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THE VOICE OF F 11 E E I) O M .
For tho Voice of Freedom. Clerical Assumptions. The clergy ought to bo respected for tho virtues which adorn them in the exalted and responsible station to which God has called them. The de vout aud humble minister, who exemplifies in his conduct and influence the meek and lowly Jesus, need not, however, be troubled about the respect and kindness, and reverence even, of all good men ; and in respect to his reputation with the wicked, it matters little what may be said of him, as slan der will recoil on the head of the slanderer, and he may even 'fight with beasts' like Paul at Eph csus, and still stand before the world as the living epistle of the gospel. But the station and office of a clergyman does not exempt his principles and conduct from the investigation of the humblest person capable of exercising reason and judgment. The apostles commended themselves to every man's conscience. Unfaithful shepherds are rebu ked in the word of God. The severest rebukes of prophets, and even of our blessed Lord, were addressed to a recreant and mercenary priesthood. It is indeed written, " Thou shah not speak evil of the ruler of my people but what matters this, when one with the spiritual discernment of a Paul, would mistake the sacerdotal dignitary for a turbulent and despotic persecutor ? We do not make these observations with any particular or specific reference, but simply to assert our right of judgment in estimating the character of the cleri cal influence which essays to guide or control the popular mind. If this influence goes to support slavery, so far it may be opposed and broken down by the friends of freedom, and no sacrilege be committed. But we conceive that great injury is done to the institution of the christian ministry by the at tempts of certain lovers of power to make it the bulwark of a dogmatic authority that seeks to con trol or suppress tho spirit of popular inquiry. The Assumed prerogative of ministers to control their people in matters of public investigation, which is referred to in the able letter of President Lord published in the last Vt. Chronicle, may well a- rouse the friends of free discussion and religious liberty, to preserve the principles of the reforma tion, by checking such unwarranted and danger ous usurpations. Who is it that have disgraced the ministry, and contributed to paralyze the influ ence it was designed to exert on human society, but those ministers who, forgetting the dignity of their station, have treated with discourtesy and contempt, matters of vital interest to the churches? After all the alleged impudences, fanaticism, or recklessness of friend Garrison, in his treatment of the clergy, it is doubted whether any thing could be said against members of this class that would so lower their character in public esteem as their own course in refusing to recognize the claims of the poor slave on the sympathies of the christian world, in refusing to patronize mea sures for his emancipation. When the professed man of God refuses to read notices for prayer meetings for the enslaved, refuses to give out ap pointments for anti-slavery lectures, and refuses to pray for God's suffering poor, he has inflicted an injury on his reputation and character that he well might wish to exchange for the ' slanders' of the most 'crazy and mad-cap abolitionist he could name. For the conclusion of the great men of his congregation is rational, that their minister is in sympathy and interest with slavery, the vilest abomination under the sun. J. M. Stearns. July 11, 1839. From tho Vermont Telegraph. Friend Murray : I send you the enclosed, in reply to our invitation of L. Gibbs, Esq., to attend the Anti-Slavery Convention at Rutland, held last Tuesday and Wednesday. Please give it a place in the Telegraph- J. A. Allen, for the Executive Committee. North Gkanville, (N. Y.) June 19, '39. J. A. Allen, Esq : Dear Sir: Your favor of the 13th hist., invi ting me to attend the Anti- Slavery Convention, to be held on the 25th and 26th inst, at Rutland, is received. I feel honored by the invitation, and should be happy, if circumstances would permit me, to be with you on those days. But there is to bean Anti-Slavery Convention for North-Eas-tern New-York, at Greenwich, in this County, on the 