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FREEDOM. ALLEN &, POLAND, Publishers. Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor. VOLUME I. ' MOH'TPEIilER, VJDKiHOIVT, MAY 4, I 39. TV OS RE K IB. ' For the Voice of Frnedom. Extract of an Address delivered at Richford,Vt BV A. H. BAKER. But let us advert to another event in the prog ress of our cause, which shows-its triumphant sue cess. I mean the abolition of the West India ap prenticeship system. It seems evident that God is removing every obstacle that can servo as an ex cuse for the continuance ol slavery. While many have advocated gradualism as th safest and most practicable many have insisted upon colonization, or a complete removal of th colored people many have cried out that it would be unjust to the master to take away his slave with out remuneration many have shuddered with th frightful apprehension that slaves would resent the gut of Ireedom by cutting their masters' throats and many with bowels of compassion, have feared that the slaves would be unable to take care c themselves, and would be worse off if made free God has wrought out as it were on the blackboard of this world s history, an example of gradualism and immediatism, which settles the point ; and holds it up to the gaze of nations, as a star of guidance to the wise of mankind. The abolitionists of Great Britain for a Ion time had been laboring for the overthrow of slave ry in the West Indies, and with the same obsta cles as ours in their way fears, slanders, prophe cies of evil, &c. Even the islands threatened to 'secede' from the British government and throw themselves upon the United States, unless the in terference of abolitionists with their ' peculiar in stitulions' was stopped. At length the Impcria Parliament passed an act to abolish W. I. slavery on the 1st ot August, lbJl. It was not, howev er, to be immediate and full emancipation. The slaves were to workG years longer for their mas' ters as apprentices. This was intended partly as a partial remunera tion to the master, and partly as a course of prepa ration, or fitting the slave for freedom. At the same time, the colonial Legislatures were allowed II they chose, to adopt immediatism. Mark the wisdom of God in this. Two of the islands chose to emancipate fully, at once, as a matter of politi cal expediency, while the remainder chose gradir nlism in the form of the apprenticeship. The Brit ish abolitionists, fioding that Hie latter system was liable to numerous abuses, and was but another name for slavery, which they had all along sus peeled, exerted themselves for its overthrow. titions were poured into parliament from all parts ot the kingdom for the abolition ol the apprentice1 ship on the 1st of August, 1838. Their exertions did not succeed. Providence had ordered other wise. The islands, that had adopted this system finding that immediate emancipation worked so much better was more profitable and that there was no prospect of getting any further compensa tion from the home government ; of their own ac cord,, by their colonial Legislatures, abolished the apprenticeship, tico years before its termination, and declared theirislaves completely free on the 1st of August, 1838. ' Thus, while abolitionists were disappointed in not bringing the action of the British Parliament to bear as they wished, God was bringing deliver ance to the captive in a way which would tell an hundred fold more in favor of the great work, as it exhibits the united testimony of all the islands in favor of immediate abolition: a testimony which cannot fail to. exert an influence on surrounding nations and although this was a measure of pol icy, profit, and expediency, on the part of the Isl ands, more than from any regard for the rights of man, or the commands of Gcfl the result has proved, that the abolitionists were right the fears of their opponents groundless their prophecies false and the wisdom of God unbounded. The question is often asked What have aboli tionists accomplished with all their high-sounding pretensions? We answer in part, by pointing to the 800,000 liberated slaves in the West Indies. And while we rejoice at this great transformation, let us remember the millions of our own country men in bonds, and with hands strengthened, and hearts encouraged, take hold of the work with re newed vigor. And why is it, with all this light blazing round us, tliat we have so much opposition to encounter ? And above all, why is it that the greatest difficulty in the minds of some, is the fear of wronging, not the slave, but the slaveholder! Surprising as this sympathy may appear, yet ma ny argue, that slaveholders, relying on the consti tution and laws of their country, may have invest ed their whole property in slaves ; now to go and liberate these slaves without paying for them, would impoverish the masters, and be a great in justice to them. However much we may be opposed to injustice .of any kind, yet we cannot look upon this mole hill as of sufficient magnitude to hide from our view the vast mountains of injustice and oppres sion, which have for ages been heaped upon the lave ; nor can we believe, that all these wrongs must continue to multiply, with all their attendant miseries, for ages without end, rather than per chance a few slaveholders may have purchased slaves and have not robbed them of their earnings long enough to regain their purchase money, and thus