The voice of freedom. [volume], July 13, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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THE V
OF
ALLEN &, POLAND, Publishers. , Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society. CIIAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor
VOLUME I. M O i T I K I j I B 3 1 " , VKKMOAT, JULY 13, 1839. lYUiMREK 28.
W MISSIS 2o
For the Voice of Freedom.
Colonization mid its Effects.
Mr. Knapf: In No. 11, Vol. 6 of the United
Tlrplhrpn's TUissinnnvv Tntpllin-pncer, I find the
j D .
followinr remarks w the missionary, IL P. Hall-
c -j
beck, on a visit to Enon and Shiloh, South Afri
ca : " On the 2oth we saw a caravan of 24 wag
ons, with large herds of cattle, belonging to
company of Dutch farmers, who were making for
the interior. This emigration has been going on
for upwards of.a year, and it is computed thai
some 4 or 5000 persons have thus left the colony
It is 3aid, that the bulk of them have settled, for
the present, on the Val river ; but that, finding
the situation unhealthy, they are about removing
to the east, to a tract of land between Port Natal
and the iahie tribe. 11ns rage ior emigration,
it is feared, will be attended with disastrous con
sequences, both to themselves and to the native
tribes ; for they seem to carry with them an he
reditary contempt for the rights of the natives,
whom they consider themselves entitled to shoot
like toild beasts, if they ofler any opposition to their
encroachments, and keep or sell their children for
slaves. The Caffres, as may easily be supposed
are no indifferent spectators of these inroads; and
would probably repel the aggressors by force of
arms, did they feel themselves strong enough."
At a subsequent date he says : " According to
the last letters from Shiloh, our brethren and sis
ters and their flocks were left undisturbed, and en
joyed peace from without and within. But fur
ther eastward all is confusion and insecurity.
Part of the wandering farmers have been surpri
sed and killed by Dingaan and the Zoolas, on
which occasion 274 of these deluded individuals,
and among the rest their leader, Relief, lost their
lives, and continued war and slaughter will ne
cessarily be the consequence. Hence most of the
missionaries, and among the rest Capt. Gardner,
have precipitately left Port Natal, and embarked
for Algoa Bay, where they arrived a week or two
ago. You will perceive from the journal that this
was what I expected ; and the worst of it is, that
tlic flame being once kindled, no one can foretel
the issue. It may, indeed, spread much further
than we could wish, and disturb the peace of our
extended frontier line."
Such have been the results of Colonization at
Tort Natal, and such results we may expect in all
cases where colonies are formed for commercial,
or any secular purpose. In the nature of things
a colony, planted among a foreign nation, must
intermix with the original inhabitants, and thus
become one people; or they must drive back and
exterminate the old inhabitants or they must, as
intruders, be resisted and destroyed. What oth
er result can be anticipated ? If the colonists are
resisted and driven off, there must be great suffer
ing and wide-spread desolation. If the colonists
arc able to defend themselves, they will make in
roads upon, the natives, drive them from their an
cient possessions, and finally reduce them to sla
very, or exterminate them. Such has been the
result at the Cape of Good Hope, in South Amer
ica, and in North America. Such has been the
result even in New England. And such must
be the result at Monrovia in Africa, or on the Or
egon in America. Let two thousand colonists go
to Liberia, or Oregon, yearly, and there take root
and spread out their branches; and it is perfectly
evident, that they must and will, eat up and de
stroy the natives. And I believe that history will
say, that such has uniformly been the case. Is it
then right for Christians to assist in planting such
colonies ? Is this the way to civilize and chris
tianize heathen nations ? We have heard of Boot
ed Apostles, and of nations converted by gallant
Knights. Perhaps modern colonists may follow
the example of Cortez and Pizarro, and if they
cannot convert the natives, they can exterminate
them. And who shall say, that Protestants have
not as good a right to spread their religion by
bands of armed colonists, as ever the Papists had
to arm Europe against Asia, and convert Pales
tine into a house of slaughter for half the world ?
ANTI-COLONIZATION.
More Expurgation Needed.
In the much admired life of Bunyan, by Phil
lip, now for sale in most of our bookstores, the
following passage occurs, which we presume has
escaped the lynx-eyed vigilance of " the trade,"
as by giving circulation to such " fanaticism" they
run a risk of losing Southern patronage :
" Some men," he says, " have certainly been
very like the devil. Pharaoh, Herod, Nero, and
some of the Popes of Koine, did not come far
short of his cruelty : Voltaire and one of our own
poets (Byron,) took a very fiend-like pleasure in
poisoning the fountains of truth and morals : and
many slave traders, slave drivers, and slave owners
have almost equalled satan, both in lying and tyr
unny." p. 133..,...,., . "
This is certainly placing slaveholders in bad
company. Whittier.
