The voice of freedom. [volume], June 29, 1839, Image 2

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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T II E V O l C JRJ. O F F R E E DOM
i'liat if the state should boot opinion tliat the ex
erciseofthe nower would tend to the destruction
of its independence and sovereignty, or to the dis
tuHnnce of the public, peace, or in fact to the de
terincnt of the general welfare, each state hod the
riffht, and it would be its duty to refuse such de
livery. That k ought to be remembered th;it the
slave states claimed the slave as a sheer article o
property-; that we did not permit an article o
proporty, say n horse or an ox, to be taken from
one state but in pursuance ot our own laws, mud
less .ought we to permit a man to be taken, whom
we acknowledge in our own constitution to be born
free and independent. That as a sovereign state
we unquestionably had power to provide by law
the mode and manner of determining a claim to
any article ol property before such article could
be removed from our state, and the reason was
much stronger that a person whom we can only
know as a freeman, until the contrary ia shewn,
should be protested by our laws, and that shewing
must be m pursuance of and in conformity there
to. That our state ought to provide by Jaw for
the reclamation and delivery of runaway slaves J
admitted, and we ought to require from the claim
ant a strict compliance with such laws, I insisted
I remarked, that the principles I had advanced
. might by many be considered new and danger
ous, but with what reflection I had been able to
bestow on this subject, my mind was strongly iin
pressed with their truth ; however I might still
be in error, and would be extremely glad to meet
any gentleman in a public discussiou on this point
who thought me so ; that truth and the satety and
peace ol the country alone was my object.
I am solicitous to understand the nature and
power of slavery in our country, and will add at
this time one or two suggestions by way of in
quirv, which I hope some geutleman will explain
1 understand the slaveholders to say and insist,
that the United States government bas no power
whatever over their slaves; that slavery is a pe
culiar institution of the states. The question then
is, can a slave commit treason against the United
States ? or can he be guilty of counterfeiting the
current coin of the United States, or any other
crime against the General Government i II so
Congress can provide by law in any possible case
for the enlistment of slaves into the service of the
United States ! It seems to me that if slaves are
subject to the power of Congress in any of the
foregoing cases, it must follow as a necessary con
sequence that Congress have power over the
whole slave system as it exists in the United
States. Will you be so good as to obtain an an
swer from gentleman in whose candour and legal
attainments you have confidence, to the foregoing
interrogatories, as 1 shall be absent from the city
for some two or three weeks aad shall not have
an opportunity to do so before I return.
Yours with respect,
THOS. MORRIS.
Why will not some of our lay state democrats
take up their pens to answer the inquiries of their
brother, the ex-senator of Ohio, and settle the ques
tion between him and the great Mr. Atherton
a question which will split their party, if they do
not seasonably attend to it and one which has
already made a split between the party and its
principles ? Mass. Abolitionist.
From the Rochester Freeman.
The National Anniversary.
Our citizens are manifesting a praiseworthy en
gagedness to celebrate, in a proper W'ay, the ap
proaching fourth of July. And we regard, with
much interest, the question, what is the proper
way of celebrating it ?
Civil freedom is the offspring of religious truth.
It is also its most efficient guardian ; and is there
fore, worthy the anxious and unremitting vigi
lance of its parent. It is indispensable to the most
perfect development of our intellectual faculties,
our social affections, and our moral sense. This
development is the proper object of all true reli
gion, because it is the means appointed by the
Author of our being, to promote His glory, and
exalt our own dignity and happiness.
Our ancestors thought civil freedom essential
to the enjoyment of all the rights of conscience, ol
which they were debarred, in their native land.
And they encountered the most appalling dangers,
and privations, and sufferings, for its enjoyment.