26 inst., which I feel it my duty to attend. It is important that the cause of the slave should receive a new impetus in this quarter, and I trust that the Convention will have that effect. I re joice that abolitionists are alive and active in so many parts of the country. The effect must be salutary. I am glad that Vermont is awake ; and I ardently pray that you may teach another Con gress that they are not with impunity to insult the majesty of your State, by refusing to listen to the voice of your Legislature. Oh! if northern men could feel as much for their own rights and the rights of the slave, as southerners profe?s to feel for their ' peculiar institutions,' it would not be long before Congress dare not refuse to hear our petitions, or refuse their prayer. Bullet us be en couraged. Our cause will go on. It will tri umph. It is the cause of truth. We have God on our side, and who shall prevent our success ? jlay your deliberations be characterized with wis dom and harmony, and may success speedily crown our efforts in the cause of suffering human ity, is the ardent desire of Yours, truly, Leonard Gibes. Pollticul Action. It is contended by some that abolitionists ought to abstain from political action, and that their cause will be ruined from the moment of its taking a political aspect, Some who claim to be friends of the slave devote themselves, and would have others, exclusively to an appeal to the religion feelings; and as the number of professedly reli fiousmen is comparatively small, they sometimes do a sten further back, and suppose nothing eflcc tual can be done till the mass of men are made speculatively and professedly religious. Thus thevstcn out of the cause, into the work ofnrodu cing'an abstract religion, a sort of quintessence of humanity, which tney bottle up as they so alonp;, to be used when there is enough of it to flood the land. But our immediateism has led us to apnea to that religion which will go immediately to work and which will work by all lawful and right means trusting mat it will enlarge and deepen itself by its own action. The religion we appeal to, is no more out of place in politics than salt is in the ocean. As the bands, which we call in the aid of religion to sunder, were politically created, and are politically sustained, they can only be political ly broken. W hat needs to be done, is, to excite a sympathy for the oppressed which will make it self felt through the law-making, and the law-ex ecuting powers. Birt the opinions and feelings of the people will not be lelt in their legislatures till some effort is made to carry them there. The prostrate cause of bleeding humanity will ne ver rise in our courts of justice, till there ace now erful advocates to plead it. That sympathy for the oppressed which does not, from the instant ol its birth, operate to reform and purify the abused and perverted law, is thrown away lor u it ex pends itself in relieving individual cases, it does but prune the tree of oprression that it may strike its roots the deeper in the soil, rohtical action there must be. Law must be brought back from its unnatural alliance with despotism, before free dom can be established1 That religion which makes a man shrink from his political responsibil ity when the foundation principles of justice are to be brought to their position in tho structure of human society when the liberties of millions are at stake, will not, we are constrained to believe, prove a support to the soul when God shall ask, Where is thy brother ? But there is a sort of political action which is greatly to be deprecated. It is the political action of base and-, selfish men rising into power by the generalship of a party. Political hypocrisy is so common, and has been, time out of mind, that it seems to form the rule, and honesty the exception. It is to be expected that sorne political wolves will put on the clothing of abolitionism, and seek to elevate themselves and manage the Anti-Slavery organization to secure their own purposes. But they ought to be met on the threshold, and stripp ed of their disguise. The best safeguard against their entrance is lor abolitionists, while they firm ly refuse to vote for a man who will not support abolition measures, to avoid setting up candidates of their own. Let every abolitionist follow the leading of his own political