The voice of freedom. [volume], June 08, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

Image provided by: University of Vermont

                
E T.0I
F1BEB:M.
ALLEN & POLANdTpub7
CHAUNGBt' L, KNAPP, Editor.
USHERS.
Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
VOLUME I.
MOKTPELIEK, VERMONT, JILE 8, 1839.
IYOJUEK 23,
M
OF
sua vcjnoa if eibeee)
Speeches at the Anniversary.
r ' ANDREW HARRIS.
All A xrnn n-nv IT. t-i .
. "nov hakkis, oi 1'hiladelplua, a gen-
uviuau oi coior, was introduced by the President
as a graduate of the U niversitw nf Vomnnl. He
spoke with much freedom and force, in support of
a resolution, j. hat the degradation and crime charg
ed upon the free colored population of this coun
try, is the result of the wrongs under which they
suffer.
It is with no pleasant feelings, said he, that I
stand here to speak in relation to the wrongs of a
portion of the inhabitants of this country, who, by
their complexion, are identified with myself. It is
with feelings of great responsibility that I stand
here as their representative.
Who of our pilgrim fathers, when they entered
ship, and committed themselves to the waves
when the breeze carried back the echo of their
songs, ever thought the day would come, when an
assembly like this would meet on the island of
Manhattan, for such an object? Who would then
have supposed, that the oppression and wrongs of
millions in this country, would have been so great
as to call together an audience like this ? If an in
habitant of another world should enter one of
these doors, and look abroad upon these thousands,
and ask, ' For what are you assembled ?' and the
voice of the multitude should be heard in answer,
We have come here to hear and converse about
the wrongs of our fellow men ;' would he esteem
it alight or trifling thing, which has brought this
audience together?
But from whence spring these wrongs ? The
original source from 'which thev spring, is the cor
ruption of the human heart. The beginning of
its developement is slavery. Shall I again point
to the -South, and depict the sufferings of the
slave ? If the groans and sighs of the victims of
slavery could be collected and thrown out here in
one volley, these walls would tremble, these pillars
would be removed from their foundations, and we
should find ourselves buried in the ruins of the
edifice. If the blood of the innocent, which has
been shed by slavery, could be poured out here,
this audience might swim in it or if they could
not swim' they would be drowned. If the tears
that slavery has caused to be shed, were poured
out here, there might be a soa on which to ply
the oar in exercise of sport and diversion. But
this is not all the anguish produced by the sepa
ration of husband and wife, children and parents.
nnd the scourges of the defenceless and unofTcnj-
ing slave, are a fathornless sea. and an ocean
Without a shore.
Jjut slavery does not stop here. It presses
down upon the, free people of color. Its deadly
poison is disseminated from the torrid regions of
the South to the irfgld.JVorih. We feci at here.
Yet, with all this, if the colored man is vicious, or
jf he is not elevated, it is set down to his natural
stupidity and depravity, and the argument is rais
ed that he belongs to an inferior race. The col
ored people are also charged with want of desire
for education and improvement ; yet, if a colored
man comes to the door of our institutions of lear
ning, with desire ever so strong, the lords of these
institutions rise up and shut the door ; and then
you say we have not the desire nor the ability to
acquire education. Thus, while the white youth
enjoy all these advantages, we are excluded and
shut out, and must remain ignorant. It is natu
ral to suppose, then, that there should be more
crime among us. But is this crime properly charge
able to the colored man, as evidence of the vicious
propensities of his race?
Again, in the social relations of life, wrongs are
inflicted upon us that are grievous and heavy to
be borne, and we must fold our arms and bear it.
But even this is thrown out as a taunt against us,
that we do not speak of our wrongs, as evidence
that we are too stupid and degraded to feel them :
while, if we rise to defend ourselves, and to plead
our cause, the torch and the brick-bat are poured
out as arguments on the other side. As a speci
men, I will mention what I experienced in my
passage to this city, from the city of ' brotherly
love,' so called ; but as to the claim it has upon
that title, I leave the ruins of Pennsylvania Hall
to answer. On the way, they refused to give the
colored man a seat, but put him up in boxes, as
they would monkeys or wild geese. And why
was this ? was it because he had no money ? No.