They fled from ecclesiastical tyranny, to be sure;
but ecclesiastical tyranny was dreadful to them,
only as it was countenanced and abetted by the
civil power. Backed by that, it was indeed for
midable. It could prohibit the peaceable and the
conscientious from assembling together, and com
muning, as they thought right, upon subjects of
the highest concern to all ; and could deprive them
of their property, liberty, and lives, if they were
disobedient. This was the tyranny which they
regarded as intolerable, and which they resolved
to escape. They did esrtipe it. And their de
scendants, after many painful and numerous tri
als of blood, have established, in the land to which
they fled, religious and civil freedom.
But how have they established it? By forbid
ding every earthly dictation on religious subjects ;
and by the constitutional exclusion, on all sub
jects, of every human authority which does not
come from the will of the people, and is not de
signed for their improvement and happiness.
This establishment, public, solemn, and efficacious
as it was designed to be, in the government of an
enlightened, powerful, and growing community,
is the most important result, in relation to govern
ment, hitherto achieved by the collective wisdom
of man. Towards its achievmentour national in
dependence was essential j and its deliberate pub
lic declaration, the wisest, boldest, and most hero
ic measure.
Let that declaration, then, be annually com
memorated by all who enjoy its benefits. Let it
be commemorated, with united minds and gener
ous emotions, socially, civilly, politically, and re
ligiously. Let all the people who approve of the
free principles which it contains, and the free in
stitutions to which it led, be countenanced and en
couraged, in meeting together, with gratitude and
thanksgiving to God, to recount and consider, and
impress upon their own hearts, and their chil
dren's hearts, the toils, the privations, the dan
gers, the conquests, the prudence, the disinterest
edness, the wisdom of their Fathers, who made
the declaration, and sustained it, and directed it
to, such glorious issues. Let the fourth of July
forever bo devoted, especially to political recollec
tion, consideration, mt hope.
Those who made the declaration of independ
ence, thought religion would approve it ; and ap
pealed to heaven for the purity of their intentions.
Did not religion approve it ? Were not their in
tentions pure ? Did not Jehovah nerve their arms
in battle, and give them the victory, and thereby
own the cause to be His? Did not He preside o
ver their councils, and inspire them with that
wisdom which enabled them to conceive, com
bine, and ordain the true principles of freedom ?
And does he not delight in all the equal privile
ges, Hist laws, peaceable tendencies, ana great aa
vances. in individual and national improvement
which our free institutions have nourished, and
which, if our freedom is preserved, they will en
large and perpetuate? bo Jong as religion is so
cial, nnd has for its fundamental affections, love to
God, and love to man, it cannot fail to rejoice in
those political measures and institutions, which
are most essential to the security, improvement,
and welfare of man.
It has Income fashionable with many of late, to
degrade llio word political into a signification nar
row, sordid, groveling, selfish, and personal. This
is because those, who have chiefly controlled po
litical action, nave betrayed it to services charac
terized by these epithets. It should have, and
may have, a much higher meaning; and must be
practically restored to its best significance, or the
memory ol our lathers and Hie hopes of their chil
dren will perish. -
All men are endowed with rights and powers,
and subjected to obligations, by their Maker. The
performance of these obligations is religion, and
promotes the glory of God. Among them a very
large proportion have reference to society.
We come into the world under the most bind
ing and sacred social relations. Ana tne scrip'
tures teach us, that all men constitute one family
nnd are mutually under all the obligations of one
brotherhood. Moreover, they especially require
obedience to Rulers, as the Ministers of God. To
associate together, then, is among our highest ob
ligations, i rom the diversity of moral character,
ntelligencc, interest, and pursuit, among men,
different convictions, purposes, and means will al
ways exist. And these will ever make it neces
sary, in the formation of societies, to specify oh
jects, rules, and authorities. Our nation is bless-
d with the power to do this, for ourselves ; and
it should always be done in conformity with the
law of God. When it is so done, obedience is
religion. When it is not so done, religion re
quires not that it should be let alone, but that it
should be amended and brought into this contor
mity. But the definition, statement, adoption, and
administration of these rules and authorities for
the promotion of these objects in a society, con
trolling the persons, services, and outward means
of all its members, makes up the uelinition ol civ
u government. Civil Government aBsynoninr.ous
with civil polity. And all deliberation, confer
ence, discussion, and effort, to establish and carry
on such government, is properly political action.