principles so long as he can do it without sacrificing the paramount clann3 ol the slave. Ihe lashion with a political party is, to inquire, not whether a candidate is him self true to the principles of the party, but wheth er he is true to some other man, whom the party is piedged either to support or oppose. Let it be understood that so far as we act politically, it is only to carry a political measure, and that in doing this we have no preference to employ the men, who have been most active and successful in the moral struggle with the people. These men, be it known to the world, have not faced all manner of obloquy and violence for any reward of honor or office, which the people have to give. While that abolitionist is unworthy of the name who cares a straw for the victory of one or the other political nartv compared with the abolition of slavery, still less is he worthy of it, who wears it with any oth or wish than to gain the blessed sight of sundered chains and broken yokes and to hear the loud ac claim of a North American Jubilee. Elizur Wright, jr. Wendell Phillips. We wish we could introduce this peerless young Bostonhn to the free labor anti-slavery New Hamp shire. Born and bred of the flower of that proud city's aristocracy, he is the friend and the brother of the colored people and the abolitionists. His father, John Phillips, was, we believe, the sponta neously selected first mayor of the city. VV hen the hauffhtv town first took upon itself the more metropolitan name of city, who for lord mayor but John Phillips, the representative of all that was cityish and ' ancient and honorable in this iNew-Enp-lanu London. Wendell is his son and he is a rare instance of the union of princely rank with talent and tho personal grace and ac complishment that can adorn it. And where do we find this vounor star of aristocracy ? Shot down from his lofty orbit in the milky way of van ity's skies, and coursing in the depths of abolition ism and degradation. Instead of lollinc; on the sofas of the Otiscs, Searses and the what-not inac cessibles of Beacon street, or parading the flags of Tearl street with the mindless heir-apparents, you find him obscured with Garrison, in the depths ol JNassau Court, beyond the explorations ol the butcher's cart and the hally-loat man, or going arm in arm with Oliver Johnson to an anti-slave ry meeting in Belknap street or madam Parkman's stable, the Chardon Street Chapel. This is the young Pitt who struck James T. Austin with lightning in Fanuil Hall.when that base and bloody minded man attempted to throw over the modern mob and the murderers of Lovejov the mantle of the revolution, and the same that hailed the col ored man in affectionate and fraternal accents, as ' brother Cole,' the other day, in the thronged as sembly of the New England Convention. We heard his beautiful farewell address, and were the more astonished at it, that it was unpremeditated. In the forenoon Garrison proposed that some res olutions be prepared connected with Phillips' con templated voyage to England, to be offered in the afternoon, that might call on him for a farewell address to liis anti-slavery brethren and sisters be fore crossing the water. This was probably the first intimation of it to Mr. Phillips, who was present, one of the committee, and he had only a few hours to think on what topics he should speak. The reporter has given his words, but could not give the tones, the spirit, the manner, the person. He has gone and the the blesseing of Almighty God bo upon him on the sea and in the old land to which he troes the land of Westminster Ab bey, of Thompson and O'Connell. Herald of brceaom. John Quiucy Adams and William Goodell. Mr. Adams has written his promised letter to the anti-slavery petitioners, whose petitions he K resented, & whose abstract right to bo heard, and is own concrete practical right to speak, ho stren uously and ably maintained in Congress, while the wise reprensenlatives of the nation were squab bling around him in the vulgar quarrel of party. The letter has at length appeared and it bears the marks of the strong and peculiar writer. So far as he is right, he goes on like a war elephant, bearing down whole ranks before him, tossing squadrons upon his ivory tusks, nnd discomfiting whole hosts with his tremendous proboscis, while from his castellated