.Was it because he was not decently clad ? No.
Was it because he was an" idiot, and they feared
he would annoy the company with his foolishness?
No it is because he has the complexion which
God has given him. The bible says the love of
money is the root of all evil ; and if the love of
money is a predominant passion anywnere, it is
in this land. Yet without disputing the correct
ness of the declaration, it seems to me that slave
ry has developed a passion in the human heart
that is stronger than the love of money ; for they
reluse to gratify thi disposition which the bible
eays is the root of all evil, through the influence
ol that still deeper root of evil, prejudice.
Again : the colored man is deprived of the op
portunity of obtaining those situations in society
which his enemies say he ought to hold, if capable.
If he wishes to be useful as a professional man, a
merchant or a mechanic, he is prevented by the
color of his skin, and driven to those menial em
ployments which tend to bring us more and more
into disrepute,
The church itself was not free from participa
tion in the general guilt of oppressing the black
man. He feared that some of her pastors would
in the great day, have the Judge say to them, tho'
ye have cast out devils in my name, yet this dev
il of prejudice you have not cast out of your own
hearts and though you may have done many
wonderful works, one great work, that of err.anci
pating the slave, ye have left undone.
Time would fail me, said he, to depict all these
wrongs. Yet, with all the oppression and odium
that it heaped upon us here, I for one, would ra
ther stand and endure it all, choosing rather to
suffer aflliction with my people, than to emigrate
to a foreign shore, though I might there enjoy the
pleasures of Egypt. And. while I live, let my
firayer be, that the same soil which cherished my
Hiher may cherish me ; and when I die, that the
same dust may cover me that covered tho ashes of "
my father
JAMES C. FUL1.EK.
James Cannings Fulleii, of Skeneutelas, N. V.
having been introduced as a member of the Soci
ety of Friends, said he did not appear in that ca
pacity but as a MAN, to second the resolution of
fered by his young friend. The young brother
had spoken about colleges j but he came from the
herd and the flock. He had no objection, howev
er, that the simple ram's horn, which alone he
could blow, should exalt the silvery tones of his
young colored brother. Personally that young
man was known to him, but he was not ignorant
of his character and history ; he had gone back in
his inquiries to his origin. He had been brought
up in the family of a Presbyterian minister, by a
man and his wife who never had been worth $500
in the ir lives, and had a family of nine children
of their own. The doors of Union College had
been shut against him simply on account of his
color, and he had been obliged to go p .Vermont
to a college where that was no bar. Once, when
this young man had been coming down the canal,
he met with a southern man who inquired if he
could read ; and when lnlormed that he could
read Greek, he was astonished, and introduced
him to the table with himself. But why was he
astonished f Jiecause he knew that the northern
men had trod him in the dust. Had prejudice
operated in regard to this youth, he never would
have stood before that audience. Mr. P. called
on all, especially on his female friends to sacrifice
these prejudices, to come over to the aid "Tf the
despised abolitionists, to encourage the education
of colored gentlemen, to countenance them in com
mon schools, and possibly they might thus exert a
happy influence over their husbands, whose pock
ets and perhaps their ears also, were now stuffed
with cotton.
From the Emancipator.
Address of the Executive Committee to the Ab
olitionists of thy United States.
The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
Society, in entering on the seventh year
of their labors, are constrained, by the peculiar
circumstances under which they are called to re
sume their duties, to address to those for whom
they act, a brief exposition of the present situa
tion and claims of the abolition cause.
