The voice of freedom. [volume], August 24, 1839, Image 1

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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M.JLL
ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers.
Published under the sanction of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society.
CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor .
VOLUME I.
MOWTFELlISi:, VERMONT; AUGUST &VIS39.
TVOIItKR 34.
VOICE
Of
STIES TOEvDlS IFIBUm!!
DEBATES IN THE ANTI-SLAVERY CON
VENTION. In consequence of a notice given by the Exec
utive Committee of the American 'Anti-Slaverv
oociety, ana under a l ublic Call from the Com
mittee of Arrangements appointed by the Society
at its last Annual Meeting, it. convention of the
irienas or tne aooitiion ot American &laverv, was
held in the Fourth Presbyterian church, Albany
on Wednesday, tne Jlst ol July, liw'J.
At 10 o'clock, Mr. Chaplin nominated Alvan
Stewart, sq., ot Utica, ns President of the Con
Vention, and the question being put, he was unan
imously elected.
Mr. Stewart, in a brief address, reminded the
'Convention of the important bearing which their
proceedings must necessarily have on the inter
ests of humanity and the cause of the slave. He
recalled their recollection to the fact, that-it was
just eighty-five years ago since the first meeting
was held in these colonies of the British crown
to consider on measures relating to the oppress
ions of the mother country. There were then but
about 1,600,000 inhabitants in all the colonies
but the resolutions then passed were the first stepi
towards the overthrow of slavery, and the enjoy
ment of the blessings of liberty by all the millions
. I- . J- l. - L . I . . 1.1- . . T
umi uinaou mis comment ana tneir posterity, in
like manner, the doings of this body, though they
might excite the ridicule of the unthinking, would
tell for weai or woe upon the temporal and eter-
nal interests of thousands yet unborn. He exhort
ed to mutual forbearance and moderation admit
ted the exciting tendency of the subjects to be de
bated and entreated his associates to lift their
hearts in supplication to the Great Master of as
semblies, who suffered so much for the benefit of
enslaved man, and supplicate Him for wisdom
and guidance at this important crisis of the aboli
tion cause.
jvir. uarnson wished to inquire, lor his own
satisfaction, what were the reasons of the Com. of
Arrangements for inviting only " freemen of the
United States" to become constituent members of
this Convention, and on what authority the call
had been given in this form.
The President ruled the inquiry to be out of order,
inasmuch as the Committee ol Arrangements had
received their instructions from the Society, to
whom alone and not to this Convention they were
responsible.
Mr. Garrison observed, that no such instructions
had been given that the phraseology employed
was unusual, and he would like to know on whose
authority it had been adopted.
The President here stated that it was desira
ble that the proceedings of every meeting of this
Convention should be introduced with prayer, but
as the Convention contained Christians of many
denominations, and no preference or distinction
could be given, he should forbear calling on any
particular individual. If any brother, however,'
was present who felt it a duty and privilege to
pray, an opportunity would now be offered.
A prayer was then offered by Rev. J. R. John
son. Mr. Lcaviit, one of the Secretaries of the meet
ing, now requested that all such freemen of the
United States as adopc the principles of the Amer
ican Anti-Slavery Society, and were desirous of
being recognized as members of this Convention,
would send to the chair their names, in writing,
together with their post oflice address.
Mr. Garrison said that he readily submitted to
the decision of the chair, and if it was not proper
to ask by what authority the phrase " freemen of
the United States" had been inserted in the call of
the Convention, he would ask for the instructions
under which the committee had acted.
The chair decided the inquiry to be out of or
der. If the object of it was to introduce a dis
cussion of what m!2 called the woman question,
it might probably occupy the CV.re.ntion for two
or three days, and supersede the important busi
ness which had brought them together.
From this decision Mr. Garrison took an ap
peal. He had no desire to discuss the woman
question, but as it had always been usual on such
occasions to invite all persons who agreed with
them in sentiment, he saw no reason why that
course should be departed from. If any one
thought that persons desirous to unite their efforts
in getting the slave out of his bondage ought not
to join this Convention, let him say so.