If a person is bent on quarreling with yon, leave
him to do the whole or it himself, and he will
fioon become weary of his unencouraged occupation.
From the Cincinnati Daily Gazette, June G.
Tlie Petitioners of Washington City, and
. Mr. Clay.
Mr. Hammond,
In examining Mr. Clay's speech on the ques
tion of the abolition of slavery, I have been struck
with the dogmas which he has advanced. I am
mortified and wounded. I am mortified to lose in
our cause so valuable a man as Mr. Clay. I have
regarded Mr. Clay as the star of freedom in the
political horizon of the West. I fear it is becom
ing dim.
I feel wounded because of Mr. Clay's unwar
ranted reflections on the patriots in our country.
He may find out his error when it is too late to
repair it. It appears to me, sir, that he has taken
untenable ground, both as to theory and practice.
He cannot defend himself on constitutional ground
much less on the declaration ot the nation s in
dependence, or " the just rights of others."
1 have a high regard ior lawyers and justly dis
tinguished men ; I have much respect for your
self, as a professional man ; but, sir, I may differ
Irom you on some points in our national concerns ;
but if we agree in the fundamental principles, we
will notsnlit altogether. It does not, I think, require
a thorough-going book lawyer to expound the na
ture and principles of our American relations.
Holy Writ has mlormed us who is our brother.
To try the slave question, or any other question,
we must scope in the whole evidence.
In judging a man I would not be swayed by
any local prejudices : I care not where he was
born or where he resides, so that he is an Ameri
can, with American principles and practices so
that he abides by what Washington and the fathers
taught: without this, with me, "he is nothing."
I am, sir, one of the few men now livinir, who
were actors in the American Revolution. I have
been engaged, though in humble spheres, in im
portant transactions ot a national tharacter tho
retired in all later life. The history of our coun
try has not escaped my notice or my recollection.
1 propose to examine a little ol Mr. Clay s de
fence of slavery and its opponents.
Mr. Clay " recognizes the name of the much
esteemed Mayor among other respectable names"
of the petitioners of Washington city against abo-
ltion. Mr. Clay wished those respectable peti
tions might be heard themselves." "1 hey do
not present themselves belore Congress because
they are slaveholders many of them are not."
" borne ot them are conscientiously opposed to
slavery!" "but because they justly respect the
rights of those who own that description of prop
erty, and because they entertain a deep conviction,
that the continual agitation ot the question by those
who have no right to interfere with it, has an in
jurious influence on the peace and tranquility of
the community ! ' " And they protest against the
unauthorised intervention of which they com
plain."
bo here is a petition to gag all petitioners, ex-
ept the " much esteemed Mayor and other re
pectaWe citizens" of the crowning city. A won
derful discovery of the right to trample on a most
sacred constitutional right out ot respect to " the
just rights" to hold men in bondage contrary to
all rights as defined by our Revolutionary Fathers.
These respected citizens may petition for ages
and shame to tell it! Mr. Clay, a high-minded
son of liberty, stands up as the advocate, in the
American Senate and says
" 1 he performance of this service gives a legit-
mate opportunity (!) of which 1 mean now to
avail myself, to say something not only on the
particular object of the petition, but upon the great
and interesting subject with which it is intimately
associated." Can any intelligent man suppose
that this " legitimate opportunity" came by chance?
that it was not sought rather than casually taken?
Will it be denied that this petition was the legiti
mate offspring of Mr. Clay or his friends, got up
to serve his occasion ?
Mr. Clay says that the slavery which exists in
the slave States is their affair, not ours ! The
American Declaration of Independence, made by
our Revolutionry Fathers, declared all men created
equally free. Have the slave States renounced
this principle ? If they have we have not. And
we hold the continuance of slavery a violation of
one of our prime articles of compact and union.
We wish to hold them to it. If they attempt to
cast it off we hold it a duty to hold on the strong
er. If they give up the vindication of the "just
ly respected rights" of man to us, they ought to
concede that the conservation of this sacred prin
ciple is our affair, at least, if they will not allow
it to be theirs. Why not leave it to us ?