We begin by expressing our unabated interest
in the cause, and our increasing confidence in its
success. Although each successive year developes
new aspects of difficulty, and new expedients of
opposition, yet the signal displays of divine good
ness and wisdom whiL'l! have so olten turned eve
ry short-lived triumph of the supporters of slave
ry to the signal advantage pf the cause of liberty,
assures us that our cause is of God, and that ap
parent reverses and hindrances are but his appoint
ed methods of preparing the country for the over
throw of the most atrocinns and complicated v-i
tern of villany, the sun ever shone upon.' Sue
is the light in which both experience and H,
have taught us to regard the prosper -uj
cause ; and we fondly anticipate, for the coming
year, a degree of prosperity exceeding all' that has
been enjoyed heretotore. lhe temporary exulta'
tion of our enemies, produced by the delinquency
of some abolitonists at the polls, by the speech of
Henry Clay, in iavor ot perpetual slavery, and by
the differences of sentiment which have sprung up
in the abolition ranks, is already abating, and the
public heart ot America begins to recoil Irom the
obvious and only alternative of abolition slavery
Uivine institution, the basis of our union, and
the corner-stone of our republican edifice.
In commencing the year, we have renewed the
solemn determination, under which we have ever
aned to act, to confine the operations of the Am
erican Anti-Slavery Society, entrusted to our dl
rection, precisely to the constitution under which
we act, while we carry out the constitutional in
junction to ' adopt the most energetic measures in
our power to advance the objects of the society.
What. are those objects?
They are, 1. The entire abolition of slavery
n the United estates.
To elevate the character and condition of the
people of color.
lhe means contemplated in the constitution for
the accomplishment ot these obtects, are the incul
cation and practice of moral and political truth.
We propose to accomplish the peaceful extermina
tion or slavery lrom our land, by means of vol
untary associations, by the dissemination of truth
by the press and the living voice, and by politica
action, u we can unite tne wise and pood in
Anti-Slavery Societies, if we can every where
diffuse a knowledge of the truth respecting slave
ry and emancipation, and the effects of both, and
if we can persuade our lellow-citizens to exercise
their political franchises, under the constitution and
laws of the country, according to the principles of
liberty we are assured that slavery, with all its
horrid tram of evils, would soon give place to free
dom and the equal rights of man.
The second great object of our association, we
propose to attain
1. By encouraging theestablishment of schools
and lyceums, the support of newspapers, and oth
er means of intellectual improvement among our
fellow-citizens of color.
2. By promoting temperance, purity, order, in
dustry, and other moral virtues.
3. By introducing colored youth into mechan
ical trades, and by turning the attention of the men
to ngnculture, and other branches of regular bu
sinews.
4. By encouraging citizens of color to practice
the elective lrancnise, assisting them to vindicate
their legal rights, and place around them the strong
protecting arm ot the law, and by persuading
them not to forsake their native country and their
brethren in bonds.
The abolitionists of the country, increasing in
numbers and in strength, until the handful had
become a host, have maintained a good degree of
narmony on all material points. 1 he occurrences
of the late Annual meeting, however, show that
there is such a diversity of sentiment in our ranks,
as will call for the exercise of much wisdom and
fidelity to prevent disastrous consequences.
THE RIGHTS OP WOMEN.
The first agitating tonic that was introducod in.
to the meeting, was, what is technically called, the
Woman Question." From the beginning of our
I enterprise, the Anti-Slavery Society had relied
greatly upon the efforts of benevolent and zealous
women. In their individual efforts and associated
action, the value of their service is incalculable.
The public services of the Duchess de Broglie in
France, and of Mrs. Child and Sarah and Ange
lina Grimke and many others in our own country,
will be held in lasting honor. The petitions of
women before legislative bodies, their contributions
to the anti-slavery treasury, their self-denial in
enduring the reproach of liberty, and countless
other claims, cannot fail of the reward of vir
tuous action. The late Annual Meeting, for the
first time, saw women presenting themselves to
take an active part in the debates and votes con
nected with the business meetings of the Ameri
can Anti-Slavery Society. At the commencement
of the session, it appeared that several women
were in attendance, proposing to exercise the func
tions of membership, either in their own right, or
as delegates frpm auxuHirjuSoeietio. :,A motion
was made, that the rolj of the meeting should em
brace only tho names if men ; but, after a pro
tracted debate, the society resolved, by a vote of
lou yeas, to 14U nays, uiat the names of both men
and women should be 'entered on the roll. And
afterwards, a resolution'declaring that in this vote
it was not intended that women are entitled to
sit, speak, vote, or hold " office, was rejected. A
protest against the position assumed by the Socie
ty, in these votes, was entered on the records of
the meeting, signed by about one hundred and
twenty members.
