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The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, July 13, 1839, Image 3

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For tho Voice of Freedom.
Clerical Assumptions.
The clergy ought to bo respected for tho virtues
which adorn them in the exalted and responsible
station to which God has called them. The de
vout aud humble minister, who exemplifies in his
conduct and influence the meek and lowly Jesus,
need not, however, be troubled about the respect
and kindness, and reverence even, of all good men ;
and in respect to his reputation with the wicked,
it matters little what may be said of him, as slan
der will recoil on the head of the slanderer, and
he may even 'fight with beasts' like Paul at Eph
csus, and still stand before the world as the living
epistle of the gospel. But the station and office
of a clergyman does not exempt his principles and
conduct from the investigation of the humblest
person capable of exercising reason and judgment.
The apostles commended themselves to every
man's conscience. Unfaithful shepherds are rebu
ked in the word of God. The severest rebukes
of prophets, and even of our blessed Lord, were
addressed to a recreant and mercenary priesthood.
It is indeed written, " Thou shah not speak evil
of the ruler of my people but what matters this,
when one with the spiritual discernment of a
Paul, would mistake the sacerdotal dignitary for
a turbulent and despotic persecutor ? We do not
make these observations with any particular or
specific reference, but simply to assert our right of
judgment in estimating the character of the cleri
cal influence which essays to guide or control the
popular mind. If this influence goes to support
slavery, so far it may be opposed and broken
down by the friends of freedom, and no sacrilege
be committed.
But we conceive that great injury is done to
the institution of the christian ministry by the at
tempts of certain lovers of power to make it the
bulwark of a dogmatic authority that seeks to con
trol or suppress tho spirit of popular inquiry. The
Assumed prerogative of ministers to control their
people in matters of public investigation, which is
referred to in the able letter of President Lord
published in the last Vt. Chronicle, may well a-
rouse the friends of free discussion and religious
liberty, to preserve the principles of the reforma
tion, by checking such unwarranted and danger
ous usurpations. Who is it that have disgraced
the ministry, and contributed to paralyze the influ
ence it was designed to exert on human society,
but those ministers who, forgetting the dignity of
their station, have treated with discourtesy and
contempt, matters of vital interest to the churches?
After all the alleged impudences, fanaticism, or
recklessness of friend Garrison, in his treatment
of the clergy, it is doubted whether any thing
could be said against members of this class that
would so lower their character in public esteem
as their own course in refusing to recognize the
claims of the poor slave on the sympathies of the
christian world, in refusing to patronize mea
sures for his emancipation. When the professed
man of God refuses to read notices for prayer
meetings for the enslaved, refuses to give out ap
pointments for anti-slavery lectures, and refuses to
pray for God's suffering poor, he has inflicted an
injury on his reputation and character that he well
might wish to exchange for the ' slanders' of the
most 'crazy and mad-cap abolitionist he could
name. For the conclusion of the great men of
his congregation is rational, that their minister is
in sympathy and interest with slavery, the vilest
abomination under the sun.
J. M. Stearns.
July 11, 1839.
From tho Vermont Telegraph.
Friend Murray : I send you the enclosed, in
reply to our invitation of L. Gibbs, Esq., to attend
the Anti-Slavery Convention at Rutland, held last
Tuesday and Wednesday. Please give it a place
in the Telegraph-
J. A. Allen,
for the Executive Committee.
North Gkanville, (N. Y.) June 19, '39.
J. A. Allen, Esq :
Dear Sir: Your favor of the 13th hist., invi
ting me to attend the Anti- Slavery Convention, to
be held on the 25th and 26th inst, at Rutland, is
received. I feel honored by the invitation, and
should be happy, if circumstances would permit
me, to be with you on those days. But there is
to bean Anti-Slavery Convention for North-Eas-tern
New-York, at Greenwich, in this County, on
the 26 inst., which I feel it my duty to attend.