lose a few dollars. But why such a flood of sympathy for the slave holder in this imaginary case ? The child is not born yet, much less has it ' fell into the oven and burned to death.' Reserve your tears ; when this circumstance occurs it will be soon enough to weep over it; nor need wc expect that mankind will go without bread, for fear of such an accident. J3ut seriously Are the slave's sufferings nothing? Are they not exist in,.' realities? Have not his wrongs accumulated with every moment of hisex- isience i is no nui rwiwi-u ... nression ? And what atonement will be made to liim? What recompense of reward given him? Oh ! he will be made a Jree man ! He will own himself! He will no longer be a slave ! True. But, is this a recompense n reward a compen sation ? Not a whit of it. It is only giving him himself! which is his birthright. Emancipation is a mere acknowledgement of his rights and ceas ing to rob him of them by law. It does not give him a farthing of all the wages of his life! It does not remunerate him for the brutal assaults on his body. It does not renew in him the strength worn out in years of hopeless toil. It does not raise the dead from their graves and from the depths of the sea, and restore them to youthful vigor, to their homes and country, Why cannot these delicate sympathies these fertile imaginations, realize the slave's condition and feel for his wrongs, and ' remember those in bonds:' even though they are guilty of a colored skm : as well as to have all their concern taken up by such imaginary injustice to the master ? But admitting, for the sake of argument, that the difficulty is as great as it is thought to be. How shall it be remedied f bhall those who have never been guilty of slavery be compelled to pay tor the slaves ? 1 his certainly would be injustice Shall the guilty pay ? This would be taking out of one pocket to put in the other, and would not promote justice in the least. What then? will you appeal to the charities of the world for contri' tuitions to buy the slaves ? Is it probable that money could be raised in any way to purchase the three millions? INot at all. Jiut it is idle to talk of these absurdities. The living reality of slavery is about us. 1 he slave stands before us with uplifted, manacled hands, and with flowing tears, appeals to our philanthropy. ' Am 1 not a man and a Brother?' For what crime ami chained in bondage ? Why am I condemned to hopeless servitude ? Why must 1 cringe beneath the driver's lash, and toil 'neath scorching suns to administer to the luxuries of my fellow ? Why was 1 torn from my family and sold like a beast ? Why do the fruits of my labor only serve to nil the coffers of my master, and enable him to add to the number and sufferings of his slaves ? Oh ! maddening thought! Have I not an immortal mind ? and must it be forever chained? Is there not a God of justice? Will He not come down and deliver me, and judge those who have oppres sed the stranger and kept back the hire of the la borer ? And will ice not hear this cry ? Will we not leal his wounds? Or will we pass by like the Priest and the Levite on the other side, and at last cry ourselves and lmd no mercy f Do you en quire what you can do ? I ask, and let the question come home with the lightning's power to the breast of every individual. What are you doing, directly or indirectly, to encourage slavery to sus tain and keep it alive to tread down the colored man in the dust, and bind his soul in chains of darkness ? If wc can ascertain that any act of ours tends to produce these effects ; it follows, that we are morally" guilty as long as we persist in that act ; and are so far responsible for its consequences. It will be a long time before slavery will come down by our efforts, if we build it up with one hand as fast as we pull it down with the other. I hen one great thing which we must do, is to cease doing those acts which brace and support the system, and draw a veil over its enormities. Now what are these acts ? The consumption of the products of slave labor the apologies for slave holders the honors heaped upon them the crin ging servility to them ' the base bowing of the nee to the dark spirit ol slavery the general voice of community in opposition to immediatism the persecutions of abolitionists the wicked prejudice against color, and last though not least, the christian fellowship with the whole system and its supporters are no doubt among the most prom- nent. Want of time will forbid a discussion of all these points. But there is one branch of chris tian fellowship which has, I believe.a very impor tant bearing on the subject I refer to the rcceiv- ng into the ' treasury of the Lord the contribu tions of slaveholders. Here, I am aware that I am treading on ground that may seem forbidden to many, and that I may be accused of rashness, denunciation, Sec. But I believe that all who sin- ojrely desire to wash their hands from all connec tion with slavery, will give me their candid and patient attention, while I investigate the point. Abolitionists have maintained that the system ot slavery is a system of theft and robbery, and of course that slaveholders are manstealers and man robbers, and, as many are excusing themselves for standing aloof on account of this ' hard language,' it becomes our duty to ascertain whether the cir cumstances or truth of the case, warrant the use of such terms ; and if so, the