.Political action produces consequences of wide
and lasting import, and demands for the accoin
pushment ol its just purposes, sagacity ot mind,
purity of heart, self-control, and disinterestedness
equal to that which is involved in any other course
of active piety. Let not political action then be
looked upon with aversion, or neglected by any
portion of the servants of God.
But all governments are, eventually, to be con
verted to Christianity, as all men are to be. Af
ter such conversion, will political action be no lon
ger necessary ? Will there be no differences of
haracter, intelligence, interest, and purpose, ren
dering a specification of objects, rules, and author-
ties necessary among the holy, in their associa
tions ? We believe that such differences will ex
ist forever that political action will be perpetual
ly necessary that the doctrine of the equal and
inalienable rights of men, is christian doctrine, to
be eternally applied to human associations that
the men who first made this doctrine the basis of
civil government are worthy of immortal honor
and that the fourth of July should be commemo
rated longer than the sun and moon shall endure.
But what is the proper way of commemorating
it ? Certainly not that which brings much noise,
expense, or danger. There should be no accom
paniment of ardent spirits, at any time ; nor ol
gun-powder, in time of peace. The most preva
lent causes of that neglect of the dy, which we
have often regretted to witness, are undoubtedly
to be found in the intemperance and casualties
produced by spirits and gun-powder, in its cus
tomary celebration. But instead of being driven,
by these causes, from bestowing deserved and use
ful honor upon the day, men of gravity and influ
ence should have disabused its celebration of these
accompaniments. It was not a day distinguished
for military counsels or-achievments. It was un
marked by blood ; and free from the degradation
of ebriety. The rights of man, the principles of
freedom, the means of security, peace, and im
provement to individuals, their families, the whole
nation, nnd the race of man, then, absorbed all
minds. More wounds, and deaths, and sufferings
have marked its celebration, in our country, at
each successive year, since 'S3, than distinguish
ed its original consecration to humanity ; and they
have cast some clouds upon its essential glory.
But these clouds are disappearing. More men of
high character are coming out, every year, to pay
it a just homage. Intelligence, piety, age, and
both the sexes, are lately joining more extensive
ly in its ceremonies. This we consider as a great
reform, and eminently becoming.
But this reform, in the manner of its celebra
tion, is not yet perfect. It has been aided bv sub
stituting, in some places, other high and valuable
purpos'es "to the true and greot one, which should
govern all its recurrences. To encourage proper
missionary efforts, to sustain well-founded charit
able institutions, to promote temperance, though
high and holy objects .all of them, seem to us not
the most appropriate purpose of celebrating the 4th
of July. Whatever is most appropriate is most
useful. That day was especially , signalized by
the clearest assertion of free principles, and the
strongest resolution to maintain them ever formed
by national councils. Principles are more impor
tant than men. Let the meii ; of '76 he always
honored, but their principles more than " they.
Their principles, with many, are becoming ob
solete. To refresh our knowledge of the princi
ples, to invigorate our attachment to them, to in
culcate their obligation upon every human being
and to extend their sway over the actual conduct of
our contrymen, seem to me the highest and most
appropriate purposes to which. bur national anni
versary enn be devoted. And the importance of
this way of celebrating the day, is strikingly en
hanced by every departure from the great princi
ples which make it so illustrious.
Principles do not take effect without agency.
In this life, men have, at least for a time, power to
set them up, and power to cast them down. Un
!deF neglect, they become useless. Local interest
and personal ambition, often unite to set them
asido. Henco the maxim, that the price of liberty
is eternal vigilance, This price we have not paid.