It is important that the cause of the slave should
receive a new impetus in this quarter, and I trust
that the Convention will have that effect. I re
joice that abolitionists are alive and active in so
many parts of the country. The effect must be
salutary. I am glad that Vermont is awake ; and
I ardently pray that you may teach another Con
gress that they are not with impunity to insult the
majesty of your State, by refusing to listen to the
voice of your Legislature. Oh! if northern men
could feel as much for their own rights and the
rights of the slave, as southerners profe?s to feel
for their ' peculiar institutions,' it would not be
long before Congress dare not refuse to hear our
petitions, or refuse their prayer. Bullet us be en
couraged. Our cause will go on. It will tri
umph. It is the cause of truth. We have God
on our side, and who shall prevent our success ?
jlay your deliberations be characterized with wis
dom and harmony, and may success speedily
crown our efforts in the cause of suffering human
ity, is the ardent desire of
Yours, truly,
Leonard Gibes.
Pollticul Action.
It is contended by some that abolitionists ought
to abstain from political action, and that their cause
will be ruined from the moment of its taking a
political aspect, Some who claim to be friends of
the slave devote themselves, and would have
others, exclusively to an appeal to the religion
feelings; and as the number of professedly reli
fiousmen is comparatively small, they sometimes
do a sten further back, and suppose nothing eflcc
tual can be done till the mass of men are made
speculatively and professedly religious. Thus
thevstcn out of the cause, into the work ofnrodu
cing'an abstract religion, a sort of quintessence of
humanity, which tney bottle up as they so alonp;,
to be used when there is enough of it to flood the
land. But our immediateism has led us to apnea
to that religion which will go immediately to work
and which will work by all lawful and right means
trusting mat it will enlarge and deepen itself by
its own action. The religion we appeal to, is no
more out of place in politics than salt is in the
ocean. As the bands, which we call in the aid of
religion to sunder, were politically created, and
are politically sustained, they can only be political
ly broken. W hat needs to be done, is, to excite
a sympathy for the oppressed which will make it
self felt through the law-making, and the law-ex
ecuting powers. Birt the opinions and feelings of
the people will not be lelt in their legislatures till
some effort is made to carry them there. The
prostrate cause of bleeding humanity will ne
ver rise in our courts of justice, till there ace now
erful advocates to plead it. That sympathy for
the oppressed which does not, from the instant ol
its birth, operate to reform and purify the abused
and perverted law, is thrown away lor u it ex
pends itself in relieving individual cases, it does
but prune the tree of oprression that it may strike
its roots the deeper in the soil, rohtical action
there must be. Law must be brought back from
its unnatural alliance with despotism, before free
dom can be established1 That religion which
makes a man shrink from his political responsibil
ity when the foundation principles of justice are
to be brought to their position in tho structure of
human society when the liberties of millions are
at stake, will not, we are constrained to believe,
prove a support to the soul when God shall ask,
Where is thy brother ?
But there is a sort of political action which is
greatly to be deprecated. It is the political action
of base and-, selfish men rising into power by the
generalship of a party. Political hypocrisy is so
common, and has been, time out of mind, that it
seems to form the rule, and honesty the exception.
It is to be expected that sorne political wolves will
put on the clothing of abolitionism, and seek to
elevate themselves and manage the Anti-Slavery
organization to secure their own purposes. But
they ought to be met on the threshold, and stripp
ed of their disguise. The best safeguard against
their entrance is lor abolitionists, while they firm
ly refuse to vote for a man who will not support
abolition measures, to avoid setting up candidates
of their own. Let every abolitionist follow the
leading of his own political principles so long as
he can do it without sacrificing the paramount
clann3 ol the slave. Ihe lashion with a political
party is, to inquire, not whether a candidate is him
self true to the principles of the party, but wheth
er he is true to some other man, whom the party
is piedged either to support or oppose. Let it be
understood that so far as we act politically, it is
only to carry a political measure, and that in doing
this we have no preference to employ the men,
who have been most active and successful in the
moral struggle with the people. These men, be it
known to the world, have not faced all manner of
obloquy and violence for any reward of honor or
office, which the people have to give. While that
abolitionist is unworthy of the name who cares a
straw for the victory of one or the other political
nartv compared with the abolition of slavery, still
less is he worthy of it, who wears it with any oth
or wish than to gain the blessed sight of sundered
chains and broken yokes and to hear the loud ac
claim of a North American Jubilee. Elizur
Wright, jr.