Mr. Hammond many new things have started
up since you and I were boys. Some are real im
provements some are real alterations many of
them more for the worse than the better. But of
all things, what think you of the new race of liber
ty men, who pretend to hold on under the revolu
tion? Patriot Hayne, Patriot McDuffie, Patriot
Calhoun, and then Mr. Clay, under his new fit of
patriotism, taking the lead of this worthy cohort,
and pointing to a newly discovered motto, of our
old revolutioners. Halt a bit, my worthies ! let
us examine our men, and see who were in the field
in the days that " tried men's souls"! Were there
Revolutionary .Patriots there? was Mr. Clay
there ? in what wild did he count the stars, his
head resting on a rock while engaged for liber
ty and independence ? I saw not, and heard not
of him. When or how did our national existence
commence? What was our original bond of
Union ? was it not the noted Declaration ? Will
Mr. Clay deny that bond ?
But the constitution ! the constitution was a
compromise ! Now, Mr. Hammond, that same
word compromise, almost makes me sick. Well
but I must admit it was a compromise. The
free States and the small States committed their
rights to slavery ! Let that pass ; we stick to out
bargain. The United States constitution was concocted
and adopted when the confederation and the State
governments were in a state of anarchy and dis
traction. The free States and northern States
gave the slaveholders an increased representation
for human property, which was to have been bal
anced by increased taxation ; but that did not come
much. So the northmen gave their birthright for
a mess of pottage that was never fairly cooked.
But the southrons say " we did'nt brintr the
slaves here so it's nothing to you. You might
have had them too but that's not our affair."
This is pretty talk for the sons of the revolution
ers ! some of them say slavery is right! others.
like Mr. Clay, " the blacks are here what shall
we do with them, we must colonize Africa, and
they will is r novate it. Slaves ? " No, no, free
blacks." The color will run out in about 150 or
200 years.
Mr. Clay, perhaps, does not know who stem
med the tide of misrule, between the pence of 'S3
and Washington's administration in 1789. Who
were they who put their shoulders to the wheel
in the times ol dire contusion and despair f v no
protected the United States' stores at Springfield,
when the loss of them, and the triumph ol annr
chy, might have been the destruction of the Union,
of the country and all its fair prospects? Does
Mr. Clay know? I know, I saw. They were
abolitionists, sir, everyone of them; planters
corn-piantcrs : owners ot the soil, not northern
white slaves !
But Mr. Clay, and the petitioners, and Mr.
Clay's speech. " have been taught to call jjo
man master, to respect men according to their
powers, 1 sanctioned & sanctified' by moral worth."
And so I would deal with Mr. Clay. 1 regret to
find him so ill-informed about the American peo
ple, and the real American character of the dif
ferent ranks and classifications of our society, the
manners, habits, and customs. This he has shown
in his classes of abolitionists, the quakers, &c.
True they wont fight, nor gouge, nor pistol, nor
play the liowie knife. JJut they will give bad
things a bad name; and they thus confute the
Atherton gag-law doctrine, that you can't do that
indirectly which you can t do directly. And they
can show Mr. Clay how it works too, equal to
any thing. This was a poor bush for him to hide
behind.
" The apparent abolitionists." These will
teach Mr. Clay a pretty considerable lesson. They
might read to him nearly in the words of Paul.
" For their petitions," says Mr. Clay, " are weigh
ty, but their bodily presence is weak, and theii
speech contemptible." " Let Mr. Clay think that
such as we are in word by petitions, when we are
absent, such will we also be by deed when we are
present.
The ultra abolitionists. Of this class Mr
Clay says, " their purpose is abolition, universal
abolition, peaceably it they can, forcibly u they
must." Of the two modes of action mentioned
by Mr. Clay, only the first is correct. What au
thority had he to say they looked to force in any
event ? They have not declared it in their publi
cations, petitions, memorials, or oral declarations.
Such assertion, sir, is bold, unauthorized assump
tion. I am personally acquainted with many of
those abolitionists in Ohio. They hold no such
thing, but hold the contrary. I would not coun
tenance any such project, by moral power only
and we have enough of it, if properly used.
I am for putting down mods ; aye, and
even your " market-house committee mobs
peacebly if we can, forcibly if we must ! As
for slavery, whether in the slave States, or the
(professedly) free Slates we've got too much of
it, Mr. Hammond. 1 say, with all proper defer
ence to Mr. Clay to the ballot-box ! to the bal
lot-box ! ! Let us regulate the Confederacy and
the Presidency (if we can) through the Ballot
Box. As for the Presidency I say nothing more
now only look to tho West ! to the West ! !