The President observed that it was his under
standing that the Convention had been called es
pecially and chiefly for political objects.
Mr. Garrison insisted that this was a gratuitous
assumption. The object in calling the Conven
tion was not exclusively political, but it was to
consider the whole question of slavery.
Mr. Stanton said that they wore here under the
call which had been issued. If the terms of that
call were not broad enough, the Convention
could'nt help it. Whoever was desirous to speak
here, must speak tinder the terms of that call. If
the Committee had neglected, or had transcended
their duly, it was for the American A. S. Society
to call them to an account.
Mr. Garrison wished to know what the Com
mittee meant by the term " free men." The term
was technical ; did it mean legal voters only? did
tt include all. persons 1
The chair pronounced the whole discussion to
be out of order.
Iiwas now suggested by several gentlemen
that the vote upon the appeal could not be taken
until the names of the voters were ascertained.
After some desultory conversation, the Presi
dent said that he should assume every man pres
ent in that house to be an American freeman, and
as such, entitled to vote. He did not consider the
ladies as free men, and they would therefore ab
stain from voting. .
The question being put the decision of the
chair was sustained.
Mr. Garrison thereupon moved that the word
m fropmpn " ns used in the call of this Convention
be Understood as synonymous with " all persons."
The question being put, it was aeciaeu in me
negative.
Mr. Birnev now rose to offer a resolution, which
he introdued by reading a quotation from a New
York paper-, in which a statement was given oi
the circumstances of the case referred to, of three
men recently arrested on a requisition from Vir
ginia. He observed that he considered this pro
ceeding as entirely inconsistent with that mutua
comity which was due from one of the Slates of
this Union to another. As to the duty of surren
dering those who had committed crime in another
Slate, and had fled to this for refuse, there was
no specification in the Constitution of the United
States, as to the particular class or nature of the
crimes referred to. That point was left open to
be decided by the law of nations. When a State
contained within it an institution pecular to itself,
and an act had been done which amounted to
crime against that peculiar iiibfrlulion, but not a
against the general distinction of right and wrong
prevailing in other states and in foreign countries
there could be no obligation to deliver up such an
offender. Ihe obligation referred only to such
acts as were recognized as crimes by the laws of
all civilized societies such as murder, larceny
or arson acts which struck at the very root of all
society. And the demand for the surrender of
fugitive was rendered the more palpably absurd
when the institution offended against was not on
ly peculiar to one State or region of country, but
was an institution deemed by the Christian world
in general inconsistent with human happiness
To demand the person who had spoken or actec
in derogation of such an institution, to be delivered
up by another State for punishment, was to make
an insolent demand, inviting the public authorities
to perpetrate injustice. Supposing a Christian
when travelling in Turkey, should use arguments
with a Mohaniedan to induce hun to embrace
Christianity an a t, which in that country, was
deemed so highly criminal as to be made a capi
tal offence and suppose the Sultan should there
upon demand from the Government of the United
States, that the Christian missionary, who had
dared thus to offend against the peculiar institu
tions of his empire, but had escaped to the United
States should delivered up to him for punishment.
Would he not have precisely the same right as
the governor of a slaveholding State had to de
mand the person of one who had olfended against
the peculiar institutions of slavery? and to de-
mnnrl ttiic frnm n Stntn xvlinco VifVifo tf lKinltnv
and all ot whose institutions were based upon lib
erty ? Mr. B. considered the case as one of great
mportance, on account of the principles involved,
ndhe was therefore desirous that the whole sub
ject might be brought before the Executive of this
State, so- that a full hearing might be had, and
all premature and precipitate action avoided.
Mr. inquired whether the distinction
which had been taken by Mr. Birney would ap
ply to this State ? Were there not laws of the
State which recognized slavery, which permitted
masters to bring their slaves into the State, and
punished all persons decoying slaves away?
his case appeared similar to one which had re
cently occurred in Maine. There the Governor
of Maine had refused to deliver up the fugitive
but there existed this great difference: In Maine
there were no laws recognizing slavery in any
hape, but in N. York there were.