Wendell Phillips.
We wish we could introduce this peerless young
Bostonhn to the free labor anti-slavery New Hamp
shire. Born and bred of the flower of that proud
city's aristocracy, he is the friend and the brother
of the colored people and the abolitionists. His
father, John Phillips, was, we believe, the sponta
neously selected first mayor of the city. VV hen
the hauffhtv town first took upon itself the more
metropolitan name of city, who for lord mayor
but John Phillips, the representative of all that
was cityish and ' ancient and honorable in this
iNew-Enp-lanu London. Wendell is his son
and he is a rare instance of the union of princely
rank with talent and tho personal grace and ac
complishment that can adorn it. And where do
we find this vounor star of aristocracy ? Shot
down from his lofty orbit in the milky way of van
ity's skies, and coursing in the depths of abolition
ism and degradation. Instead of lollinc; on the
sofas of the Otiscs, Searses and the what-not inac
cessibles of Beacon street, or parading the flags
of Tearl street with the mindless heir-apparents,
you find him obscured with Garrison, in the depths
ol JNassau Court, beyond the explorations ol the
butcher's cart and the hally-loat man, or going
arm in arm with Oliver Johnson to an anti-slave
ry meeting in Belknap street or madam Parkman's
stable, the Chardon Street Chapel. This is the
young Pitt who struck James T. Austin with
lightning in Fanuil Hall.when that base and bloody
minded man attempted to throw over the modern
mob and the murderers of Lovejov the mantle of
the revolution, and the same that hailed the col
ored man in affectionate and fraternal accents, as
' brother Cole,' the other day, in the thronged as
sembly of the New England Convention. We
heard his beautiful farewell address, and were the
more astonished at it, that it was unpremeditated.
In the forenoon Garrison proposed that some res
olutions be prepared connected with Phillips' con
templated voyage to England, to be offered in the
afternoon, that might call on him for a farewell
address to liis anti-slavery brethren and sisters be
fore crossing the water. This was probably the
first intimation of it to Mr. Phillips, who was
present, one of the committee, and he had only a
few hours to think on what topics he should speak.
The reporter has given his words, but could not
give the tones, the spirit, the manner, the person.
He has gone and the the blesseing of Almighty
God bo upon him on the sea and in the old land
to which he troes the land of Westminster Ab
bey, of Thompson and O'Connell. Herald of
John Quiucy Adams and William Goodell.
Mr. Adams has written his promised letter to
the anti-slavery petitioners, whose petitions he
K resented, & whose abstract right to bo heard, and
is own concrete practical right to speak, ho stren
uously and ably maintained in Congress, while the
wise reprensenlatives of the nation were squab
bling around him in the vulgar quarrel of party.
The letter has at length appeared and it bears the
marks of the strong and peculiar writer. So far
as he is right, he goes on like a war elephant,
bearing down whole ranks before him, tossing
squadrons upon his ivory tusks, nnd discomfiting
whole hosts with his tremendous proboscis, while
from his castellated lack, armed men shower javel
in?. But he has, in his worldly wisdom, proclaimed
heretofore, that slavery in the District ough t not to
be immediately abolished. He could not adopt the
vulgar ultraism of the 'abolitonists. He could
appreciate the right of the Anglo-Saxons of Massa
chusetts. It was connected with politics, and seats
of government and national declarations. The
minor right, of the slave in the District, to LinEitTY,
he could not value. That he can see taken away.
And when he comes to talk of that, he like Samp
son after his hair was cut, by so much the weak
er than common weakness, as he is stronger than
common strength, when bo is in the right. Wil
liam Goodell has taken up his reply to him, which
will make Mr. Adams feel a great deal worse
than Andrew Jackson's election to the Presidency.
