberty, a blood-bought treasure, is a boon worth the purchase-money, let it be shared equal ly by every American-born citizen ! and let every exotic, transplanted by the hand of violence, re ceive of the richness of our soil and the salubrity of our clime, equally with our native plants. And if our laws punish as piracy, traffic in human bone and muscle upon the high seas, how can the same article be used as merchandize with impunity upon our shores ? shores pronounced sacred to freedom, and consecrated, even, by the blood of heroes, states men and patriots, who unsheathed the sword, throw ing away the scabbard, in defence of the declara tion, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalien able rights, and that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Was there ever so great a contradiction in theory and practice before ? Can any other portion of the world present so cu rious an anomaly ? A boasted nation of freemen, an asylum for the oppressed, a government of the people, and yet, every fifth man, woman and child a slave ! to whom is denied by law the light of science, the consolations of religion, the rights of men ! reduced to the lowest possible degree of degradation and suffering to gratify the avaricious propensities of fallen man! Truly mayitbe said, the United States are a by-word and a reproach among the nations of the earth. And thisis not all : ' a government of the people,' and yet a government deaf to all entreaty on this subject, the voice of petition stifled, the cries of the oppressed are un heeded, and the shackles of unrequited servitude would be rendered perpetual, even by the repre sentatives of the free states ! and jiot only so but the subject refused discussion, the privilege of speech and the freedom of the press restrained, and the advocates of the rights of man, the defenders of the principles of our declaration of independence are insulted and abused as insurrectionists, fanat ics, dis-unionists and murderers ! And why ? Be cause we would interfere, say they, with the pe culiar institutions of the South ! We interfere with no' institutions that ire founded in justice and promote the best interests of man, but of injustice and oppression, avarice and cruelty, ignorance and, vice, robbery and lewdness, in whatever shape, or connexion, we are the uncompromising ene- miquity and bare-iaced inconsistencies as nccom- pany slavery in all its length and breadth, Wishing you a pleasant and prosperous meeting, and glorious results to the cause, I close by sub- the following sentiment: To be silent, is to be accessory. Your friend and coadjutor in the cause of universal emancipation, W. R. RANNEY. J. A. Allen, Sec. Vt. A. S. Society. mitting 1 of right, to the decision of the Public, of the CV iltzea World. In the lace ot ttie worm can you now back out, and refuse to abide the issue, which you have yourselves provoked ? Is this the chiv airy of the South ? Well then acknowledge, that you are bankrupt, and that your credit depends en tirely upon the unrequited labor of those you hold in bondage How absurd to talk of compensating slaveholder for their slaves, when they have already paid thei masters three or four times what they ever paid for thein. How true it is that slavery lives by fraud, and oppression, and violence. All tne property ol the South would not pay the just demand of those, who have borne the heat and burden of the day. Let the South pay for the unrequired labor, on which she has lived and rioted, and every planter would be reduced to beggary. The masters have not and cannot live without the slave, but the slave can live without the master. In view of the above statement we see how i .i .i.i . . i Jews, who stated that the Effvntians owed their nsciess is tne cry, mat slaves cannot take care ol fathers for man wears' services, and that thev themselves' When slaves thcy have earne(l - i . . .i . . . were willing to submit to his decision, provided enouSn 10 suPPort uieir masters and themselves. r n...u .i .i !., the E-vntian prince would do the same. Alex- r0Ulu mey 1,01 00 as mucn' 11 uiey were lree ander then called the nrince. and stated that, as I fill. 1 11 he claimed remuneration from the Jews, it anoear- Allure 18 " slavery, as wen as in 1 .. - mr i n ' i , i i , ed to be just that he should engage to pay them Jus"ce' ine lomiy Pmmer acflmres wealin. and their iust demands, nrovided the balance" should lives upon the unrequited labor of others. He and be in their fovor. To this the nrince assented. his family are dependent on the earnings of their Anneal was then made to the writings of Moses. servants- The wealth they hoard up, justly be An estimate was made of the nrls horrowprl. lonSs t0 their servants' and they have kcPl il from tl, u.. .,:i t .1-- : i .1.