We have been devoted to 'less valuable engage
ments. lhe consequence is, our liberties are
preatlv imnared. The first sten. towards the
o j t r '
reparation and conformation, is a thorough survey
of the foundation on which thev rest. This foud-
ation is composed of the doctrines of '76. An
there is no dav. in the year, so suitable to thi
survey, or on which so many of our countrymen
wouia open their heats to the great lessons ot n
erty, as that of our national birth.
Letter from Mr. llirucy.
Cincinnatti, June 1 1th, 1S39.
Brother Leavitt, I left Putnam the day after
I wrote you last, and arrived in this city on Mon
day evening, about dark. At three o ciocK tne
next morning I was in readiness to take the coach
for Greensburg, Ind., that being the nearest point
on the stage route to the place advertised for the
meeting of our Indiana friends, at their hrst anni
versa-! y. Mr. Boyle, of the office here, went with
me. We arrived at Greensburg in the evening
There is not a single avowed abolitionist in it
but one of our friends from the neighborhood soon
called at our lodgings, and promised to make ar
rangements for conveying us to the place of meet
ing in the morning. Mr. Porter Clay, of Illinois,
now an agent of the Colonization Society, had fee
tured in Greensburg a few days before. This ii
a brother of the Hon. Henry Clay, and is the
same whose name was mentioned in connection
with the outrageous case of kidnapping which oc
cured some lime ago in Jacksonville, the village
in which he resides.
The next morning, (Wednesday,) Mr. Hopkins
callled for Mr. Boyle and myself, and conveyed
us in his carriage to the place provided for the
meeting six miles lrom the village, lhe rres-
byterian' meeting-house, a large and commodious
building, in which it was supposed, when the ap
pointment was hrst made, we would assemble,
was refused to us. -It was not only closed, but, I
understood, the doors and windows had been se
cured by additional fastenings, strong enough to
resist a pretty forcible onset. Mind, that this was
the doing of about one-half the church the oth
er being among our most active and prominent
friends.
In this slate of things provision had been made
for the accommodation of the assembly, by the
erection of benches, and a speaking stand in the
adjoining grove. I found on arriving that a con
siderable number had already assembled, and that
the meeting was about to be opened with prayer.
After an address of an hour, we had a respite, du
ring which we paitook of excellent and abundant
refreshments, furnished by our neighboring friends.
The afternoon was spent in the transaction of
the business usual on such occasions. At night
we were all comfortable quartered on the neigh
bors, lhe next morning, at an early hour, we
were again engaged in business, lhe resolution
on political action was discussed at great length,
and the most harmonious conclusions were attain
ed. We had among us Presbyterians, (mostly
from Kentucky,) Methodists, Protestants, Friends,
ftew Lights, &c, and yet every thing was con
ducted with the most undisturbed good under
standing. I left at four o'clock, P. M. before the
meeting bad finished its business, (a full report of
which 1 suppose, will be furnished soon for the
Philanthropist,) and reached Cincinnatti on oat'
urday afternoon.
As to the abolition nentunent prevailing among
our Indiana brothers, I think it is of the best
kind. When men and women, too, are content
to assemble for two days in the woods, to consult
on the best means of carrying on an unpopular
cause, you may be sure the root of the matter is
in them.
Yours truly,
James G. Biknev.
From the Emancipator.
The . National Convention.
Our editorial brethren are beginning to urge on
the attention of their readers.the opproaching Na
tional Convention. Brother Whittier, in the
Pennsylvania Freeman, sounds a noble eall.
Such sentiments ought to meet a kindred response
in a million of free hearts.
"GREAT NATIONAL CONVENTION.