That we may presume, he did not care deeply
Goodell has refuted and exposed Mr. Adams in
plain, argumentative form. He had to write a tre
mednous long letter to do this. Mr Adams was so
entirely wrong and his error' was so common-place,
that Goodell had to waste an immensity of words
to give him a formal refutation. We did not pub-
lsh Mr. Adams letter, uoodelrs contains enough
of it to show its drift. The reader of Goodell's
will understand it quite as well as if he had read
it, better than if he had read that alone. We
publish Goodell's by parts and exhort our readers
to give it a calm perusal. It is a powerful produc
tion and displays the writer's distinguished pow
ers of argument. It abounds with proof of the
wonderful steadiness and clearness, with which he
can hold his adversary all up before him, and see
the whole of him, and whereabouts lay the weak
and vicious parts of his reasoning. We pity Mr.
Adams but it can the helped now. Let great
men lay aside their pride and they would escape
these pit falls. Herald of trccdom.
Democracy. The spirit of DEMOCRACY
aims at a greater degree of moral and politica
freedom than has yet been attained. It recogn
zes man, his race the whole not a Iraclion as
composed of intellectual, reasoning, moral beings
created for, and susceptible of an indefinite degree
of improvement and progress. It has no fetters
for the mind ; puts no gag on the lips : forges no
chains for the limbs that are not from the most
urgent necessity necessary. It strives to improve
the social and moral condition of man, by appeal
and arguments addressed in the spirit of love to
his hightest and noblest faculties. Hay state
Questions. 1. What right has Democracy to
aim at greater " moral and political freedom s
That is to attack slavery in the States indirectly ;
and we have no right to do that indirectly which
we may not do directly vide Alhcrton s llesolu-
2. Democracy recognizes slaves, does it, as men
susceptiDie oi inuennite progress? vvny men
.Ml f 1 1 . - ttTI .1
does a democratic l'resident pledgo himsell to lm
pede with chains, and flog down with cowhide
and smother down with brute-hood the progress
of seven thousand men in the National domain?
3. " No fetters for the mind!" Why did a
democratic Vice President give his castinsr vote
for Mr. Calhoun's " Bill of abominations," where
by all deputy postmasters were to become censors
of thepress under Estate authority ? Is this freedom
of mind ? Is not this building walls and putting
up oars " to prevent reasoning men froinjnjunng
themselves i"
4. " No gag on the lips!" Are the Hon
Charles G. Atherton, and the Hon. Mr. Previous
Question, of New Hampshire, democrats?
5. " No chains ! Are the chains on the two
and a half millions " necessary," or, has democra
cy no hand in putting them on ?
o. Dare the iay estate Democrat answer these
questions? We ask, not as a whig for we are
not one, and never were, but as a democrat that
does not approve of preaching one thing at the
North to gain honest mens votes, and practicing
another thing at the South to gain the votes of
men who pay their laborers only in the cow
hide currency. Mass. Abolitionist.
The New-England M. E. Conference. Has
elected seven delegates to the next General Confer
ence, all of them abolitionists. They are, Jotluun
Horton, O. bcolt, J. A. Merrill, E. W. btickncy,
Isaac Barry, P. Grandall, and 1 . Uphnm. Ihe
Zion's Watchman relates a curious instance of the
exercise of arbitrary power by Bishop Soule in
this conference. .
"bishop Soule was present with Bishop Waugh.
The former made a number of decisions while pre
siding, which, we believe, were deemed by most
of those who heard them, not only new, but alto
gether extraordinary. For instance, when the
candidates were before the Conference for exam-
nation, he gave permission for any questions to
be proposed to them, through him, according to
discipline. A brother arose and requested their
views on the use and traffic in intoxicating liquors.
The bishop put the question, as he said, " with
pleasure." The brother next proposed the (bl
owing, as it will be seen, in the language of our
old minutes :
" Do you hold in the deepest abhorrence the
practice of slavery, and will you seek its destruc
tion by all wise and prudent means ?"