In favor of the admission of women, the lan
guage of the Constitution was chiefly relied on.
Article 3, provides that " any person who consents
to the principles of this Constitution, who contrib
utes to the funds of this Society, and is not a
slaveholder, may be a' member of this Society, and
shall be entitled to vote at its meetings." And ar
ticle 9 declares, that "any Anti-Slavery Society,
founded on the same principles, may become aux
iliary to this society, and be entitled to be repre
sented at its meetings. The officers of auxiliary
societies shall be ex officio members of this Society."
Ihis language, it was said, did not admit, accord
ing to any of the known rules of expounding writ
ten instruments, of an interpretation which would
authorize the Society to exclude women, otherwise
qualified, who should claim the privileges of de
bating and voting in the meeting. It was also in
timated by some, that a silent acquiesence in the
claims would not be productive of any very exten
save evns, as u w;is not niceiy ine numoer oi wo
;i . . i i t . , i r
men claiming these prerogatives, would ever be
large.
On the other hand, it was urged that in the for
mation of the Society, it was not contemplated
that women would become members that the
word "person" in the ConEtit-tion was employed
in me same sense in wnicn 11 is useu in iue ou
srikk-dw. -- --..i - i women ur
Emitted to vote that women, though' i. esc't i
? convention which tormed lhe society. ii;d not
.3 seats, or enrol their names, or sign the deck'
ration, as members ; that such a claim Jiod never
been made before ; that for women to take an ao
tive part in such an assembly was contrary to the
generally-received rules ot propriety; that th
claim was a surprise if not a breach of good faith
towards those who had mined the Society withou
any expectation that others than men would act in
its meetings lor business ; and that it was a step
ping-stone to other designs, and an attempt to en
list the influence ol the Anti-Slavery Society i
favor of the dogma of women's entire equality with
men as to rights ; a question entirely foreign to
the object ol our organization.
With regard to the propriety of the vote passed
at the meeting, in favor of the enrolment of wo
men, tne committee, not being agreed among
themselves, express no opinion. At the same time
it is proper to remark, that the vote of the Society
being grounded on the phraseology of its constitu
tion, cannot be justly regarded as committing th
Society, in favor of any controverted principle, re
specting the equal rights of women to participate
in the management of public affairs.
POLITICAL DUTY OF ABOLITIONISTS.
The political duly of abolitionists was anothe
subject that called forth much debate at our late
meeting, lhe Constitution of this Society dis
tinctly recognizes the rightful power and binding
obligation of the government to interpose its arm
lor the delivery of the slave, and his protection
from the violence of the oppressor. It also pledg
es the Society to employ such means as the con
stitution of our government affords for influencing
Congress. It thus bases its plans of operatien up
on the lawfulness of political action. And in the
preamble it declares that we owe to the oppressed
to our fellow citizens who hold slaves, to our whole
country, to posterity, and to God, to do all that is
lawfully in our power, to bring about the extinc
tion of slavery." An examination of ihe standard
anti-slavery publications, from the 'Declaration of
Sentiments down, will show an entire harmony
of views to have prevailed among abolitionists.