We invite attention to the article on our second
page, from the Emancipator, relative to this Con
vention. With the exception, perhaps of the Con
vention of 1833, which formed the American
Anti-Slavery Society, it must necessarily trans
cend in importance any meeting of abolitionists
which has ever been held in this country. We
trust it will be a gathering worthy of the impor
tant work to which it is summoned ; and that from
its assembled talent and philanthropy, it will pre
sent slavery and its encroachments upon northern
liberty iij colors as strong and delineation as fear
ful as those used by John Quincy Adams, in his
late letter, before the eyes of the American peo
ple ; while at the same time it shall offer the
great and glorious remedy show that all is not
lost that the recuperative principle of our gov
ernment has not yet wholly perished that slave
ry may yet be peacefully abolished, by constitu
tional means ; and in the name ofGod and human
ity summon all who value freedom for themselves,
all who love their country all who believe that
righteousness exalteth a nation, and that sin is a
reproach to any people, to come forth as one man
to apply the remedy."
This is the true spirit, and we hope it will bring
together a body of men prepared to stand their
ground for freedom ; against all the seductions of
party, the delusions of interest, and the threats
of slavery, and to act worthily as the advocates of
republicanjiberty.
John Quincy Adams has nobly pointed out the
dangers of liberty, but folds his hands in dispair,
and says there is no help. Let it be the office of
the Convention to meet the crisis in a manner
more worthy of freemen, and prepare to apply the
freeman's remedy the ballot-box. If faithfully
administered, it will cure the servility of politi
cians, and will put men in office who will admin
ister the government in the spirit of the Constitu
tion for the advancement of justice and liberty,
not for the protection and perpetuation of slave
ry. .
" What ought to be done, can be done."
Western Pennsylvania.
A private letter, dated June 10, says, " We
have had some first-rate anti-slavery meetings
here last week and week before, Alvan Stewart
has given us a couple of line lectures, W, H.
Burleigh has held a debate with a Roverend
Slaveholding Mississippian. Our cause is on
ward, but we suffer for lecturers. If you will send
us threo or four, of the right sort of men. wc will
support them, and pay you a bonus for their ser
vices into the bargain."
The Committee mean to send some acceptable
agents into that field, as soon as they can be ob
tained. Every thing shows that the late move
ment of the Committee was called for, and emin
ently seasonable, nnd that it will be sustained by
the abolitionists of the country. The West must
be taken core of. The "Hundred Thousand
dollars" will all be wanted, and must be raised.
Ib. . ..
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM.
MONTPELIER, SATURDAY, JUNE 29, 1839.
117" This number goes to press in the absence
of the editor.
HO" See notice for the Sabbath-School celebra
tion in another column. This will be, we doubt
not, an interesting as well as profitable occasion ;
and we hope all the friends of this institution in
this place and vicinity will be in attendance.
Without Rum or Powder.'
The abolitionists of Springfield, we are happy
to learn, will observe the coming national festival
" without rum or powder."
" The New-England Gazeteer." This book
contains 520 pages, neatly printed, and is, we
should judge, a very valuable work although we
have not given it a thorough examination. It
contains a vast amount of statistical information
which every family should possess. Agents are
about soliciting subscriptions in this county.
Delegates to the National Convention.
At a meeting of the Executive Committee of
the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society, held at Mid
dlcbury on the 12th inst., the following persons
were appointed delegates to attend the National
Convention, at Albany, N. Y., on the 31st of Ju
ly next. It is hoped that a3 many will attend as
can possibly make it convenient.
R. T. Robinson, H. F. Leavitt, J. A. Allen, E.
D. Barber, M. D. Gordon, 0. J. Eells, B. F. Has
kell, J. F. Goodhue, J. Holcomb, J. W. Hale, O.
S. Murray, J. P. Miller, C. L. Knapp, Enoch He
bard, S. Morris, Aaron Angier, Alva Sabin, M.
D. Miller, L. P. Parks, Lawrence Brainard, Wm.
II. French, S. Parmelee, A. Beecher, Wm. Hurl
but, Judge Doolittle, Joel Batty, Sam'l Cotting,
Asa O. Aldis, J. Seely, J. Milligan, Justin Par
sons, Chas. Phelps, Timothy Goodale, R. O Dwy-
er, Mansfield Bruce, A. C. Smith, Jesse Stedman,
B. Shaw, Thos. Gordon, C. D. Noble. E. J. Board-
man, JMchoIas Holmes, JNathan C Hong, Chas.