Shibboleth.
From Zion's Watchman.
Sill of Slavery.
Mr. Editor, Having closed my numbers on
the sin of slavery, I propose with your permission,
to give your readers a second part, the object of
which is to prove, that slavery being wrong in it
self ', can never be made right by circumstances.
It is common in these days of moral wonders, to
hear men say that slavery is wrong in the ab
stract, while they justify it under the circumstances
which attend it in this land of republicanism. I
once heard one of our doctors of divinity state in a
public address, that he lulled slavery as he haled
hell, meaning the system of slavery, while in the
same addess, he labored to prove that slavery
might exist in the church under the circumstances,
with the sanction of the " golden rule." Against
this new version of ethics, I beg leave to record'
my solemn protest in the columns of Zion's Watch
man, which I will do in three or four short num
bers umler the above head. In this communica
tion I snail urge but one consideration. To con
demn slavery in the the abstract, and justify it in
the concrete, or under certain circumstances, is to
abolish all distinctions between right and wrong
in the nature of things.
If slavery is made right or wrong by circum
stances, it follows that slavery is one thing, and
that the circumstances which fix its moral character,
are other matters not essential to the existence of
slavery; for if circumstances are made to justify
slavery, and if, at the same time, such justifying
circumstances are considered an essential part of
the slavery itself, slavery is made to justify itself,
and the whole talk about circumstances becomes
an unmeaning play upon words. Circumstances,
then, are what may, or may not exist, while things
have in themselves, an essential nature, robbed
of which they cease to exist, or existing, they be
come something else. With this distinction in
view, between slavery and the circumstances un
der which it may exist at this or that period, I ask
what is its moral character, with reference to cir
cumstances? Suppose it divested of all circum
stances, surrounded by nothing but what is essen
tial to the existence of slavery itself, and is it then
right or wrong, or neither ? Let us now examine
these three positions, and see how slavcy can be
made right or wrong by circumstances, or else that
there is no difference between right and wrong in
the nature of things.
1. If slavery be right when contemplated as
above, divested of all circumstances, it must follow
that circumstances can never make it wrong. As,
in this case, slavery is pronounced right in its
own nature, when attended by nothing but what
is essential to its existence, it cannot become wrong
without a change of its nature. Now if the addi
tion of circumstances changes its nature, it is no
longer slavery but something else, since before
such a change there was just what, and nothing
but what is essential to the existence of slavery,
so it is not slavery that is made wrong by circum
stances, but slavery is converted by circumstances
into something elso, which something else is sup
posed to be wrong. On the other hand, if the ad
dilion of circumstances does notchano-c the nature
of slavery, it is just as right after the addition of
such circumstances as belore ; the circumstances
may be bad, but the slavery itself is not therefore
bad, and in sueli case our good lather in tnc mm
istry should, instead of hatinar slavery as he hates
hell, merely hale the circumstances Avith which
slavery has become unfortunately associated.
2. If slavery be wrong when contemplated aside
trom all circumstances, as above supposed, circum
stances can never make it right. The same rea
soiling will apply here which has been employed
above. If the addition of circumstances changes
the nature of the thing with which they ore asso
ciated, in this case slavery becomes something else,
and thcrelore it cannot be said that slavery is right
and if the addition of circumstances docs not
change the nature of things with which they are
associated, then slavery remains wrong still, how
ever good the circumstances may be, since the
slavery is one thing and the circumstances some
thing else. From, this it must be seen, that slavery
cannot be rendered right or wrong, by circumstan
ces, only on the ground that it is neither right nor
wrong in itscll, independently of circumstances-
3. if the ground be taken that slavery is neither
right nor wrong, that it has no moral character,
ndependently ol circumstances, there can be no
difference between right and wrong in the nature
of things. Slavery can bo viewed in no other
light than as actions performed by moral agents,
which actions have as clear a reference to our fel
low beings, and must be as clearly recognized as
good or bad by the moral law, as any other class
of actions which regard the relations in which God
has placed the different members of his associated
moral universe, and hence if there is nothing right
or wrong in the nature of these actions, there can
be nothing right or wrong in the nature of any oth
er class of actions, and all distinctions between
right and wrong in the nature of things, is abolish
ed. This would leave the government of the moral
universe without a reason to stand upon, for if there
be nothing right or wrong in the nature of things,
any other moral code would have been just as right
in itself, as the one which trod gave amid the
thunders of tho mount, and wrote on tables of
stone under the lightning's glare that blazed upon
the darkness which surrounded the divine pres
ence as the Almigly descended & talked with man.