Ihe President stated that the subject had been
brought before Chancellor Kent, who had decided
that the act must be recognized as a crime by the
law of nations, before a State was bound to deliv
er up the perpetrator to be judged by the Sjate
where the action had been committed.
On motion of Mr. Tappan, the subject was re
ferred to a select committee, which was appointed,
to consist of Messrs. Birnev, Tappan and Chap-
n, with power to act during the sittings of the
Convention.
Mr. Leavilt moved
the appointment of a Com
mittee to prepare the draught of an address to the
citizens of the United States, on the subject of
their duties in relation to the continuance of A
merican slavery. He observed that such an ad
dress, ought, in the first place, briefly to present, a
history ot the sanction ol slavery oy our nation ;
then, a history of the adoption of' the principles of
liberty V;y ;11I(J same nation, together with the in
compatibility of the two; it ought, then, to con
tain a statement of the encroachments, and of the
unconstitutional, arrogant, and oppressive exac
tions of the slave power. The growth of the slave
policy, and the injurious influence of that policy
on all our commercial, financial, and free institu
tions : the necessity ol at once striking at the root
of this complicated villany, as the only means of
cnecKing ineir growth, ana ol preserving ine nuie
remnant of liberty which is left fcr ourselves and
for our posterity ; it ought, then, to set forth the
importance of abolition as a political question ; its
paramount claims, over all other subjects, and
justly requiring, not of abolitionists alone, but of
the freemen ol the United States, as such, the
suppression of all minor debates and political
machinations, from a love of liberty and a desire
to continue the blessings of the Constitution. Ex
horting all to unite their efforts undisheartened by
opposition, and undivided by any local, party, or
personal preferences, in the creat enterprise of
abolishing slavery in the United States. Mr. L.
observed that a long and careful examination of
the subject had led him to the conclusion, that -the
political power of slavery was its main stronghold
at this moment. He believed that it could be as
sailed no where else with so great and so certain
effect. Unless its political encroachments could
be met at the ballot box, and by that political in
fluence which the Constitution secured to aboli
tionists as American citizens, it could not be' met
al'all; and then our utmost hope must be to let
the wave of oppression roll unresisted over us,
overwhelming ourselves and our posterity in one
common ruin of despotism. If this was so, it was
important that the subject should be so presented
as to arrest the attention, to open the eyes, and to
move the hearts of the American people, so that
they might both see and leel th3 great and para
mount duty incumbent on them. Much as he had
cause to mourn over the blindness so prevalent in
our land, he had not yet learned to despair of the
commonwealth he neither knew the word, nor
felt the sentiment. Formidable as the difficulties
were, he believed that they could all be met. He
was confident that that universal freedom which
the Constitution was established to secure, and
which was the inestimable as it was the unalie
nable right of everv human being, might yet be
established throughout our extremest borders. He
believed thrtt if the attempt was made with strong
hearts, and hands, and firm hope in the help of
God and man, they should yet succeed and tri
umph. God, he could not doubt, would bless it
too ; and millions of emancipated slaves,- when
they tasted the sweets of freedom, would bequeath
the abolition enterprise as a subject of prayer and
thanksgiving to their children. And then we
should rejoice that God had given to us, and to
the States of the South, ene constitution, one
country, and one destiny.
The question being put, the resolution was
agreed to.