But, within a few months past, a sentiment has
been promulgated in our ranks, maintained, too
by some who have been among our earliest and
most efficient friends, denying the rightfulness of
all human government, and consequently denying
it to be a duty to vote for men to be rulers who
will employ the prerogative of government for the
abolition of slavery, lhe Anti-Slavery Society
can afford no countenance to such doctrines ; nor,
without inconsistency, can abolitionists in one
breath ask of the government to abolish slavery, and
"put a?i end to the domestic slave-trade," while,
n the next breath denying its rightful power to
do any thing, or to be a government at all. In
the very act of petitioning, they do no less than
this; as the subjects of the government, they pe
tition governmental officers to do governmental
acts ; which is both absurd and wrong, lhe per
sons referred to, not only .refuse, themselves, to
exercise their constitutional power as citizens in
favor of the slave, (regarding it as an immorality
to vote for men to offices whose functions cannot
be discharged without immorality) but they have
strenuously insisted that it was an oppressive in
fringement of their rights ot conscience, for the
Anti-Slavery Society to reiterate its uniform tes-
monies respecting the duty of the citizens to ex
ercise tho elective franchise in favor of liberty.
This doctrine therefore presents itself a direct an
tagonism to one of tho fundamental and most im
portant measures of our Association, Notwith
standing the opposition thus created, the Society,
nt its annual meeting, renewed its testimony, in
the following resolution ;
" Resolved. That this Society still holds, as it
has from the beginning, that the employment of
the political franchise as established by the consti
tution and laws of the country, so as to promise
the abolition of slavery, is of high obligation a
duty, which, as abolitionists, we owe to our enslav
ed fellow-countrymen, groaning under legal op
pression." In the spirit of this resolution, the Executive
Committee intend to conduct the affairs entrusted
to them. As an Anti-Slavery Society, inculpating
on all citizens who havo the elective franchise,
the duty of conscientiously employing that power
in behalf of the oppressed, :w.are bound .in honor
to icognize the duty of allegiance and$trpport to
that government to which the slave must look for
protection and redress. We have no controversy,
as abolitionists, with any creed, sect or party, fur
ther than it contravenes the principles or throws
itself in the way of the constitutional and necessa
ry measures of our Society. We cherishj none
but the kindest feelings towards our brethren who
differ from the Society on this matter. Buta sol
emn sense of duty to the slave, outweighing all
personal considerations, constrains us to declare
that the doctrines referred to have no affinity to
the principles of the Anti-Slavery Society, and
are in no sense a part of the Abolition movements,
and should therefore not be permitted to influence
its measures. Abolitionists are associated for a
single object ; to change the Civil, Social and
Moral Condition of the Colored People. We be
lieve this can be brought about, without destroying
existing organizations, in the state or in the churh.
There is no Statesman of any political creed no
Religionist of any sect who may not consistent
ly give us his aid. It shall be our aim, then, from
whatever quarter extraneous projects of reforma
tion come, to resist their incorporation with Anti
Slavery j and to prosecute that, singly and alone,
according to our constitution, by such means as
promise most efficiency.
RELATIONS WITH STATE AUXILIARIES.
The American Anti-Slavery is originally an el
ementary, not a representative body. Its constitu
ent elements are tne -anu-siavery people, ana
its appropriate field of labor is the public mind, of
the whole country. Since State Societies have
been formed, and some of them have become strong
and enterprising, a difficulty has arisen in estab
lishing plans of harmonious action of these with
the Parent Society on the same field. The ar
rangements projected last year was not satisfacto
ry in its Jesuits, and has not been renewed. The
following resolution is the result of the dcli'-era-tions
at the fate annual meeting! "-' . ' -
t .Resolved, That the Executive Committee are
earnestly invited, for the sake of securing the ad
vantages ot harmonious action, not to send into
or employ any agents in a State, within which a
State Society exists, without the assent of such
Society.
The advisory form of this vote entitles it to no less
respectlul regard by this Committee ; and we shall
endeavor to carry on tho operations ol the bocie
ty with an earnest desire to promote harmony of
action, so far as it can be done consistently with
im mgucot cutiieuiy, viiensiiiiig me uiiuosi re
spect for our beloved fellow-laborers connected
with auxiliary societies, we hope to " help one an
other" in hastening our cause to its final triumph.
but as we can never assume any control over the
charities of others, we think it inexpedient to en
ter into any arrangement which will authorise
another board or society to control the American
Anti-Slavery Society, according to its constitution,
or hinder societies or individuals from contributing
of their own lree will directly to our treasury.