But the Bishop immediately said, " I would in
form brother S. that I shall not put that question.
please to take your seat ! ! !"
To Political Pnrtiznns.
When we accuse both political parties of hav-
ng sold themselves to the slaveholders, we are
erv far from charsrincr every supporter, or even
zealous supporter, of his parly's standard with
having personally ratified the bargain. The ini
quity is chargeable mainly upon the party leaders.
Hosts of irood men are attached to both parlies who
abominate the veto pledge of Mr. Van Buren and
ii i .. . e i i ht- ri....
me cownruiy uespoiism comesseu uyiui. vway.
What we wish them to consider, is, whether in
national politics the ends which they propose,
however laudable they may be, can possibly be at
tained while slaveholders maintain their present
supremacy ? Docs it make one hair's difference
to the country whether it is under whig or demo
cratic control, so long as a knot of aristocrats of
the most ultra-tory stamp actually govern it?
That the " owners" of human chattels do control
this republic wc have perfect demonstration in the
present po.-Uion of the two prominent candidates
for the presidency. The present incumbent, after
having arrived at mature statesmanship, voted for
the extension of suffrage in his native state to the
colored population on equal terms with the white,
and also on the free side of the great Alissour
question, .lie conlesseclrv believes in Hie power
of congress over slavery in the District of Colum
bia. Yet such a man is under a pledge to use
his official veto against a majority of congress and
in favor of a small minority, of slaveholders. He
has lowered the flag of democratic principles in
obeisance to slaveholders ! Of course wo need
not say that he could not have made this pledge in
obedience to his judgment, on the merits of the
question. That were to make him the merest
changeling and weathercock of mind that ever
veered about to fit the last lawyer's plea. He
made the pledge because he and his party could
not otherwise enjoy the administering power be
cause he had rather administer as the subaltern
of the slave power than not at all.
Again, Mr. Clay, whose reputation rests on el
oquent speeches in behalf of liberty, made his last
infamous speech in favour of eternal slavery, be
cause it was necessary to out bid Mr. Van Buren.
Inputting their halters around the necks of these
two men the slaveholding faction have haltered
both the great parties. They will hold on till
they have managed to got power enough to make
the laws as well as the public sentiment of the na
tion, and then slavery will be universal, not con
fied to slave states or slave complexion.
If honest partizans will ponder these facts, we
have no doubt that their Yankee ingenuity will
soon discover the remedy. Mass. Abolitionist.
" Mr. Clay at Home." A paragraph is on the
rounds with the above caption, containing an ex
tract from President Humphrey's letters on a west
ern tour. Ihe l'resident has enjoyed the hospi
tality of Mr. Clay at his mansion, and gives utter
ance to his delight at finding the " great man" so
" perfectly affable and unaffected and all that
And then the " enchanting spot," the eigtty-nr.re
park, the eight hundred-Acre farm all things "spa
cious and venerable!" The President adds : "He
has lately turned his attention very much to rais
ing stock, and it is said that no man in Kentucky,
even, can snow tiner oxen and cows than he can.
Mr. Clay also has, though it is not a late thing
with him, some fifty or sixty head of another kind
of stock. Did the President of Amhersf College
see them? Did he inquire the market price?
ihere is nothing ol them in the extract, and we
have not seen the letters. But let every Northern
freeman, whenever he thinks of Henry Clay for
the Presidency, think of him as having his 800
acre farm stocked with 50 human cattle as well as
" oxen and cows." Mass. Abolitionist.
HO" The following, which we cut from the St.
Joseph's Times, beats all stories of remarkable es
capes which we remember to have read :
Remarkable Escape. On the passage of the
ship Anaxander, from New Orleans to New York,
a young lad of about fourteen years, from natural
frolicksnme and mischievous disposition, became
so troublesome in his pranks, that it was threaten
ed by the Captain if they were continued, that he
would confine him in a water cask. Our young
ster look no heed however, and at the next offence
was put in the cask, which was headed up, leav
ing a large bung-hole for the admission of'oir. That
night the ship encountered a violent storm nnd in
a sudden lurch, the cask containing the boy rolled
into the tea. The circumstance was not no
ticed by those on board. Fortunately tho cask
struck bung up, and floated thirty hours, when it
was thrown upon the Beach at Cape St. Bias.