next question is not, whether it is right but whether it is expedient What says the Bible f He that stealeti a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death.' This shows that there is such a crime as manstealing, and it is one of those great crimes, which, like murder, Sec. were punished with death, by the command of the great Jehovah. INow what is stealing a man? Is it pouncing upon him in the dead of night, on the coast of Africa tearing him from all he holds dear confining him in the accursed slave ship conveying him to some foreign land, and there compelling him to toil amidst countless lashes and groans, without pay and without hope ? No doubt you will readily admit that this is manstealing. Now I ask, Is it any less criminal in the sight of uod or any less an outrage against humanity, to steal a man from himself in America from his very birth, and all hi3 natural life or buy or sell or even keep a person thus stolen ? When God created man, He stamped ' His own image' upon him. " In the likeness of God made he him." He was, as God's representative on earth, to have dominion over the fish the fowl the cattle over nil the earth and over every creep ing thing, &c. but not over man, this ' noblest work' of creation so highly favored and distin guished. The Law nnd curse of God, was de signed to protect ' his own image' from base en slavement and wanton violation. Mark the pen alty ! And lust somo might quiet their conscien -ces with the belief that they were innocent of stca' ing a man or selling him, as they only ' keep slaves for their good' the text quoted goes further and adds ' or if he be found in his hand' making the latter condition as criminal as the stealing or selling. It would seem that this was intended to cover the whole ground, so that no evasion would be possible. And I ask, Is there a slave in Amer ica that would not come under some of these heads? Man oannot hold property in man without a wanton violation of God's law, and an insult, an outrage against God himself, in his ' likeness,' 'im age,' and 'spirit.' It is unnatural and inconsist ent with the design of his creation, with his free agency, and accountability. Every slave in the United States is a stolen person, stolen from him self or herself, the only rightful owner ! How did slavery originate here ? Was it not by stealing Af ricans? And was not this a wanton violation of all right and justice ? Did it not rob them of their all? Yea, of country, home, friends, wives and children ; and indeed of their descendants as long as slavery curses the earth? Those who are born in slavery are as reallv wronged as were their an cestors, who were stolen from Africa. They are stolen ' property,' and those who keep them are manstealers. Slaveholders know that their slaves and their ancestors were stolen. By retaining them in bondage they consent unto the original theft. ' As your fathers did, so do you.' Much has been said ol our want pf chanty to the slaveholder. That they ought not to be blam ed for the system, which was ' introduced by their ancestors,' and ' entailed upon them,' &c. In an swer to this, we merely point to Matthew 23 : 29 30. " Wo unto you scribes and Pharisees, Hypo crites ! because ye build the tomb3 of the proph ets, and garnish the sepulchres of the righteous, and say, If toe had been in the days of our fathers we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets," Sec. A thief by retaining stolen property any length of time, never becomes legally, or morally entitled to it. On the contrary, the true owner thereof ias a right to take it wherever he can find it, and lias a just claim for damages, and the punish ment of the offender. That person who retains by force, property, or the product of property, which he knows to be stolen, and knows who is the owner thereof; whether he actually commit ted the theft or not, is an accomplice. And is not the accomplice as bad as the thief? Yea, is he not a very thief and a robber ? 1 he slaveholder takes all the slave's earnings ! and not content with this, takes his children! his wife ! and the poor slave himself! He takes all this by lorce, with no other right, but might. and power, and compels the poor slave, through fear of the torturing lash, and through fear of death even, to labor unrequited ! Do you doubt it ? What would be the effect if the slaves should utterly re fuse to work ? Whips, chains, tortures, imprison ment, and death, would be put in requisition to compel them. Remember that in some states, if the 'slave dies by moderate correct Hon .the mur- deier goes unpunished by law! And, also, if a slave strikes a white man, no matter what the prov ocation, the punishment is death ! And these laws are not dead letters ; they are put in force ! This is legalizing robbery and murder with a ven geance ! Uut go lurther. A refusal to labor on the part of the slaves as a body, would be deemed an insurrection, and straightway the United States' troops must be called out to restore order. Blood must necessarily flow, nnd the norrors af servile ar would darken the land, unless, like the vic tim of midnight robbery, the slaves, through fear of death, and to save life, part with their rights, and submit to degrading servitude. WE are con- titutionally bound to assist in this diabolical rob bery, and who. of us would be willing to shoulder a musket and march to the south, and imbrue our hands in the blood