Indeed, if right and wrong exist not in the nature
of things, but are merely the result of a disposition
of circumstances, alUhat is now vice may be chang
ed into virtue by circumstances, and all that is now
virtuous and lovely may be changed into hateful
vice by the same rule.
Another view will lead us to to the same con
clusion. If slavery be wrong . in the abstract, il
must be a violation of some precept of the moral
law, for "sin is the transgression of the law."
Now if circumstances can justify a violation of
one precept in the moral code, every precept may
be violated on the same principle ; if one man may
judge for himself what precept circumstances au
thorize him to violate, every other man must have
the same liberty to select for himself what precept
he may violate; if one man has the right of judg
ing what circumstances justify a violation of the
aw of God, another man must have the same
right to judge of circumstances for himself, and
hence, by admitting that circumstances can, any.
one case justify any one person in violalmg any
one precept of the Uible, or any one rule ol right,
we shall open the door for a state ol things un
der which every man can justify himself in doing
what is right m the sight ol his own eyes, regard-
ess of any common standard ol right, human or
divine. Such is the vortex into which those
plunge who substitute circumstances for principles,
and human expediency lor the law of Cod.
Luther Lee.
Ballslon, May 24, 1S39.
Tho following letter from a minister of the
Methodist Episcopal church in Green county, New
York, was read at the late meeting of the County
Society, held in the village of Cairo.
To the President of the Green Co. A. S. Society.
Dear Sir, 1 regret that circumstances are
such that I cannot be with you at your first anni
versary. I understand and appreciate vour noble
enterprise of raising millions from the degradation
of things, to the condition of men. I am with you
in sentiment and sympathy, and have no doubt but
that the principles ot the American Anti-blavery
society will yet triumph over all opposition.
1 have travelled more than twenty thousand
miles in slaveholding states, and have seen the
system in all its modifications ; and a sense of du
ty impels me to avow to the world, that in my
opinion slavery is sheer essential uncompounded
sin. A system abhorred of God and at war with
every principle of the Gospel. Slavery can never
cure itself. It never can be essentially mitigated.
While it exists in acts, and while it acts, it rebels
against God, man and nature.
Six years actual survey, over perhaps two thou
sand plantations, tell me that abolitionists have
not yet exaggerated slavery. The secrets of that
immense prison house are yet untold.
Gentlemen, if we can keep this system, which
the good John Wesley called " the sum of nil vil-
aimes, only before the public, and disconnected
wi'h other things, there is yet sufficient moral life
n the nation to sign its death warrant, Sneak
the truth in love and labour in faith, and heaven
will crown your efforts with success.
iours respectlully, in behall
of the oppressed,
D. Dk Vinnk,
Minister of the Gospel.
Durham, June 10, 1S30.
lUiTXTFirrT. fjprrir. Smith nf Pnlm-bnrniwrli
N. Y. has sent in his check for ten thousand dollars
to the Treasurer of the American Anti-Slaverv
Society. With brother Smith this is not a spas
modic fit of benevolence. It is an illustration of
his frenoral character, the snnntanpoii! nml imtuml
cfiiiMons of his noble, philanthropic soul. He is,
we believe, a member ol a Presbyterian Church,
but ho is no sectarian. lie h a 'Union!.. I.' cm-
bracing all in his Christian fellowship andregarda
who give evidence of having been accepted by
our Lord Jesus Christ. He is a man of wealth,
but with his ample fortune he and his worthy
family practice rigid economy and self-denial for
the purpose of appropriating their means to ad
vance the holy cause of Christian benevolence.
When will Christians who have this world's(o-oods,
understand that they are God's stewards, his agents
furnished with means to promote his glory, that
with ' the cattle upon a thousand hills,' Jehovah
has the first claim upon every cent in their coffers ?
When will affluent professors understand tho
Christian doctrine that Jesus calls them to self-denial,
to honor God with their substance, that they
are, like the wise men of the East, to lay their
treasures of gold, frankincense and myrrh at tho
feet of Jesus, and dedicate their possessions as well
as their souls to the Messiah and his church !
Coveteousness is idolatry. It is a daring sin
against God, and it will be easier for a camel to
pass through the eye of a needle than for a miserly,
parsimonious rich man to enter the kingdom of
God. Christian Herald and Journal.