- The Inhnr of ttin Tsrnolltoc wo th r.lplil "-:. nfiui uiu muiiMou aim me " ..........,.,-. ..uw v...... UlUU.ll.V J! For the Voice of Freedom. Mr. Knapp: Somewhere I have seen an historical anecdote of the following import : When Alexander the Great had extended his conquests over Egypt, a prince of that country stated that many years be fore, the Jews borrowed of his ancestors raiment, and gold, and jewels, which they had never re turned ; he therefore requested Alexander to com pel the Jews to pay the debt. Alexander said he would inquire into the business, and would see that justice was done. He then inquired of the and the king was ready to declare the result, and require the Prince to pay over the balance to the Jews. But the Prince was cone, had fled for his life. The case was now altered, and he. who de manded justice from others, was now unwilling to render justice to others. He was willing to fleece his neighbor, but not to pay him for his hard labor. Mr. Clay, in his speech, has made a demand in the name of slaveholders for compensation from abolitionists for three millions of slaves, which he estimates at 1,200,000,000 dollars, which he thinks abolitionists ought to pay to the slaveholders, if the slaves are set free. Now if Mr. Clay and his slaveholding friends will consent to meet the ques tion as fairly as the Egyptian Prince did, I will engage for the abolitionists that they will join is sue with him, and abide the result. Has Mr. Clay magnanimity enough to meet us on this equitable plantation belong to the slaves. The drone lives on the honey, which the working bee has collect ed. And yet he is an honorable man. What a vortex must slavery be ? At a moderate calculation the slave labor, in this enlightened land, cannot be worth less than 110 millions of dollars a year. All this goes to support and fatten slave ry. And the slave states are actually sinking in character, and in their relative wealth and politi cal importance. " Behold, the hire of the laborers, which have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, crieth ; and the cries of them which have reaped, are entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth." -James 5:4. KIAH BAYLEY. From the Hampshire Gazette. Mr. Clay's Speech. I was glad to see in your paper Mr. Clay's speech on the slavery question. The Orator of the wpst. himself n slave hnlHnr nnrl Procirlont nf ground ? or does his sense of justice all look one lhe Colonization Society, must be supposed capable i -tT . 1 I 1 ' r 7 . .1 . -.1 f .1 . . . 1 r . way s vve put mm anu nis menus 10 me inai. oi giving me strong arguments, H any there are, We invite them to a settlement. Let the accounts against abolishing slavery and the slave trade by u r -l . j tc u i i i . , i acuon oi congress, in mose cases m wnicn uon- be liquidated. If the balance be against abolition- . , f . , ' .. T , , , . ' rrrpc i nslrnn in nn it l linn- lanro tn t.rti-ir hvi.fl.. etc ... ...ill if 1T fMo.T ...111 Vll.Trt I 1 1 1- . . J J .. ..... . j pu-'icu ...I.. v,.ujf ... ""5 examine nis leaainsr positions. himself to pay the balance, should it appear against The Constitution gives Congress power to leg slaveholders. On these terms we cheevfullv meet 'slate in all cases whatsoever, lor the District of J I... 1VT.. -!! .1. 1 the honorable Senator from Kentucky. He has stated his demand. We file in our account He says there are three millions of slaves. We mies; and whatever we would disapprove in an individual, we disapprobate jn communities, how ever numerous or dignified, It is no mitigation pf an offence, that many are engaged in it, or that it has long been practised. " Though hand join in hand, the wicked shall not go unpunished," is both reason and scripture. Although " vengoance belongeth unto the Lord," yet the most humble and obscure have a duty to perform in this matter; and "if these hold their peace, even the stones would cry out " at such gross will suppose, that one million are children and invalids, who can earn nothing ; and for them we make no charge. One million we will consider Columbia. Still Mr. Clay thinks it cannot legis late on the subject of slavery, because he thinks, Maryland