We therefore solicit our friends to give, either in
dividually or by societies, according to their ability
and their conviction of the claims of the cause.
The accounts of donations will continue to be kept
by States, as heretofore, that it may be seen how
much the abolitionists of each State contribute to
the common treasury. But donations made direct
ly to this Society will not be credited to any oth
er Society, unless by the will of the donors. And
we expect to make such arrangements with the
State Auxiliaries, in regard to the services of
agents, as will be mutually satisfactory, lhe
following extract of a letter, written subsequent to
the annual meeting, will show that the views of
the Committee are not unsustained by the opin
ions of tried friends of the cause !
Saturday Evening, May 11, 1S39.
" James G. Birney :
" My 'Dear Brother, Whether the existence be
for good or evil, the State Anti-Slavery organiza
tions will continue to exist. Let them exist in
peace, which they will not, if the Parent Society
sends its agents into a state against the wishes of
the State Nociety therein.
" Wow, for the sake of peace and it surely will
not be a peace purchased at the sacrifice of prm
ciple let the Ex. Coin, take the ground, that they
will send nongent into any State against the will
of a state .society therein, Let them address a
etter to each State Society, saving that they have
taken this ground, and asking what sums they
may exnect to receive from the State Society in
tho course of the ensuing year no pledges. Lei
them inform each State Society of their need of
money. You want ?f5UUU more to increase the
circulation of Weld's slavery-killing book. 10,
000 copies of the Emancipator should be printed.
Let the Committee address letters to abolitionists
n every part of the free States, stating that they
want great sums of money, and for what thev want
them, Iow, it the Parent Society cannot 111
these ways get money enough to live let it die
and its death will be proof, that, in the judp
ment of the abolitionist of the nation, it ought
not to live. You do not wish it to live against
that judgment.
" Do you say, that, by adopting the course 1
uggest, the Committee would be giving up their
ights f Admit it. nut mere are cases in which
1 . , .... -n . ., ' 1- L.
we may give up our rights, not only without sin,
ut with great merit. Do you say, that me t a-
rent Society will get little money, if this course
be adopted? But it will get peace and imparl
peace by it and that is worth more than money.
In my own judgment, however, you will gel
more money by this course than by any other,
Were it adopted and persevered in, I could most
cheerfully say, that you might expect $10,000 from
me between this time and first of next, May, and
$10,000 in the year following. Were it adopted,
many woijld( make their contrloutions directly to.
your treasury, whilst many would prefer, and with
equal liberty, that theirs should go to the treasut
ries of the State Societies. I mention these things,
not because they are of themselves sufficient to in
duce the adoption of the suggested course, That
adoption must be mainly determined by higher
considerations. I mention thein but to illustrate
the probable and advantageous consequences of
the course."
PLANS OF FUTURE ACTION.
( , In prgposjng plans for future action, the Corr
iiuuee assign me nrsi piace 10 uifiauors 01 living 1
agents. Leaving but of view, for the present, the
amount of agency which it may be necessary for
this Committee to employ in the States of New
England and New York, over and above the la
bors of our auxiliaries, we come to the State of
New Jersey, still a slaveholding State though
called free ; which requires several additional
agents. Pennsylvania will expect efficient aid to
hasten the restoration of forty thousand disfran
chised citizens to their rights. Delaware, though
small in territory, is yet of great importance, as
presenting the only open field we have among th
thirteen slave States. There are already many
abolitionists there, and it is believed that with a
small amount of labor judiciously bestowed, Del
aware may be made a free State, and thus turn
the scale in the Senate of the United States,
the west.