Grant, Geo. A. Allen, Noble Lovely, D. M. Camp,
E. J. Roberts, Aaron McKee, Rev. M. Bates,
Rev. D. Prindle, John Ide, W. C. Denison, R. N.
Thrall, E. L. Jones, John Smith.
For the Voice of Freedom.
J. Q. Atlunin' Second Letter.
Mr. Editok :
However much it may be our duty to guard
against the prevalence of pernicious errors, and
although we may have frequent cause to lament
that our greatest and best men are liable to em
brace principles which are contrary to reason and
revelation, and which have an exceedingly hurtful
tendency, we are nevertheless bound to pay due
respect to age, wisdom, and talent, acquired by
persevering industry, and exerted generally for
the public good. It betokens a bad state of socie
ty, when young men lose their respect for age
and wisdom. An impression, however, seems to
have obtained, that a man may say what he choo
ses, and as he chooses, through the public jour
nals, without any respect to a well-earned reputa
tion, or to the reverence due to age, or to ack
nowledged wisdom. Such a notion I deprecate.
f it is the object of public journals to be vigilant
for the rights of the people, they should, by all
means, be guardians of the public morals. But
yet I suppose even a young man may express an
opinion relative to the views of any person, provi
ded he does it in a proper and becoming manner.
With these suggestions, I send you a few remarks
upon Mr. Adams' letter. If I can understand Mr
Adams, he controverts his own principles. His
elucidation of the doctrines of tha American Rev
olution is remarkably clear and perspicuous.
While we discover so strong a tendency among
the leading men of the nation to depart from the
true principles of liberty ; while they preserve the
appellation of democratic, republican, and the
ke, to decoy the unsuspicious people, it affords
great consolation to know that there is at least one
who keeps in remembrance the true principles of
our free government. It is a consoling thought,
that, while these principles have been widely de
parted from in legislative enactments, even from
the commencement of our national existence, they
are yet remembered and cherished and by one,
too, who is able to stamp them indelibly upon our
national literature. Let Mr. Adams' letter be
read let it be studied, and let it be carefully laid
away for future perusal. There are, in my opin
ion, glaring inconsistencies in it; but they will do
but little injury, because he has placed them hard
by unchangeable truths, brilliantly elucidated.
Mr. Adams adopts the doctrines of the Decla
ration of Independence. He says " In the Dec
laration of Independence the natural equality of
mankind and the natural rights of man are decla
red to be self-evident truths, and from these truths
is inferred, as equally self-evident, that govern
ments derive their just powers only from the con
sent of the governed ; and that whenever any
form of government becomes destructive of these
ends, it is the right of the People to alter or to a-
bolish it, and to institute another government to
secure the same ends in its stead." Again he
says: "There was obviously a gross inconsis
tency between the. principles proclaimed in the
Declaration of Independence and the practice of
holding human beings in perpetual and heredita
ry bondage : and the supreme judicial tribunal of
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts had decided
even before the conclusion of the Revolutionary
war, that the principles of tlie'Declaration of In
dependence, repeated in the Declaration of Rights
prefixed to the Constitution of the State, had ip
so facto abolished all slavery within the State."
Again Mr. Adams says " I hold the opinion that
one human being cannot be made the property of
another that persons and things are by the laws
of nature and of nature's God, so distinct that no-
human laws can transform either into the other.'
But with these sentiments I cannot reconcile what
follows. " But this is not the opinion of the peo
ple of the District of Columbia; and in the en
actment of laws to bear exclusively upon them,
and not upon myself or my immediate constitu
ents, I must be governed by their will and not my
own."