Here the boy made desperate dibits to extricate
himself from his prison without success, and in
despair gave up to die. Some cows however
stroll ing over the Beach, were attracted to the cask,
and in walking around it, one of the number, it
being fly time, switched her tail into the bung-hole,
which the lad grasped with a desperate resolution.
The cow bellowed and set off for life, and after
running some two hundred yards with the cask,
struck it against a log on the beach, and knocked
it as we say, into a cock'd hat. The boy thus
providentially released was discovered by some
fisherman on the point nnd taken into Apalachicola,
where a small collection being made for him, he
was enabled to proceed North by the way of Co
lumbus. NOTICES.
Call for the National Convention.
At the last onnivcrsarv of the American Aiili-Slnveiv
Society, it was voted to hold a National Convention at Al
bany, on the 31st day of Julv next. The undersigned
were appointed a committee to issue a Call and ma!,i
the necessary arrangements for the proposed convention.
In executing the wishes of the Society, thev according
ly most, cordially invite all such FREE.YiEN Or THE V
TI-SLAVERY SOCIETY to meet in convention at Albany
on the last Wednesday of July next, in Ihe 4th Presbyte
rian meeting house, at 10 o clock, A. ill.
J he object of the convention is the thorough discussion
of those great principles which lie at the foundation of the
abolition enterprise throughout tho civilized world : and
of the measures which are suited to its accomplishment in
the United Slates, and especially those which relate to the
proper exercise of the right of suffrage bv citizens of the
tree states. All questions and matters foreign to this oh
ect will be cautiously avoided in tho deliberations of the
Utica. W. I.. Chaplin, Wm. Goodell.
New York Joshua Lcavitt, II. 13. Stuntnn.
Troy Gurdon Grant.
Albany N. Safford, A. G. Alder, Hiram Fanning
Na)han Colburn.
' Reported for the Yankee Farmer.
.Monday, July 8, 1830.
At market, 2S5 Beef Cattle, I2yoko Work ing Oxen, 1!)
Cows and Calves, 1150 fehecp and Iambs, 323 fnvine.
I'niCEs. Reef Cattle. l'irst quality, 8,50 a 9
second quality, 7,50 a 8 ; third quality 17 a 57,25.
Working Oxen. Sales low.
Cow awl Calves. Dull, 25, 30, to $3-1.
Sheep and Lambs There was a great proportion of i
thin old sheep at market, which wero slow salos. Good
lambs were in denand, say 2,50 a !jf4.
Swine 'Very dull. J.ols wero scloctedted from 7 to 8
cts i at rotail, from 8 to 10.
In Wcstford on tho 9th ult., by Mr. Woodard, Samuel
Dewing to Hannah Eastman.
In Fairfax, on the 22d ult., Thomas Packard to fanny
St. Johnsburv Plain,
20 af Vermont'
Attention Artillery Companies !
(Staic sveet, opposite the Bank,)
AS this day roceived from NEW-YORK, Scarlet
nroau uioth, for .Military Companies' Uniforms. Ar
tillery Buttons, Yellow Wings for Sargcants, Red Cock
feathers, Red Pompoms, Red 12 inch Vulturo Plumes,
Yollow Lace, Yellow Epaulotts, Red Sashes &c. for sale
cneap lor casn.
30 do.. Infantry Hat Plates, White Cockfealhors, Whito
Wings for Sargcants, 12 inch Whim Vulture Plnmea.
Swords and Belts, Flat Eagle Buttons, Laces, Epauletts,
&c. for sale cheap for rash,
Monlpelier, June 10, 1839.
JUST received from New York, by R. R, RIKER,.