of slaves struggling for liberty, and compel them tamely to submit to the nameless horrors of slavery. No wonder the south dreads the spread of abolition sentiments, as much as she wishes to continue the system, for one must con sume the other. In case any of this human 'property' should take legs and run away, law compels us to become an accomplice and give it up not to its owner ! but to the man who -car prove that he has actually rob bed or stolen it from its owner! How contrary is this to justice, or to the word of God. " Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the ser vant who is escaped from his master unto thee He shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which ho shall choose, in one of thy gates where itliketh him be3t. Thou shalt not oppress him. Who will not clear himself from all par ticipation in this complicated, legalized, man-robbing, and God-dishonoring system of wickedness? Jiut to return. Having thus shown, as I trust sat isfactorily, that the system of slavery is a system of manstealing, a crime of that deep crimson which is denounced by the Bible as worthy the punishment ot death and that wc are involved in its support, and that in using these terms, we do not exceed the bounds of truth: It remains a ques tion as 1 said before, whether the use is expedient ' Some things are lawful that are not expedient.' We believe duty is the guide to expediency, and the commands of God, obligatory as rules of duty, The Bible affords us ample condemnation of sfa very, and a safe example ; and in using its lan guage ; or obeying its precepts, by endeavoring to 1 break every yoke,' and loose every band of oppres sion, as we would wish, if we were ' bound with those-in bonds,' that others would do unto us ; we transgress no rules of expediency, and are do ing no more than we are bound to do, by the pre cept ' Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.' Believing this, need we go about to invent a set of terms that will sound soft in the ears of the guilty, and bo as ' pillows,' or ' rotten rags,' ' un der the armholes' of his conscience, to keep the cords of truth from galling as we draw him out of the deep pit of slavery ? May we not be satisfied to use those terms which God himself has used, even though thev chafe and cut to the quick ? Or shall we ' daub with untempered mortar ?' What reason can be assigned, why we should not tell the world in what light wc view slavery, so plainly, as to leave no doubt of our sentiments and abhorrence ? We have beon taupht and accustomed to look for correct principles, and pure, universal love for mankind, among the followers of Htm, who has said ' If the Son therefore shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed.' But when instead of this, we find ' eminent divines' defending slavery from the Bible ! Brother making merchandize of broth- er ! Christians selling the 'imago of God' for money ! making slaves ! of the Brother and sis ter and mother' of the Lord Jesus ! whoso name is ' written in their forehead ;' we are driven to the alternative of believing, either that the Bible is a fable, a,nd the christian religion false ; or that thoso professors of its principles, who, in this en lightened age, oppose the discontinuance of slave ry, and withhold the hire of their laborers who ' reap down their fields,' are wofully corrupt, and destitute of religion. What can we expect, but that HE to whom 'all power is given in Heaven and Earth,' will say, ' Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren' In asmuch as ye have made slaves of my flock chain ed body and soul m bondage' Ye have done it unto ML !' ' Depart from me, ye workers of in iquity' ' I never knew you !' Hence, in view of these awful considerations in view of the vital importance of the subject, with its danger and guilt, abolitionists have depicted its triglitlul colors and its tremendous responsib ties. And they have done this in sorrow, in grief and in love ; tremblingly alive to the dearest rights of man, the purity of religion, the welfare of mil lions, and the honor of God. It is such faithful reproof which gives offence, and though prompted by the most unbounded philanthropy, and the pu rest benevolence, the blow is warded off, and the conscience soothed, by calumniating the motives ol the reprover ! 1 he slaveholders feel themselves to be sleeping over the pent up fires of a volcano. Guilt prompts the feeling, but covetousncss and pride forbid a removal from the danger. Thev dream of daggers and pistols, and start up with alarm. An accusing conscience warns them of justice but avarice and luxury stifle the monitor. In addition to the beliel that slavery is a sin against God and man, abolitionists have gone up on the principle that slaveholders are men, and have the feelings, consciences and susceptibilities of men that these, though blunted and dormant, can be moved that they are sensitive on points touching their honor; that as long as the world at large does not condemn slavery, nor reprove and rebuke the slaveholder; his conscience is comparatively at rest, nor does he feel debased in the eyes of mankind. But let the world sing in the cars of slaveholders its utter abhorrence of the system, and refuse any fellowship with them in their unfruitful works of darkness keep aloof from them as they would from a band of robbers ; and they would shrink back within themselves, conscience