lack, armed men shower javel in?. But he has, in his worldly wisdom, proclaimed heretofore, that slavery in the District ough t not to be immediately abolished. He could not adopt the vulgar ultraism of the 'abolitonists. He could appreciate the right of the Anglo-Saxons of Massa chusetts. It was connected with politics, and seats of government and national declarations. The minor right, of the slave in the District, to LinEitTY, he could not value. That he can see taken away. And when he comes to talk of that, he like Samp son after his hair was cut, by so much the weak er than common weakness, as he is stronger than common strength, when bo is in the right. Wil liam Goodell has taken up his reply to him, which will make Mr. Adams feel a great deal worse than Andrew Jackson's election to the Presidency. That we may presume, he did not care deeply about. Goodell has refuted and exposed Mr. Adams in plain, argumentative form. He had to write a tre mednous long letter to do this. Mr Adams was so entirely wrong and his error' was so common-place, that Goodell had to waste an immensity of words to give him a formal refutation. We did not pub- lsh Mr. Adams letter, uoodelrs contains enough of it to show its drift. The reader of Goodell's will understand it quite as well as if he had read it, better than if he had read that alone. We publish Goodell's by parts and exhort our readers to give it a calm perusal. It is a powerful produc tion and displays the writer's distinguished pow ers of argument. It abounds with proof of the wonderful steadiness and clearness, with which he can hold his adversary all up before him, and see the whole of him, and whereabouts lay the weak and vicious parts of his reasoning. We pity Mr. Adams but it can the helped now. Let great men lay aside their pride and they would escape these pit falls. Herald of trccdom. Democracy. The spirit of DEMOCRACY aims at a greater degree of moral and politica freedom than has yet been attained. It recogn zes man, his race the whole not a Iraclion as composed of intellectual, reasoning, moral beings created for, and susceptible of an indefinite degree of improvement and progress. It has no fetters for the mind ; puts no gag on the lips : forges no chains for the limbs that are not from the most urgent necessity necessary. It strives to improve the social and moral condition of man, by appeal and arguments addressed in the spirit of love to his hightest and noblest faculties. Hay state Democrat. Questions. 1. What right has Democracy to aim at greater " moral and political freedom s That is to attack slavery in the States indirectly ; and we have no right to do that indirectly which we may not do directly vide Alhcrton s llesolu- tions. 2. Democracy recognizes slaves, does it, as men susceptiDie oi inuennite progress? vvny men .Ml f 1 1 . - ttTI .1 does a democratic l'resident pledgo himsell to lm pede with chains, and flog down with cowhide and smother down with brute-hood the progress of seven thousand men in the National domain? 3. " No fetters for the mind!" Why did a democratic Vice President give his castinsr vote for Mr. Calhoun's " Bill of abominations," where by all deputy postmasters were to become censors of thepress under Estate authority ? Is this freedom of mind ? Is not this building walls and putting up oars " to prevent reasoning men froinjnjunng themselves i" 4. " No gag on the lips!" Are the Hon Charles G. Atherton, and the Hon. Mr. Previous Question, of New Hampshire, democrats? 5. " No chains ! Are the chains on the two and a half millions " necessary," or, has democra cy no hand in putting them on ? o. Dare the iay estate Democrat answer these questions? We ask, not as a whig for we are not one, and never were, but as a democrat that does not approve of preaching one thing at the North to gain honest mens votes, and practicing another thing at the South to gain the votes of men who pay their laborers only in the cow hide currency. Mass. Abolitionist. The New-England M. E. Conference. Has elected seven delegates to the next General Confer ence, all of them abolitionists. They are, Jotluun Horton, O. bcolt, J. A. Merrill, E. W. btickncy, Isaac Barry, P. Grandall, and 1 . Uphnm. Ihe Zion's Watchman relates a curious instance of the exercise of arbitrary power by Bishop Soule in this conference. . "bishop Soule