But the great the growing West, demands our
special and speedy attention. " Westward, the
star of empire takes its way," The question is
soon to be decided, whether the standard of Lib
erty, or that of slavery, shall wave over its vast
prairies, stretching out to the setting sun, Tho
slaveholders are looking to that section, for aid in
sustaining their idolized ' institution,' By their
political manoeuvres, their rail-road projects, and
other plans they are seeking to chain these grow
ing republics to the car of slavery, and make their
free citizens the bailiffs and bloodhounds of oppres
sion. Already the South has dictated laws to.
Ohio. The passing of such a Seiivile Bill, by
the last legislature, will remain a lasting monu
ment of the decline of the spirit of liberty among;
the statesmen of this generation. The State So
ciety have earnestly solicited the Executive Com mittee
to occupy the State with lecturing and cor,-,
lecting agents. -:.:(-'
; Illinois is grtatly under the influence of south
pra iesliuest and large portions of her jwpk'ntion ..
are of southern origin. But there is a noble band
of ttboliiionists, in that State, and on her soil the
first martyr of our cause sleeps in his blood V crave
by the bunks of the Mississippi. In Indiana, a,
servile legislature has repudiated the great princi
ple!1 of liberty upon which its Constitution is based.
Yet we have no where truer friends. Michigan
is rapidly rising in importance; and a powerful
tide of abolition feeling has alreadj manifested it
self, requiring only a moderate degree of attention
to make all its public action worthy the name of a
free State. The new and beautiful territories of
Wisconsin and Iowa invite our labors, to eradicate
the slavery which has already been surreptitiously
introduced among them, in open defiance of law,
and to secure their influence in favor of liberty,
when they take their places as sovereign States
among the sisterhood of this Union.
We feel that we but echo the sentiments of ev.
ery intelligent friend of the cause, when we say,
that these fields must be occufiej). And if prop
erly and seasonably attended to, it must be through
the liberal benefactions of the friends of liberty in
the older States. The newness of these settle
ments, the scattered population, the want of dis
posable capital, and the multitude of calls for ex
pense in establishing the means of communication
and the indispensable institutions of society, for
bid the expectation that those Stqtes will them
selves furnish at once all the means of carrying on
the abolition enterprise in their borders. They
have done much, and will do more. But there is
the same necessity for the abolitionists to send aid
to the West, that there is for the various religious
communities, all of which are engaged in collect,
ing donations at the East to assist in establishing
their respective interests at the West,
ri'BLICATI0N9.
Another important branch of our plans is the
wide diffusion of our anti-slavery books and peri
odicals. In a reading population, the influence of
the press is indispensable to permanent reform in
snciptv. The contributions of the Anti.Slaverv So
ciety to the literature of the age and of Liberty,
are of priceless value. The cause of Freedom
requires that the public mind be drenched with
such pure and just sentiments. We wish to ex
tend the Library system to every town and hamlet
in the free States, lhe circulation of our princi
pal organ, the Emancipator, by subscription and
gratuitous, ought to be at least ten thousand copies
weekly. As a vehicle of information respecting
the progress of our cause,and of the events thatin
fluence it both at home and abroad, and for com'
municating to every part of our extended host, the
plans and impulses of the whole, we are satisfied
that it has an important place in our machinery,
without at all encroaching upon' the usefulness of
the valued coadufor papers, published under tho
auspices of the State Societies. ' ,
Among the recent publication specially Impor.
tn'nt to be circulated, we would name Thome and
Kimball's Emancipation in the West Indies, with
a sunolement on Emancipation in 183S: Judee
Jay's View of the Action of the Federal Govern
ment on Slavery; a Summary of the New Tes
tament Argument on Slavery, by President Green !
and Gerrit Smith's Letter to Henry Clay, Our
old standard publications, such as Mr. Child' An
neal. Jav's Inouirv, Wvthe on the Power of Con.
gress, Weld's Bible Argument, Sunderland's A. S,
Manual, &c, are yet utter strangers to nine-ten thj
of the flee renders of the. North. The Committed
are also publishing a series of tracts, in 32 mo,
such as Nelson' Lecture, Northern Dealers, Cto,