From the Cincinnati Gazette, Juno 14.
Slavery Pretensions.
It has given offence to some of our best and
most valued friends, that the Cincinnati Gazetto
should designate the claims of right, insisted upon
by slave owners, as slavery pretensions. These
terms are used as clearly expressive of the views
held to be well founded on the subject. Tho
rights secured to the slavery institutions of the
slave states, by the comity of nations and by the
Constitution of the United States, are of such char
acter, that difference of opinion as to their legiti
mate extent, would seem unavoidable. It is in the
nature of things, that the slaveholder should ask
the broadest construction, in his own favor, so as
to secure tho largest value for his property. On
the other hand, those who are entirely persuaded
that slavery should be extirpated from the coun
try, maintain, that no concession should be mado
to it, beyond what is coerced by the most rigid con
structions against it. When more, is claimed,
such claim is appropriately denominated a preten
sion. Ihe editor ot the Cazettc is a strict con
structionist. He is ready to abide the bond as ho
reads it, and with that reading ho insists to stop,
A claim for more is regarded by him as a preten
sion.
The expanding character of this prctensiotfhas
ilready secured for it influence of dangerous ten
dency, lis extravagance is passing all bounds,
and carries with it a power to subject the political
press, or the greater portion of it, to abject silence,
or subservient control. In proof of this the follow
ing facts arc presented to the public :
A rr.OPOSALTO ItE-OPEN THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE.
A late number of the New-Orleans Courier, n
paper of good standing, and well conducted, makes
these suggestions :
" It is well known to those who have taken tho
trouble to enquire into the matter, that the slave
trade from Africa is more extensive than ever it
was. One of the most violent opponents of tho
trade, a member of the British Parliament, by the
name of Buxton, has recently published a work
upon the subject. In this work, Mr. Buxton gives
it as his opinion that the African trade has de
rived strength from the very attempts made by
the English government to suppress it. He says,
and produces facts in support of what he says,
that the millions of money spent on the English
cruisers, and the thousands of valuable lives
which have been sacrificed in them to the climate
during the last thirty-two years, have only tended
to make the trade more demoralizing and cruel
in ils tendencies, without at all diminishing tho
number of slaves carried from Africa to America.
" If such have been the results produced by tho
injudicious efforts of the English philanthropists,
vc may well doubt the policy of the law of Con
gress which has prohibited the importation of
slaves from Africa a policy that by all we can
learn has no other effect than to cause tho plan
ter of Louisiana to pay to the Virginia slaver one
thousand dollars for a negro, which now in Cuba,
and by and by in Texas, may be bought for half
the money.
" It is known to those acquainted with the char
acter of the African, that he is more patient and
less unruly than the Virginia or Maryland negro
his very ignorance of many things makes him
less dangerous in a community like ours, and his
constitution is better suited to our climate. In
transporting him from his own country, his posi
tion too in civilization is bettered, not worsted.
" Tho more we examine and reflect on the pol
icy the Texians are likely to pursue in this matter,
openly or covertly, the more we are convicted that
Texas should be annexed to, the Union, or elso
Congress should repeal the law prohibiting the im
portation of slaves from Africa. Otherwise tho
culture of sugar and cotton in Louisiana will suffer
greatly by the cheaper labor which planters of
Cuba and Texas can and will employ."
Such a cold-blooded proposition as this, one
would suppose, could not be read without a first
impression of chilling horror, a second of burning
indignation. The expression of the public press,
as far as any expression has been made, is in tho
cool, calculating temper of profit and loss. The
New-York Daily Express speaks thus :
Slavery. The slave-trade between Cuba and
Texas. A report in circulation in Louisiana that
Texas was receiving slaves from Africa, via Cu
ba, has created some feeling among the planters
of Louisiana. The complaint is, that if the fer
tile lands of Texas can be cultivated by slaves
purchased for less than five hundred dollars, the
planters will in time be enabled to ruin thope hero
who have paid one thousand or fifteen hundred .
dollars for a field hand. The New Orleans Con
ner makes the following interesting comments up
on the subject." , .
" Interesting comments !" Verily, it is a ques
tion of interest, the interest of grovelling avariea
a direct prosposal to re-open the African stare
trade, because Virginia and Maryland have a mo.
nopoly in slavo-breeding, for the cotton market !
Yes, African slaves can be bought cheaper thai)
Virginia and Maryland slaves ! and, therefore, tho
cotton growers risk that the African slave trodo
hall be restored ! and a leading press, in the city