Mr. Stanton, from the Business Committee,
made a report in part, presenting for the adoption
ol the Convention the following resolution
"Whereas the spirit of slavery pervades, to a
great extent, Church and State in our country,
making the one a scandal and reproach to Chris
tendom, the other, a libel upon republicanism;
and, uniting both in thobansofan unholy alliance,
repugnant alike to unadulterated Christianity and
genuine Democracy : 1 herefore,
"Kesolved, lhat we solemnly call upon all
those of our fellow men who love the principles
of undefiled religion, to neglect no opportunity for
purifying the churches or sects with which they
may be connected, from the pollutions of a system
utterly hostile to the precepts of the Gospel of
Christ, and to the fundamental doctrines of every
religious sect : and upon all our fellow citizens
who value free political institutions for themselves
or their children, to neglect no opportunity, wheth
er of petition, remonstrance, or rebuke at the ballot-box,
to cast out from the political parties with
which they may be associated, a spirit which tram
ples in the dust, the purest principles of both Con-
ervative and Kadical Kepublicanism." -
Ihe Resolution was amended by striking out
the word " wedlock
and inserting the word " nl-
lance.
Mr. Miller, of Vt., moved, further, to amend it
by striking out the word "radical" before " de
mocracy." He said the phrase radical democra
cy did not suit him, because there was no such
thing, lhere was something opprobrious attached
to the term radical. Did any man exert himself
in the community to correct an error however ob
vious and however injurious, he was immediately
stigmatised as a radical ; it was applied, by many
to abolitionists and all their proceedings. Indeed
whatever went to ameliorate the barbarity of past
ages, was stigmatized by many as radicalism.-
Kepublicanism was lounded on the principles of
Christ s Government, and if there was such a thing
as radical republicanism, that was it; but the
phrase was quite too radical for him, and he ob-
jee'ed to the use of it.
Mr. did not rise to oppose the amendment,
but to explain the resolution as it stood. It did
not represent abolitionists as being political radi
cals it went merely to declare, that if a man was
of that political persuasion, he had no reason, on
that account, to be opposed! to the enterprise of ab
olition, and the same remark held good both of
Whigs and Conservatives. Let a man be a Whig
or Democrat Bank or Anti-Bank Conservative
or Loco-Foco, it matters not; he was known in
this enterprise, only as a friend of man. If the
politics of the Radicals, or Conservatives, or Whigs
stood in the way of the emancipation of the slave,
away with them ! let them be crucified ! , They
were known in this Convention as abolitionists
ly. They met on that floor neither as Baptists
nor Presbyterians, Episcopalians nor Methodists ;
neither as woman's-rights-men nor perfectionists;
they met and they acted in the name of bloodless
and of santified peace; and their understanding
was of a character to conciliate all, by whatever
name or distinction they might be' called.
Mr. trarnson said he was SGiry to contradict
the last speaker, but it was not true that they met
in thaf pluoe as the friends of abolition it was
true they met as men, as supereir beings, but not
as abolitionists. They had deliberately voted ab
olitionists should not vote ; they had expressly ex
cluded from all participation in their councils, one
portion of the human race. He was surprised,
after such a vote, to hear the language which had
just fallen from the brother.
Mr. iappan appealed to tho Cnair, whether it
was in order again to discuss the propriety of ad
mitting females to a vote ?
The Chair ruled it to be out of order.
Mr. Tappan said that the brother was guilty of
misrepresentation. We do wish the co-operation
of all the females in the land : we fully appreciate
its value and importance, but we believe that it
will be far more efficient if they act in a separate
capacity.
Mr. Leavitt said, that, for his part, he was fond
of the word radical ; the Divine Master of the
Christian Church, when he came down to elevate
and purify the world, had publicly announced
himself as a Radical. ' Now," said he, " is the
axe laid at the root of the tree." This was radi
calism in its perfection, and the very sort of radi
calism which Mr. L. desired abolitionists every
to adopt. The world had been too long amused
and deluded by an attempt to cut away the branch
es of these noxious trees, whose root strikes deep
and strong into the rank soil of the human heart.