would do its work, and they would abol ish the system. Hence the pointed rebukes of ab- olitionists, their strong language, their efforts to abolitionize the North, Sec. And what has pre vented our efforts from having their desired effect? Simply because of the thousands of pro-slavery editors, politicians, merchants, and clergymen, who unite to misrepresent nnd slander us, who 'cry peace, peace, when there is no peace' who array the slaveholding christians ! (!) in their front rank, and vehemently cry out ' You must not aim a dart at christians' ' you will destroy the peace of the church' ' you will cause infidelity to triumph.' While on the other hand those entrenched in their zeal, triumphantly exclaim You cannot wound us until you first remove these men of God.' We therefore call upon apologizing proslavitcs, and upon all who say ' it is of no use to address the slaveholders, to stand out of the way, and let their consciences be reached, and see if they are invincible to the appeals of God and man in be half of the oppressed see if they will not be moved by the world's withering scorn see if thev are mere soulless, heartless, petrifactions of men. Yea, we call upon them to come up and help us build the wall of freedom, nnd labor no longer to pile up rubbish in the way, or pull down the wall. Is not this a great work ? A work which affects ihe destiny of millions ? A work in defence of the rights of man ? A work for the elevation of men from mere chattels or things, to the proper! dignity of freemen ? And who shall hinder us ? Who shall prevent its final consummation ? With these views of duty and expediency, I return to the point. If then these premises are correct which I have advanced as preliminaries, it follows as a conclusion, that ' The American Board' or any other ' Board,' by receiving into ' the treasury of the Lord' the contributions of slaveholders, help to quiet their consciences, and give countenance to slavery, with all its attendant wickedness, crime and wretchedness. And in proportion to the high cnaracterot the .board lor benevolence and Chris tianity; this support becomes so much the more magnified and prominent as a main pillar to the system. Is this a staggering conclusion ? Pause and ex amine it, for 'He that answereth a matter belore he heareth it, it is folly and shame unto him.' Prov. XVIII : 13. Now supposing I meet a man present a pistol at his head and rob him of his money, or coward ly go in the night and steal his horse : and it be- comes universally known. If I could purchase the respect and connivance of community quiet conscience secure my ill-gotten gain, and escape punishment by giving a small portion of it for the support of preaching, foreign missions, &c, would I not gladly do it, and think it cheap enough too? And supposing the man I had robbed should pre sent himself to the trustees or agents, and prove himself the owner of the money, and protest against their receipt of it. Would he be thrust aside, and my offering accepted, and myself ac knowledged and treated as a good christian ? Let it be understood that robbers can escape in this way, and who would not be a robber? The sys tem of slavery robs its millions of human beings, not of hundreds and thousands of dollars merely, but of their whole lives ! And here let me ask you what sum of money, or. what consideration, would induce you to become a slave for life, and entail slavery upon all your posterity ? Would you rec ommend the hired men of Vermont to change their situation for the ' better oflV condition of the southern slave ? And, to bring the subject closer home let me ask, How would you feel, if, on your return from your daily labor, you should find that the kidnapper had been at your dwelling, taken your children, your brothers and sisters, or the partners ol your bosoms, chained thorn with n gang of slaves and driven them to the far south, to be scourged by the lash prostituted to their lust, nnd toil unrequited? Methinks you shudder at this, and cry ' God forbid ! I had rather follow them to their graves.' You would not think their immediate emancipation absurd, or any too soon. Nor would you look upon such a circumstance with the same cool ii)diflbrencoaupon the oppres sed black. Nor yet would you coin promise with the wretches who had thus wrested from you your, nearest friends, on the condition that a fraction of their earnings should be contributed for benev olent objects, and you be dumb to all complaint or, remonstrance. To kid nap your child would be no greater mor al crime than to kidnap the poorest colored man thousands of whom are kidnapped from their birth. Bring then the case home. Let your child be the victim. I do not ask you what your efforts would be. They would be immediate. But the wretch-i edness of your soul would not approach to that deep-toned agony of the slave parent whose chili dren are torn from him, until you had made every effort which the utmost vigilance of parental feel ing could prompt, and had set down in the mid night blackness of despair. I look upon man-, stealing, or manrobbing, or American slavery by any name, to be as much more heinous "in thai sight of God, than common theft or highway robi bery, as the immortal soul of man is of more val-, uo than dollars and cents. The crime of robbing a man of himself, and fami ily, and all his earnings, and loading him with all the trappings of slavery, is