Slalc street, opposite the Bank, a large assortment of
MILITA7fY GOODS, suitable for the present regulation
of the Militia of this State. Terms Cash,
May bib, 183!). 19:tf
RE just receiving from New York and Boston a prime
assortment of Goods, to which they invite the at
tention of their friends and customers.
May 4, 1838, 13 Cw
AVE just received a Bplemlid assortment of SPRING
& SUMMER GOODS, which they will sell cheap
for cash. CP Those wishing for a great bargain will
do well to call before purchasing elsewhere.
May 13, 163!). 19:tf
HAVE this day received, at their Cash Store, a large
amount of FKESII GOODS, from New York and
Boston, comprising a very general assortment w hich they
have recently purchased with cash, and which they offer
at prices which cannot fail to please. They respectfully
solicit the patronage of their friends and the public gener
ally. ICP N. B. L. & W. will soon remove their Cash Store
to the large white Store one door North of the old Langdon
Store, on Main st., where goods will be sold cheap foi
prompt pay. Call and see.
Montpel'icr, May 1, 1839. 18 tf
J" ANGDON & WRIGHT have removed their CASH
.A STORE to the large White Building, one door north
of the Landon Store, on Main street where they have on
hand, and are daily receiving, a great variety of Dcsirablo
GOODS, which they offer for sale at great bargains, Call
and see.
Montpclicr, May 16, 1839. 20:tf
"H"UST received from Boston and.New York, an EXTEN
J SIVE STOCK OF GOODS, among which may bo
found :
From 6 bi 7,000 yds. PRINTS, from 6d to 3 6 per
yd. From 40 lo 50 pieces plain and fig'd dices SILKS
all shades.
liONNETTS, from 20 cts. to 15,50. .Ribbons, Laces,
Linens, Muslin de Lains, Printed Lawns and Muslins, Ar
tificial Flowers, Fancy Hdks., Shawls, Flannel Binding,
Gloves, Oiled Silks, Neck Stocks,
4,000 '"'9- Sheetings, from 10 1-4 to IP cts.
1,400 Shirtings, from 7 to 10 cts.
' Ticking, Cotton Yarn, Wickin, Batting, fcc.
with Plates lo match.
Anvills, Vices, Mill Saws, and Hard Ware in general
Nails and Glass, Paints and Oils, Iron Axles, with pipo
Boxes lilted. -CjPA Large and more general assortment
of all kinds of IRON and STEEL, and at lower prices than
has been sold before, will be received in a few days.
We invito our fiicnda and the public to examine our
stock and prices.
iC3" We are on the principle of small advance for
cash, or short credit.
May 15th, 1839. 20:-lm
iYcvj- Aii':iiiTiiieut!
rSnUE Subscriber having taken as partner his son, WIL
JSL LIAM P. BADGER, in the business horolofure con
ducted bv himself, the business will hereafter be done un
der the linn of J. E. BADGER ii SON.
Montpclicr, Ftl. 7, 1839. b:tf
Dealers in
Gloves, Hosiery, &c. &c, would rolurn their
thanks to the citizens of .Monlpelier and vicinity for their
liberal patronage heretofore extended to their establishment,
and solicit a couiiiiunnco of the same,
N. B. Merchants supplied with Hats of all kinds at city
wholesale prices.
February 7, 1839. 6:lf
HOSE indebted to i. E. BADGER, by note or acrount,
of over six uioirl lis standing, are requested to call and
adjust the same immediately. J. E. BADGER.
February 7, 1839. ' li:tf
Do. Ttdl Coats, suitable for the Militia Musicians
I. nt iVm State. " It. It Klk'KR.
May 8, is:',). l:tf
State Street, (Opposite the Bank,)
Jan. 5, 1839. 1 :tf.
J ADDI.F.KV, Hard Ware, Neat's Oil, Palrnt LeaMiw,
K5 &e. for snlo bv . CUTLER & JOHNSON.
Monlpeler, April 27lh, l3i.

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