was present with Bishop Waugh. The former made a number of decisions while pre siding, which, we believe, were deemed by most of those who heard them, not only new, but alto gether extraordinary. For instance, when the candidates were before the Conference for exam- nation, he gave permission for any questions to be proposed to them, through him, according to discipline. A brother arose and requested their views on the use and traffic in intoxicating liquors. The bishop put the question, as he said, " with pleasure." The brother next proposed the (bl owing, as it will be seen, in the language of our old minutes : " Do you hold in the deepest abhorrence the practice of slavery, and will you seek its destruc tion by all wise and prudent means ?" But the Bishop immediately said, " I would in form brother S. that I shall not put that question. please to take your seat ! ! !" To Political Pnrtiznns. When we accuse both political parties of hav- ng sold themselves to the slaveholders, we are erv far from charsrincr every supporter, or even zealous supporter, of his parly's standard with having personally ratified the bargain. The ini quity is chargeable mainly upon the party leaders. Hosts of irood men are attached to both parlies who abominate the veto pledge of Mr. Van Buren and ii i .. . e i i ht- ri.... me cownruiy uespoiism comesseu uyiui. vway. What we wish them to consider, is, whether in national politics the ends which they propose, however laudable they may be, can possibly be at tained while slaveholders maintain their present supremacy ? Docs it make one hair's difference to the country whether it is under whig or demo cratic control, so long as a knot of aristocrats of the most ultra-tory stamp actually govern it? That the " owners" of human chattels do control this republic wc have perfect demonstration in the present po.-Uion of the two prominent candidates for the presidency. The present incumbent, after having arrived at mature statesmanship, voted for the extension of suffrage in his native state to the colored population on equal terms with the white, and also on the free side of the great Alissour question, .lie conlesseclrv believes in Hie power of congress over slavery in the District of Colum bia. Yet such a man is under a pledge to use his official veto against a majority of congress and in favor of a small minority, of slaveholders. He has lowered the flag of democratic principles in obeisance to slaveholders ! Of course wo need not say that he could not have made this pledge in obedience to his judgment, on the merits of the question. That were to make him the merest changeling and weathercock of mind that ever veered about to fit the last lawyer's plea. He made the pledge because he and his party could not otherwise enjoy the administering power be cause he had rather administer as the subaltern of the slave power than not at all. Again, Mr. Clay, whose reputation rests on el oquent speeches in behalf of liberty, made his last infamous speech in favour of eternal slavery, be cause it was necessary to out bid Mr. Van Buren. Inputting their halters around the necks of these two men the slaveholding faction have haltered both the great parties. They will hold on till they have managed to got power enough to make the laws as well as the public sentiment of the na tion, and then slavery will be universal, not con fied to slave states or slave complexion. If honest partizans will ponder these facts, we have no doubt that their Yankee ingenuity will soon discover the remedy. Mass. Abolitionist. " Mr. Clay at Home." A paragraph is on the rounds with the above caption, containing an ex tract from President Humphrey's letters on a west ern tour. Ihe l'resident has enjoyed the hospi tality of Mr. Clay at his mansion, and gives utter ance to his delight at finding the " great man" so " perfectly affable and unaffected and all that And then the " enchanting spot," the eigtty-nr.re park, the eight hundred-Acre farm all things "spa cious and venerable!" The President adds : "He has lately turned his attention very much to rais ing stock, and it is said that no man in Kentucky, even, can snow tiner oxen and cows than he can. Mr. Clay also has, though it is not a late thing with him, some fifty or sixty head of another kind of stock. Did the President of Amhersf College see