immeasurably greater, and incomparably baser; and were vour wifo or child the victim, you would feel this truth in all its force. How would it seem for a slaveholder to come forward with a portion of his slave prod uce as an offering or donation, and publicly make a prayer like this. O Lord! I thank thee for our blessed ' patriarchal, ' domestic institution,' which ' is the corner stone of our republican edifice,' and enables me to live on the ' hire' withheld from my 'laborers,' kept back from them by fraud, and by that superior power with which thou hast so mer cifully endowed me; and as a token of my grati-. tude for this peculiar privilege, I present this small sum for the furtherance of the spread of the glo rious gospel among all nations except our slaves. For, O Lord ! thou knowest it would excite them to insurrection if they were allowed to read thy word. And although thou hast ' witnessed their groans' their muttered curses and writhing hearts. as they have been driven by the lash to their dai ly toil, and hast cursed those who use ' their neigh? bor's service without wages' yet as ' they are a lazy vicious set,' and will not work without being compelled by fear of punishment, and as ' they love me so well' that ' they would not be free If they could ; notwithstanding their frequent un grateful attempts to run away from mv kind care. and as ' they would cut our throats' if we set them,' free. I beseech thee O Lord ! to bless this contrir bution ; make it an instrument of much good, and pardon us from all the woes threatened in thy word to those who rob and oppress thy poor, and blot out from thy remembrance all the cruelties and iniqui ties the millions of stolen persons sacrificed lives, and damned souls, that have been numbered under this system of slavery before this offering ia brought ! And thy name shall have all the glory forever. Amen ! Abominable as this carricalure may seem, yet I appeal to your judgment and ask, is it not correct? Can a slaveholder present his contribution and pray over it in the words of truth, conformably to the facts of the case, arid to the word of Ood.and agreeably to the dictates of his own conscience, without making such a prayer ? And would Goc bless him, unless he ' break off his sins by l igh-i teousness, and his iniquities by showing mercy to the poor?' The contributions of slaveholders ore the.frqitsj of the unrequited toil, coerced from slaves by cxw-r. cities unnumbered, nccompanied with their tears, and groans, and blood. The reception of their donations into the christian treasury, affords then the highest countenance in the world. It is au thorizing them to rob the poor, to give to the Lord ! and saying to them go on : use " thy neighbor's service without wages," and instead of giving him, for his work, give vs a portion of the spoil, and we will endorse your character ; we will join, hands with you in this wickedness ; we will apol-s ogize for you ; we will testify to yp.ur unbounded benevolence your christian charity your uni versal philanthropy your love for the heathen your desire for the spread of the gospel and the conversion of the world. And although you have robbed God's poor, and your offerings are the price of their blood, yet we are not so superstitjpus of conscientious as were those wicked chief priests who put our blessed Lord to death, and thought it " not lawful" to put the " thirty pieces of silver'' into the treasury. We will snake hands with, you in this iniquity, and cover it with a veil of charity ! We will accept of the sop, and sanctify the deed ! Is not this swallowing the camel 1, But perhaps some may ask, is it not better that slaveholders should give their money in aid of missions, Sec. than to expend it in the purchase of slaves ? I answer, they have no right to do eh ther, The precept of the gospel is, "Restore what thou hast wickedly taken." Restore the slave to himself. Give him back all that belongs to him as nn immortal man, Render unto him " that which is just and equal." The idea of giv ing, necessarily implies receiving. We cannot receive the fruits of robbery, knowing v. without becoming an accomplice, and sharing in its guilt, We nave no njnit to "do evil," or sanction evil. that good may come," nor to "continue in (thel sin" of countenancing slavery " that grace may a bound" by its contributions into the Lord's treas ury. "What concord hath Christ with Belial?'1 ' What communion hath light with darkness?" , Would you consent unto theft, or robbery, for a paltry share of its fruits offered you as a bribe to silence ? Would you make'a common stock with a band of midnight robbers ? Charily leginsat home :" not by withholding the Bible, education, clothing, wages, &c. from the poor laboring slave and, to cuin a Inch char-! ncler for liberality and benevolence, and cover n the deep, damning stains tf this niint iinnmtu t.... cing a fraction of the monev thus withheld in. lighten and christianize the heathen. This, nt best, is a spurious, rotten-hearted charity; nnd such a Bible-withhold intr. lilim-rnbliinn' rplivinn. is one of the greatest abominations under the stui. It literally makes " the house of God a den of tnicves ; and such it will 'continue to be, unless tho " buyers and sellers," nnd robbers of human flesh, who " trade in the souls of men," who "sell the righteous for silver nnd the poor for n pair of shoes' are "east out." Tlja heathen never can.