and Virginia did not expect it would, when the district was ceded. Legislation would be a breach of faith. At best the faith is merely implied. And the doctrine of southern politicians is, the Constitution must not be construed. Obey it, say they, to the letter. What says Mr. Clay to Mr. Clay ought to read the sentiments of Black- stone, Mansfield, and Brougham, those great masters of the English law, and whose commenta ries and decisions form a great part of the coin mon law of our own country. He would learn from them, that laws conflicting with the eternal unu immuiauic principles ol justice are no laws, and entitled to no respect. This question of prop el ly, uy ine way, is the line ol division between the abolitionists arid coloniationists. The one society declares the slaves to be the bona fide prop erty ol the master. The other lakes the high and noble ground, that every man is owner of his own iimDs, his own powers ot body and mind. Tin whole christian and civilized world is fast yield ed assent to the latter doctrine. Tln'3 doctrine will ere long break the chains of every slave. ine mere colonizing a few thousand fre people in twenty years, while one and a half million are born or brought slaves into our country, is found too trivial and feeble a project to distract much longer the counsels and efforts of the friends of humanity. Mr. Clay declares the abolitionists to be friends of amalgamation ; although he says he has heard 01 none 01 mem lurnisning in their own persons or lamilies examples ot intermarriage.' When he said this, he was addressing the Vice President of tne U. &. and rresident ot the feenate, a slave hold er, the acknowledged paramour of a black woman, and the lather of colored children. The orator with great resignation says, leave slavery to Providence. The same Providence which has preserved us from suffering any evils irom tne system, will preserve our posterity. Why notleave the Bank, the Tarrif, the Sub Treas ury system, and the North Eastern Boundary to trovidence? 1 here is such a thins: as tempting as well as trusting 1 rovidence. In closing, Mr Clay, as many others do, declares himselt no friend of slavery.' 1 Ins comes with a bad grace from the holder, I will not say owner ot nlty slaves, and the founder of the slave system in the new but great state of Missouri. When he fought with Randolph, he avowed himself an en emy ot dueling. In a public address, which Mr. Clay delivered some eight years since before the Colonization Society of Kentucky, speaking of the free people of color, he said, ' of all classes of our population, the most vicious and contamina ted themselves, they extend their vices to all around them.' Speaking of them in another part of the same address as on their way to Africa, he says, 'everyone of them is a missionary, carrying with him credentials in the holy cause of Civiliza tion, Religion, and Free Institutions.' So foolishly and so contradictorily, w ill even great men write and speak, when advocating a bad cause. A WHIG. females, who earn only fifty dollars a year, and the act of the Congress of 1776, who, appealing to will allow twenty dollars for food and clothing, Heaven, declared atl men born jrce and eqval and which is undoubtedly a very large allowance. lhere will then be one million able bodied men entitled to? And how did Mr. Clay redeem that able to earn two hundred dollars in many cases, pledge, wnen, m t&au, he, then speaker in Con We will put them at one hundred dollars each for ;ress car;l by management a bill establishing the year, and will also allow twenty dollars a year rp, p,:,.: n J ' J J 1 he Constitution gives Congress power to reg- lor board ana clothing. And we will only cnarge uiate commerce between the States. Mr. Clay for forty years service: whereas many of them says Congress has no power from the Constitution lmvo 0rtrn,l fifw nr fi,vHr vanrQ Onn mllLn nt to abolish the commerce in slaves between the ww . -- v I fV--W Vl. u ....... v.. v.. 30 dollars a year equal to thirty millions ; 30,000,- 000 multiplied by 40 equal to 1,200,000,000, the amount of female labor for forty years. Interest on this for half the time, twenty years say, 1,410, 000,000 2,640,000,000, a large sum to be ex- States. Surely the wise and learned framers of the Constitution made strange use of the King's Jiinglish, if Henry Clay is to be their interpreter. Mr. Clay next speaks of the cruelty of one State blaming the institutions of another, especial ly of "holding them up to the scorn, contempt, and detestation of the whole civilized world," and traded from the bones, and sinews, and sweat, and says it has no more right to do it than one nation blood of females in 40 years. Une million of males to ao it to anotner. .uoes ne remember that in irn.i 1.1.. . L r . i . .t.i at 80 dollars beside board, &e. will be 60,000,000. e oesougru congress 10 ia,e part wun tne . . ,r. -ii 1 r. nnn nnn t oppressed and enslaved Greeks against their op- This multiplied by 40 will be 3,200,000,000. In- " ths Turkf and U)at he en ke ; nQ terest on this sum for 20 years 3,846,000,000. measured terms of the meanness and cruelty of Amount of male labor for 40 years and interest lurkish slavery W hat ii the now enfranchised 7,040,000,000. The whole amount of labor 9,- 6S0,000,000. From this deduct Mr. Clay's de mand, 1,200,000,000, and there remains 8,480,- 000,000 balance against Mr. Clay, & Co., and in favor of abolitionists. This sum divided among children of Leonidas should send over to our west ern vyorld their, sympathy for a race groaning under tar worse than lurkish slavery? lhe speaker then calculates the value of the slaves in dollars, and makes them nt the lowest estimate, worth 1,200,000,000. 'He knows' he snvs. ' There is a visionarv doo-mn. whirli hnbls three million of slaves would give $2,826 to each that saves are not tle subject of property.' But man, woman, and child a pretty sum to begin they are. 'That is property which the law declares :,i to be property,' If Mr. Clay should journey some ,, , ,, r T . 1 . summer to the vvnite Mountains 01 tne uramte The honorable gentleman from Kentucky is top s , ., , , , N Hamnahire high minded to run away as the Egyptian Prince should so amend their constitution as to tolerate did. He and his slaveholding friends must toe slavery, and the Legislrture of the state should by the mark. It is. eenllemen, a debt of lienor. You aw. declare Henry Clay to be the property ot Isaac 1 tUn flr,.mr.l Wp linvf. mpt iihvc.ii.uuc " - j esnecia v 1 Isaac s iou d buv him and nav your call, have presented the balance sheet, and for him to some one, who sohould seize him for find vou in debt eight billions, four hundred and that money, full as much as lie would be wortn lor J ll TT. -1. -I. 1 1. ! .1 1 . -11- f 1 II . ft. nllnn-lnn-vnn nr B S ave. lie miglllSlgQ 10 gO DaCIl 10 U1S WII6 ana eighty millions of dollars, alter allovMng jou your a h . ' r ' . children he left at Ashland, but he would have no full charge for all the property you claim in your ht t0 gt ho , nnd hi mnster Jd fellow-beings, Come forward Gentlemen and pay have a perfect right to task him severely and wear the Balance. We have no Alexander to compel him out in a year or two, or task him more lightly ..,.. 1, n,rmon! nr rr vn .nrw la. We nnnea Jv'. "V" 'uuSi'u'"1' Bu s.'ur yvu lu ...u, u,....., v.. 6.. declared so by aw. then to your own nonuruoiu iuuuug3,.iu yum oo.oc man oJ hls properiy j And who would rob a From the Friend of Man. Abolition in Virginia. Our readers will remember that an anti-slavery petition from Western Virginia was presented to Congress, some time ago that it caused much ex . . i .1 . i . ciieineiu, ana mat an indignation meeting was held in Wheeling, and violent resolutions ndonted 1 .11 . r ... to put down the Heresy. Well ! the petitioners u iiteir turn, nave neiu a meeting, in the same town of Wheeling, made speeches, and adopted resolutions, which they have published, together wiia a letter to the Editor of the Wheeling Ga zette. 1 hey assert their nn-ht in nc.tnn f-.riV.. . . ........ V luoimon oi slavery m the .District of Co um . n. repel the charge of seeking to excite an insurrec tion, dec. &rc. Uiey deny that their petition on- nated (as was alleged in Pennsylvania. Yet they contend that such a circumstance would not alter the merits of the petition, and thev are sorrv that the people of an adjoining State should have been described as ' miserable fanatics.'' They close with a resolution that the proceedings of the meet ing be signed by the Chairman and Secretaries. and lorwarded to the several papers for publication among which are specified the Emancinator. the Liberator, the Pennsylvania Freeman, the Chris tian Witness, (.Pittsburg,) and the Cincinnati Ph lanthropist (all ultra abolition papers.) A fine comment on the complaint that abolitionists nt the North, have disgusted and discouraged thd friends ot the slave at the &outh ! The letter to the Editor of the Wheeling Ga zette is signed by seventeen of the petitioners Among them is John Gilmor, Esq., who was in vited by the County Court to resign his commis sion as Justice of the Peace, in consequence of his having signed the petitions. Mr. Gilmor, in a let ter to the Court, gives his reasons for declining to comply with their request. He maintains that signing the petitions was not a violation of the act for the suppression of incendiary publications. He objects to the principle that ' a difference of opin- '... ! 