It was a mockery the more such trees were
thus pruned the stronger they grew ; but when
Christianity approached them, she laid the axe at
once to the root. A great and good and venera
ble man, whom all thinking men must unite to
honor, when speaking on this very subject had
said, "I will strike at the root of this complicated
villany." John Wesley was a radical of the right
stamp. Unless they were all prepared to act as
radical abolitionists, they were not in their proper
place in lhat Convention. The Constititution of
the Anti-Slavery Society was, itself, a blow at the
very root of slavery. He supposed, however, lhat
the word, as used in the resolution, referred to the
great divisions of party in this country. These
were not, as some might suppose, local and tempo
rary, on the contrary, the same great distinction,
under various trancient names, had always exert
ed. There had been, from the beginning, both
Radical Republicans and Conservative, Republi
cans, and both the distinction and the party name
so far from being objected to, Was gloried in. All
who were radicals were willing to be known as
radicals ; all who were conservatives gloried in
being conservatives. It was, therefore, no impro
priety to. introduce such terms, as well know
terms of distinction, and riot of reproach. Wen
mere otner terms that would ns readily answer
the same purpose, he should be willing to use
them. They might hiive used the terms in fa mi
lar use at this moment, but these were transient
and fleeting. While' radical and conservative
were comprehensive, appropriate, and expressed
the true philosophic distinction which had ever
marked these two great divisions in the citizen
of a free State.
Mr. Bradburn, of Mass., would bate been grat
ified had the worthy gentleman from Vermont
(Mr. Miller,) obliged tho Convention by an argu
merit in support of his motion. Mr. B. fully agreed
in the views he had briefly expressed, and hoped
mat the resolution would be stripped of its un
meaning verbiage. To speak of radical-republi
canism was tautological at the least. Republican
ism was totally opposed to slavery, and forever
must be; but we had no republicanism in this
country. Our professed republicanism was not
republicanism, and it was little better than non
sense to call that a republican government where
one-sixth of the whole population were in chains
Republicanism was republicanism, it was not sla
very. Away with such a mockery and let us
have that which was republicanism indeed.
Mr. Stanton said that the resolution had been
drawn by the hand a master, and was so exact and
comprehensive in its terms, lhat it might well be
studied as a model. The phrase objected to, was
a stropg and beautiful antithesis. Ihe resolution
treated of our duties as abolitionists, as well
the Church as in the State it then spoke of the
repugnance between slavery and Christianity, and
to every thing calling itself religion; it wont, then,
to '.he political bearings of slavery, and declared it
to be opposed not only to pure republicanism in
the abstract, but as practically held, at this lime,
whether by conservatives or radicals; it took both
those terms as it found them in common use; it
declared it to be our duty to cast slavery out of the
Church, because it was1 hostile to Christianity, and
to the fundamental principles of all religion's sects ;
and not less our duty to cast it out of the Sta.te,
because it was equally oppossd to the pure prin
ciples of freedom itself, and to those of both the
radical and conservative parties. These parties
were strongly opposed to each other the Radi
cals held that conservatism being friendly to mo
nopolies, was in favor of the rankest of slavery,
while the Conservatives charged the Radicals with
arriving at the same point by a different road.
Wow the resolution holds that slavery is so mani
festly wrong, that both' parties, if they followed
out their own principles, must unite for its aboli
tion. There was more truth than poetry in the
resolution.
Mr. moved that the resolution be amend
ed by inserting the words " by those called con
servatives or radicals" in place of the words "ob
jected to."
Ihe discussion was farther continued, in rather
a desultory manner, by Messrs. Torrey, Graves,
Root, Noble, Miller and others, when the ques
tion being put on striking out the word "radical,"
was negatived. It was then put on inserting
"by those called conservatives and radicals," and
this also was rejected : so the words of the reso
lution were allowed to stand as ongiririllv report
ed.