These two sentiments should not have been pla
ced on the same page much less in the same par
agraph. No, Mr. Editor you should have left
the remaining part of the column blank, after "no
human laws can transform either into the other,"
so that what follows would not have appeared on
the same page. Who does Mr. Adams mean, by
the people of the District of Columbia ?" Slave
laws call only white men ' the people,' and the
black population chattels, or a part of them at least.
But Mr. Adams says this definition is not correct.
According to his principles, all the human beings
in the District, are, "by the laws of Nature and
Nature's God," "people," and no human laws can
transform them into things. How strange, that
in the same paragraph, a man who is justly re
nowned for wisdom in all civilized nations, should
assent, and virtually deny, that all human beings
are persons, whose rights are equally to be respec
ted ! Does he mean to say that the slaves in the
District believe that human laws can transform
men into things ? No. When he says "the peo
ple," he seems to forget that slaves are human be
ings, and talks in the language of slave laws. I
say consult the wishes of " the people of the Dis
trict." If men want to be slaves, why, then let
them be free to enslave themselves. But Mr. Ad
ams, when he legislates for " the district," must
consult the will of " the governed." And are the
slaveholders the only persons who are " the gov
erned ?" Are not the slaves " governed" also ? yea,
and with a veetgeance too ? Are not laws made
respecting the slaves and the free black popular
lion ? Consult the will of " the governed," I would
say, but in ascertaining who " the governed" are,
we must follow common sense. Am I mistaken,
or not ? Is Mr. Adams as clear on this subject as
he is wont to be on other subjects?
How is it that Mr. Adams should be so incon
sistent with himself? May it not be owing to the
influence of slavery ? Is it not possible that sla
very has exerted its strange influence over the
free spirit of this great statesman ? Is it not pos
sible that he has been so much accustomed to a
society formed under the influence of slavery, and
so long associated with slaveholders, that the mo
ment he thinks of a slaveholding community, he
actually forgets that slaves are persons, or " peo
ple," in spite of his benevolent feelings and long
cherished notions respecting human rights and
human liberty ? This I verily believe to be the
case. And if this be a fact, ought not slavery to,
be tried for witchcraft, or for being leagued with
the powers of darkness to work mischief? H. C.
Rhode Island.
Our Executive Committee have appointed Mr.
Amos W. Pitts, of Massachusetts, an agent to la
bor for one year in Rhode Island, provided the
arrangement is agreeable to the State A. S. Soci
ety; and the Ex. Com. of the State Society have
promptly given their assent, with the understand
ing that he will labor under the general counsel
of that Committee, and that all moneys he may
collect shall, after paying the expense of the agen
cy, be paid into the State Society treasury, to bo
equally divided between the two Societies. This
will not interfere with the right of individuals or
local societies to make their own donations, if they
choose directly to this Society. We trust the ar
rangement will be found entirely satisfactory to,
all, and that the cause will be greatly promoted. -Emancipator,
Michigan.
Rev. E, 0. Hall, from Western New York, on
his way to Indiana, where he is to labour as agent
of the A. A. S. Society, stopped at Marshal!, Mich.,
to attend the anniversary of the Michigan State
Anti-Slavery Society. In a hasty note, dated
Marshall, June 5, he snys,
"The Anniversary of the Michigan State A.
S. Society has just closed at this place. The oc-.
casion was an interesting one to the people of this
village. Considerable has been accomplished
the present year ; and the Society made arrange-!
ments at the present anniversary for the employ
ment of a press, and provision for an agent to
push on the cause with vigor. There is no doubt
but an efficient agent would be well sustained by
the anti-slavery friends here; and it is the inten- ,
tion of the Ex. Com. to write to the parent socie
ty to receommend a suitable agent, and then to,
employ and pay him."
We hone to have a hrst rate agent renuy io en
tcr the field in Michigan by the first of August or
soon after. But what is one ngent in a Mate as
large as Michigan ? Our abolition brethren in
the Slate, especially those who are ministers of
the gospel, and other public speakers, must take
hold of the work in earnest and simultaneously, in
all parts of the State.