1 . 1 , ' . ion, on a moral or political subiect, among the members of a Court, is a sufficient cause to justify the majority to require the minority to resign.' And, finally, he reminds the Court that if he has incurred the penalties of the act in ouestion, the penalty, on conviction is fine and imprisonment, nstead oi the penalty ot a Court s own. making, 'iz. resignation Irom office, and that, without nroof of guilt. All the documents are in a calm, manly, determined and dignified style. The entire pro ceedings occupy nearly four columns of the Pitts burgh Christian Witness,-besides three-fourths of a column more of the Editor's comments. The Editor believes ' the documents will furnish not the least interesting page, in- the history of our common country.' raged heavens, had it struck their pinnacle and shivered it to die foundation. By what authority are these people chained ? That is the thundering question, and blessed be the God of the poor slave it is now put for the first time formally put, and. the nation must answer it. Now slavery hold thine own ! Now Clay and Calhoun muster fofl the reply, for reply you must. The world haa heard the demand and the question; and this, question it is, that will put slavery on the death-! rack. The authority. Why was not this put be-, fore? Why have these people been enslaved, chained, whipped, driven, bought, sold, used up? Why, because there was nobody who cared to ash the authority. Every body thought they wera held by law, and constitution, and fate, and desti-. ny, and nature, and all; that they were as ineviti ably held as oxen and horses were in their beast sphere. We have long since denied the legal aui thority. We have declared slaveholding a viola-, tion of the Constitution an infraction of the law of the land ; that the slave was entitled to his lib erty and could demand it and have it in the courts of law. But we were " phrensical." We wero enthusiastic. (It is rather romantic, to be sure, to think that a man is entitled to his liberty under n purely democratic constitution !) But now the au-. thority is demanded by a man sane enough to go. to Congress from Vermont. Let us see if it can be produced. The House has laid the demand on. the table ; on the board prepared by our little ioin-. er Atherton, at his master's order, to lay out the rights ot man on. Jiut the nation, the world, will not so lay it out. They will repeat the s'ern de- mand. We echo Mr. Slades's question. " By what authority ?" Herald of Freedom. Ly Gerrit Smith's Review of Clay's speesh has just gone to press in New York city, A corres-. ponuent says : " it will be about as long as Chant ning's Letter. I have only read a part of it, which is very good." That speech sounded the death- knell of Henry Clay's political hopes. Senator Preston said that Mr. Clay consulted him and oth-. er gentlemen as to the propriety of delivering the speech. The Carolinian hinted to Mr. C. that possibly it might injure his political prospects. Mr. C. is said to have promptly replied, " I had rather he right than to be President .'" How dra matically affecting! But, proud oppressor he ia not right, nor will he be President. Mass. Ahn- litionist. Very Pious. A clergyman of Louisiana latelv made the following announcement from the pul pit: "I am requested to state, that immediately iter service this evening there will be a race iust back of the Church, two mile heats, for apurse of 300 two nags entered and some hopes of an other. I trust yoif will all le there." Tm lloy Gat iCiie. IN Tlniiuler-t'Inp THE SKY OF SLAVEUY. January 30th a company of men, women and children in chains 30 men the women and children about 20 were driven by the Capitol nt Washington for the Southern slave-market insight of many Members of both Houses of Congress, and within sound of the flap of Universal Liberty's striped and starred flag, that was hung out over that kenncj of slaveholders. William Slnde, of Vermont, on the 12th of this very month, February, got up and offered a reso lution demanding by what authority these prople were chained. A clap of thunder from a, blue sky would not have astounded them more or scarcely a thunder bolt, from the angry and out- Aspect of Slavery. In order to show the true aspect of slavery amons n, will state distinct propositions, each supported by the evi dence of actually existing laws. 1. Slavery is heredilary and perpetual, to the last mo ment of the slave's earthly existence, and to all his descen dants, to the latest pcoterily. 