The question then recurring on the adoption of
the resolution,
The Rev. Mr. Brown of Western Penn. said
he felt as if the subject ought to be discussed
whereupon he commenced a speech of very ear
nest and somewhat vehemer.t character, directed
especially against the course pursued by Chris
tian churches on the subject of slavery. He said
that lie lived, wnere he had an opportunity of see
ing the evils of slavery m the church, and of feel
ing some of the oppression to which it gave occa
sion. The church, in fact, gave her solemn sanc
tion to slaveholding. lis various ecclesiastical bo
dies, its Associations, and Presbyteries, and Sy
nods, were looked up to by the people as religious
authority, and they gave their influence in favor
of the abomination. Some, even of those calling
themselves abolitionists, would go to the commu
nion table with avowed slaveholders. And min
isters making a similar profession would ask into
their pulpits men from the South who were pro
fessedly the owners of slaves, and did not pretend
to repent of their iniquity. The various benevo
lent societies received such men into their fellow
ship, took with thanks their pecuniary contribu
tions, and put them into the treasury of the Lord.
Great organizations sustained the sin : nay, those
whom he addressed sustained it too. They did
this by voting to send to the Legislature as their
representatives, men who disavowed all opposition
to slavery. They did so by taking slaveholders
into their fellowship and covering over their trans
gressions. Papers, calling themselves religious,
shut out the light fromiheir readers. .Such pub
lications as the Christian Watchman, the New
York Observer, and others of a similar character
withheld the light of truth both from the people of
the North and from the slaveholder of the South.
Those haughty men were suffered to put their
feet upon the necks of abolitionists, and the whole
influence of the church of the North wa.s with
them. He was himself a member of the Baptist
church, and had been twitted with the conduct of
his own denomination on receiving the donations
of slaveholders. Southern men were shrewd e
nough to perceive that this was upholding slave
rv. And when such men as the editor of the
Southern Watchman expressly declared slavery
to be lawful, the Northern editors refused to reply
or to take the least notice of it. Thus these wick
ed papers, though calling themselves, and called
by others, '"religious,," were conducted by hypo
critical libellers, who purposely kept their readers
on the subject of slavery and its abominations in
midnight darkness. The paper called tho " Bap
tist Advocate," published in New York, declared
in its prospectus that it would discuss "alt subjects
of interest to the Baptist church," and yet when
it was told that there were at this hour 125,000
members of the Baptist church who were. in bon
dage as slaves, it refused to say a word about the
matter. That was a thing in which the Baptist
church had " ho interest." It was a matter of no
" interest" thnt their fellow christians and fellow
church members should have their heads pounded
and their teeth knocked out with pokers; but if if
black -man calling himself a christian stole 25 cts!
it was instantly in all the papers; He hoped that
i religious pnper would be started lhat would tell
the truth, and let the rest go over the dutn; Reli-;
gious papers ought to be guided by the book of
God, but when they advocated slavery they libel
led the bible. They professed to speak against
all sin; but on the great and crying sin of slavery
they were ail " dumb dogs." How did the Chris
tian churches act on other subjects ? Whpn snmf"
in the Methodist denomination contended aTninst
a particular form of church organization, they were
stigmatized as radicals and turned out of doors. "
So in the Presbyterian church ; whole svnods, con
taining thousands of christian professors, were dis
owned and excommunicated at a blow, for a disa
greement on the forms of Presbyterian govern
ment, yet these same churches took the slavehold
er to their bosom. The Baptist church were so
zealous for their own view of the form of baptism,
that they were for withdrawing from all co-operation
with the American Bible Society, unless a
particular word should be translated as they belie
ved it ought to be, and yet they could depute a
grey headed Christian minister to the South to'
collect the treasures of robbery for the Lord's
cause, and to enter into a bargain, and id give a
solemn pledge, that if these oppressors .would but
give them money, not a word should be said a-
gainst their systcin of cruelty to the down-trodden"
slave. What wtv3 this but straining at a gnat
while they swallowed a camel? When the abo
lition convention was mobbed out of Utica, these'
churches and their public organs said not a word
about the matter. The papers expressed no dis-
pprobation : and yet abolitionists would contin
ue to support such papers though they had made
no confession and expressed no repentance. Nev
er ought this to have been done till their columns'
were clothed in mourning for their iniquity. He'
hoped that not another man would subscribe to'
these Baptist papers till open confession had been
made arid the deepest repentance manifested by
those who conducted them. Even the faculty of a
Theological Seminary had abolished an abolition
society formed by its students : never ought such'
an institution to be sanctioned by the churches tilf
these men had on their knees made the humblest
confession before the whole world. And vet the
Professors of Lane Seminary could be received
without question into an abolition convention ! "
This went to sap the very foundations of religion.'