them? Did he inquire the market price? ihere is nothing ol them in the extract, and we have not seen the letters. But let every Northern freeman, whenever he thinks of Henry Clay for the Presidency, think of him as having his 800 acre farm stocked with 50 human cattle as well as " oxen and cows." Mass. Abolitionist. HO" The following, which we cut from the St. Joseph's Times, beats all stories of remarkable es capes which we remember to have read : Remarkable Escape. On the passage of the ship Anaxander, from New Orleans to New York, a young lad of about fourteen years, from natural frolicksnme and mischievous disposition, became so troublesome in his pranks, that it was threaten ed by the Captain if they were continued, that he would confine him in a water cask. Our young ster look no heed however, and at the next offence was put in the cask, which was headed up, leav ing a large bung-hole for the admission of'oir. That night the ship encountered a violent storm nnd in a sudden lurch, the cask containing the boy rolled into the tea. The circumstance was not no ticed by those on board. Fortunately tho cask struck bung up, and floated thirty hours, when it was thrown upon the Beach at Cape St. Bias. Here the boy made desperate dibits to extricate himself from his prison without success, and in despair gave up to die. Some cows however stroll ing over the Beach, were attracted to the cask, and in walking around it, one of the number, it being fly time, switched her tail into the bung-hole, which the lad grasped with a desperate resolution. The cow bellowed and set off for life, and after running some two hundred yards with the cask, struck it against a log on the beach, and knocked it as we say, into a cock'd hat. The boy thus providentially released was discovered by some fisherman on the point nnd taken into Apalachicola, where a small collection being made for him, he was enabled to proceed North by the way of Co lumbus. NOTICES. Call for the National Convention. At the last onnivcrsarv of the American Aiili-Slnveiv Society, it was voted to hold a National Convention at Al bany, on the 31st day of Julv next. The undersigned were appointed a committee to issue a Call and ma!,i the necessary arrangements for the proposed convention. In executing the wishes of the Society, thev according ly most, cordially invite all such FREE.YiEN Or THE V STATES AS A DOIT Til K PRINCIPLES EMBODIED IN THE CONSTITUTION OK THE AMERICAN AN TI-SLAVERY SOCIETY to meet in convention at Albany on the last Wednesday of July next, in Ihe 4th Presbyte rian meeting house, at 10 o clock, A. ill. J he object of the convention is the thorough discussion of those great principles which lie at the foundation of the abolition enterprise throughout tho civilized world : and of the measures which are suited to its accomplishment in the United Slates, and especially those which relate to the proper exercise of the right of suffrage bv citizens of the tree states. All questions and matters foreign to this oh ect will be cautiously avoided in tho deliberations of the occasion. Utica. W. I.. Chaplin, Wm. Goodell. New York Joshua Lcavitt, II. 13. Stuntnn. Troy Gurdon Grant. Albany N. Safford, A. G. Alder, Hiram Fanning Na)han Colburn. BRIGHTON MARKET. ' Reported for the Yankee Farmer. .Monday, July 8, 1830. At market, 2S5 Beef Cattle, I2yoko Work ing Oxen, 1!) Cows and Calves, 1150 fehecp and Iambs, 323 fnvine. I'niCEs. Reef Cattle. l'irst quality, 8,50 a 9 second quality, 7,50 a 8 ; third quality 17 a 57,25. Working Oxen. Sales low. Cow awl Calves. Dull, 25, 30, to $3-1. Sheep and Lambs There was a great proportion of i thin old sheep at market, which wero slow salos. Good lambs were in denand, say 2,50 a !jf4. Swine 'Very dull. J.ols wero scloctedted from 7 to 8 cts i at rotail, from 8 to 10. MARRIAGES. In Wcstford on tho 9th ult., by Mr. Woodard, Samuel Dewing to Hannah Eastman. In Fairfax, on the 22d ult., Thomas Packard to fanny Iirnard. BY WILLIAM C. BOAUDMAN, St. Johnsburv Plain, 20 af Vermont' Attention Artillery Companies ! R. R. RIKER, (Staic sveet, opposite the Bank,) AS this day roceived from NEW-YORK, Scarlet nroau uioth, for .Military Companies' Uniforms. Ar tillery Buttons, Yellow Wings for Sargcants, Red Cock feathers, Red Pompoms, Red 12 inch Vulturo Plumes, Yollow Lace, Yellow Epaulotts, Red Sashes &c. for sale cneap lor casn. 30 do.. Infantry Hat Plates, White Cockfealhors, Whito Wings for Sargcants, 12 inch Whim Vulture Plnmea. Swords and Belts, Flat Eagle Buttons, Laces, Epauletts, &c. for sale cheap for rash, Monlpelier, June 10, 1839. 