2. The labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompen sated; while the kind of labor, the amount of toil, and ths time allowed for rest, are dictated solely by the master. Na bargain is made, no wages given. A pure despotism gov erns the human brute; and even his covering and prov ender, both as to quantity and qua'ity, depend entirely on the master's discretion. 3. The slave being considered a personal chattel, may be sold, or pledged, of leased, at the will of his master, Ho may be exchanged for marketable commodities, or ta ken on execution for the debts, or taxes, either of a livinn. or a deceased master.. Sold at auction. " either individual ly, or in lots to suit the purchaser." he mav remain With his family, or be separated from them forever. 1. claves can ma'fe no contracts, and have no legal right to any properly, real or personal. Their own honest earn ings and the legacies of friends belong, in point of law, tq their masters. 5. Neither a slave, nor free colored person, can bo a wit ness against any while or free man, in a court of justice, however atrocious mav have been the crimes thev have seen him commit: but they may give testimony against a fellow-slave, or a free colored man, even in cases aflecting ife, 6. The slave may be punished at his master's discretion without trial without any means of legal redress, whether his offence be real or imaginary: and the master can, transfer the same despotic power to any person or persons, he may choose to appoint. 7. 4. he slaye is not allowed to resist any free ipan under any circumstances: his only safety consists in the fact that his owner may bring suit and recover the prico of hi body, in case his life is ta'.en, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor. 8. Slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a chanea of masters, tho' cruel treatment may have rendered sucl a change necessary for their porsonal safety, 9. i he slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic re-. lations. 10, The laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, oven where the master is willing to enfranchise them. 11. lhe operation of tho laws tend to deprive slaves of religious instruction and consolation. 12. The whole power of the laws is exerted to keen slaves in a state of the lowest ignorance. 13. There is in this counlrv a monstrous inequality of aw and right. What is a trifling fault in a white man, is considorcd highly criminal in the s'ave; the same ofl'ences( which coat a white man a few dollars only, are punished n the negro with death. 14. The laws operate most oppressively upon frco people) of color, Appeal in favor af that clan of American) called African. Mas. Child. The West India Kxpcriment. Among the points established by the West India Eman, cipation, beyond the power of dispute or cavil, are the foli owing : 1. That the act of IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION in Antigua, was not attended with any disorder whatever. i. that the emancipated slaves have readily, faithfully, and efficiently worked for wages from the first. 3. lhat wherever there has been anv disturbance in tho working of tho apprenticeship, it hus been invariably by thq fault of the masters, or of the officers charged w ith the ci-t edition of the f Abolition Aot." 4. That the prejudico of caste is fast disappearing in ths emancipated islands. 5. lhat the apprenticeship was not sought for by the ilanters as a preparation for frecilom, I). 1 hat no such preparation was needed. 7. That the planters who havo fairly mad the '! cxper- iment, now greatly prefer tho new pyatcm to tho old. 8. That the emancipated people aro perceptibly rising in the Bcale of civilization, morals, and religion. Rev. J. D. Taxton, of Virginia, who had always Hved n the midst of slaves, and held (horn, says in his O Let j ters on Slavery," p. 153, " Thk slavks, man, n'OMiy ANP CHILD, ARE LONGING FOR FREEDOM,"