Mr. B. said, that being commanded to " open his'
mouth for the dumb," he COuld hot refrain from'
telling these few thoughts : but as he was a young'
man in the presence of others much older than'
himself, he should refrain from saying many more?
things which he should be glad to c'rge upon ther
bod y.
Rev. D. A. Payne, of Troy, next addressed the'
Convention. He said that he had lately had xt
conversation with three ministers of the gospel,"
one of whom preached in Mississippi, and anoth
er was a planter within fifty miles of New Or-' '
leansi They were speaking of. a church in
Charleston, S. C. which had recently given $3000"
to .the missionary cause, and they had stated that
Gen. Hamilton, ex-Sonator Hayne, and Judge
Colcock were lending spirits in that church, and
exerted the most powerful influence of any men
in it. Now if it was a fact that northern church
es had received the large contributions of such
men, knowing them to be slaveholders, and justi
fiei'5 of slaveholding, that fact ought to be exposed.'
Let the light shine: and let all information which
had a bearing on the subject be freely given. If.
was
well known that the large contributions of
slaveholding churches to purposes of christian be
nevolence were urged by many as proofs of their
piety. When Mr. P. had first entered the minis
try he had inquired whether the churches in
Charleston were esteemed very pious ? his infor
mant could not tell, but observed that they gave'
more to the mission fund than almost any others.'
He insisted that it was the duty of the churches'
to bear an open and explicit testimony against
slavery and all who upheld it. Let their voice
be heard loud as the thunders of heaven in de
nunciation of so foul an iniquity. So long as
they kept silence the infidel understood it a virtu
al declaration that Christianity approved of slave
ry, or at least treated it with toleration. Mr. P.
related a dispute which he had had with certain
southern minisWr who urged many arguments a
gninst abolition and supported their objections by
quotations from the bible: an infidel who was pre
sent and had attentively listened to the discuss
ion, made, at its close, this remark "there is'
more in the bible to sanction slavery than in the
heart of any honest man."' Their apologies for.
slavery went like a dagger into the very heart of
Bible religion. Shame for the churches, and for
the professed ambassadors of Christ, when an in
fidel could find in the heart of every honest man
more to condemn the evils of slavery than they
would find in the bible. In a conversation with
an abolitionist residing in Pittsburgh, who was'
an unbeliever in Christ, lhat gentleman had
freely admitted th it the bible contained a purer
and more sublime system of morals than the world
had ever seen, but said that professed christians'
had corrupted the simplicity of its precepts and
in proof quoted a certain Rev. D. D. in Pitts
burgh, whose ruling elder, a man of overwhelm-
ing influence in the church, owned numbers of
slaves at tho South, and yet his pastor dared not'
rebuke him for his sin. He dared not open his,
lips for the slave lest he should . give Offerree to
this rich slaveholding elder. Nor did the man
stop here, but charged the whole church at large, .
with holding the sentiments of slavery. He said
" he was a Jew ; and when tho Christians brought
.-udi a charge against Moses as that he sanctioned
slavery, he hurled it back with indignation. Nev
er could a sanction be found in nny thing the Jew
ish lawgiver had done: or written for t-tteh & sys
tem of cruelty and oppression as lhat of American
slavery. " Thus was the christian church rebuk
ed, and justly, by a Jew! It was a libel to say
that Christianity sanctioned slavery: it frowneif
upon it with indignation, though pro'fe??ed christ-
ians could apologize for and even defend it, and1
men judged of religion by its professors.' Mf. P.'
had mentioned to this Israelite the case of the'
Franckean Synod who had resolved not to suffer
a slaveholding minister within its bounds, nor on?