21:tf MILITARY GOODS. JUST received from New York, by R. R, RIKER,. Slalc street, opposite the Bank, a large assortment of MILITA7fY GOODS, suitable for the present regulation of the Militia of this State. Terms Cash, May bib, 183!). 19:tf NEW GOODS! JEW ETT, HO IVES & CO. RE just receiving from New York and Boston a prime assortment of Goods, to which they invite the at tention of their friends and customers. May 4, 1838, 13 Cw NEW GOODS ! NEW GOODS ! ! HALDWIiV & SCOTT AVE just received a Bplemlid assortment of SPRING & SUMMER GOODS, which they will sell cheap for cash. CP Those wishing for a great bargain will do well to call before purchasing elsewhere. May 13, 163!). 19:tf KEW GOODS! CHEAP GOODS!! LANGD0N& WRIGHT HAVE this day received, at their Cash Store, a large amount of FKESII GOODS, from New York and Boston, comprising a very general assortment w hich they have recently purchased with cash, and which they offer at prices which cannot fail to please. They respectfully solicit the patronage of their friends and the public gener ally. ICP N. B. L. & W. will soon remove their Cash Store to the large white Store one door North of the old Langdon Store, on Main st., where goods will be sold cheap foi prompt pay. Call and see. Montpel'icr, May 1, 1839. 18 tf THE CASH STORE IS REMOVED!!! J" ANGDON & WRIGHT have removed their CASH .A STORE to the large White Building, one door north of the Landon Store, on Main street where they have on hand, and are daily receiving, a great variety of Dcsirablo GOODS, which they offer for sale at great bargains, Call and see. Montpclicr, May 16, 1839. 20:tf AT THE CASH STORE OF ST0IU1S & LANGDONS, "H"UST received from Boston and.New York, an EXTEN J SIVE STOCK OF GOODS, among which may bo found : From 6 bi 7,000 yds. PRINTS, from 6d to 3 6 per yd. From 40 lo 50 pieces plain and fig'd dices SILKS all shades. BB.O AD CLOTHS & CASSIMERES. liONNETTS, from 20 cts. to 15,50. .Ribbons, Laces, Linens, Muslin de Lains, Printed Lawns and Muslins, Ar tificial Flowers, Fancy Hdks., Shawls, Flannel Binding, Gloves, Oiled Silks, Neck Stocks, 4,000 '"'9- Sheetings, from 10 1-4 to IP cts. 1,400 Shirtings, from 7 to 10 cts. ' Ticking, Cotton Yarn, Wickin, Batting, fcc. LOOKING GLASSES, CHINA TEA WARE, with Plates lo match. Anvills, Vices, Mill Saws, and Hard Ware in general Nails and Glass, Paints and Oils, Iron Axles, with pipo Boxes lilted. -CjPA Large and more general assortment of all kinds of IRON and STEEL, and at lower prices than has been sold before, will be received in a few days. We invito our fiicnda and the public to examine our stock and prices. iC3" We are on the principle of small advance for cash, or short credit. WANTED 1,000 v.ls. TOW CLOTH, DRIED APPLE, BUTTE,1, CHEE.SE and UllALX OF ALL KLXDS. May 15th, 1839. 20:-lm iYcvj- Aii':iiiTiiieut! rSnUE Subscriber having taken as partner his son, WIL JSL LIAM P. BADGER, in the business horolofure con ducted bv himself, the business will hereafter be done un der the linn of J. E. BADGER ii SON. J. E. BADGER. Montpclicr, Ftl. 7, 1839. b:tf ilAT, CAP AM) FUR STORE, STATE St., MONTPELIEK, Vt. J. E. BADGER & SON, Dealers in HATS, CAPS, STOCKS, FURS, SUSPENDERS, Gloves, Hosiery, &c. &c, would rolurn their thanks to the citizens of .Monlpelier and vicinity for their liberal patronage heretofore extended to their establishment, and solicit a couiiiiunnco of the same, N. B. Merchants supplied with Hats of all kinds at city wholesale prices. February 7, 1839. 6:lf Notice. HOSE indebted to i. E. BADGER, by note or acrount, of over six uioirl lis standing, are requested to call and adjust the same immediately. J. E. BADGER. February 7, 1839. ' li:tf RED COATS FOR SALE! Do. Ttdl Coats, suitable for the Militia Musicians I. nt iVm State. " It. It Klk'KR. May 8, is:',). l:tf CI T LEI & JOIItf.SO.Y, SADDLE, HARNESS AND TRUNK State Street, (Opposite the Bank,) IHoNTPF.LIEn, YT. TEMPERANCE HOUSE, THREE DOORS WEST OF THE l"OST-OFFICE, Bt A. CARTER, Jan. 5, 1839. 1 :tf. J ADDI.F.KV, Hard Ware, Neat's Oil, Palrnt LeaMiw, K5 &e. for snlo bv . CUTLER & JOHNSON. Monlpeler, April 27lh, l3i. iff?