The voice of freedom. [volume], August 31, 1839, Image 2

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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THE VOICE OF FREED O-M
arrassing dilemma. We often have, two pro s?la
ery men presented to us as, candidates, qne of,
whom is against the right of pelLuun r.nd.free dis
cussion, the Qthcr in favor of; iheti. ; and we are
exhorted to vote, for the latter as the least of the
two evils. I. .will go for neither. Their zeal for
ttye right of petition and free discussion, is found
ed on expediency alone. The candidate regards
the rights of frejmen only of light colored men,
and does not advocate the rights of man ns man.
Away with such an advocate of human rights.
His advocacy is leprous hypocrif.y. He knows
that the staunch friends. of the right of petition
and free diseussion, control the ballot-box,; and
he wants their votes. And when the same expe
diency which, now, influences him to such a course
shall demand, the sacrifice of these rights, he will,
for the'sake of votes, as readily trample on the
r.ights of'the free as he now tramples on the rijhts
qf the enslaved.
A word, in passing, on this matter of free dis
. cussion, the advocacy of which hy a candidate is
made to cover a multitude of sins. Where were
those zealous free discussionists in 1S35,- when
this right was trodden in the mire, and we were
driven from. our halls, and could . not deliver an ad
dress but we had a storm of brickbats beating a
bout our heads ? When we could not give away
a tract without being tarred and feathered, nor
hold a convention in a public buildjng, but it was
straightly burned to the ground ? Where are
they? One was lolling on his sofa in luxurious
ease, deprecating ' the mad course of the fanatics ;'
another was poring over law-books in search of
authority to shield the mobocrats ; another was
writing articles for newspapers, apologizing for ri
ots and arson ; ana anotner was rolling up nis
sleeves, and club in hand, heading the anarchists.
.But we braved the tempest, and by the blessing of
God, crossed the angry, nood, and now we are ad
vanced beyond it, and are scaling the heights of
immediate abolition. JNow forsooth, we are met
by a political candidate (one of those very men,
probably !) who avows himself a free disscussion
ist, and who very modestly says to us, with a
bow, " Vole for me, and I will not throw you back
into the stream whose waves you have so nobly
buffetted." Indeed! And is this his ojaly claim
to our votes? A way. with him. Give us the man
who'will defend' the right of free discussion, and
rJl other rights,- at all times, and on principle, be
cause they are rights.
A word to my friend Mt. Cornish. He prays
us not to plunge this holy cause into the muddy
stream of politics. Oh no ! He says " Go to
the polls and vote ; it is your duty." But when
there, if wc follow his advice, so far from keep
ing our cause out of this muddy stream, we shall
plunge it in head downwards. Now, if it-must
be immersed, I am for plunging it in feet foremost,
and for bringing il out clean and alive. Mr.
President, it is too often. the case that those of our
friends who are so extremely anxious -to keep our
cause cut of politics lest it should be polluted by
the touch, are the very men who you will find on
an election day, early at the polls, their hands full
of tickets, voting with all their might tor pro sla
very men. This is keeping abolition out of poli
ties with a vengeance.
But,it is no longera debateable question wheth
er the anti-slavery question shall enter into poli
tics it is already in, and necessarily so. SJave
iy itself is created and sustained by the law. Law
is. the creator and preserver of the system; and
law is the offspring of political action. The A
merican Congress stands around slavery in the
District of Columbia as a body guard, facing out
ward, with weapons in' hand, ready to charge bay
onet upon liberty. The slave trade has shot its
roots deep into the soil of politcal action, .till its
branches overshadow the land. Thp. whole sys
tem as it exists in the thirteen slave Slates, is
nourished by politics, and riots and flourished by
their fostering care. Political action is its vital
fluid, and by it it lives and moves and has its be
ing. Keep the question out of politics? Avoid
the winds and tempests of political action? Why
Sir, the storm is blowing already like a hurricane.
The canvass cf our stately: ship, United States, is
torn to tatters ; the shrouds are snapping; she is
on h ir b3am ends and tne waves are making a
complete breach over her. We have a piratical
co.Tjmander, and-an idiot at the helm, The. heav
ens are black with midnight, and recks and break
ers are directly ahead. The question is not how
wheiherve shall go to sea, but being at sea and
in such a slcnri, whether we shall nut a true man
on the quarter-deck whether we shall call a
hands to the pumps, and place a sane man at the
wheel, so that, with the help of God, we may
ware ship, and -shun the reel, and save the noble
bark, and her precious cargo, and gallant crew.
J. hat s tne question. We have heard 01 a man
whose epitaph run thus; " I was well ; I wanted
to be better ; I took physick, and here I am.
can mm a loot, liut, sir, that is not our case.
We are not well ; and the question is not whether
we will be sick, but the question is whether being
sick, we shall take or refuse the. " matchless sari
ative" of political action the only lemedy that
can save us. Will we ask the South to take it in
arge doses, while we ourselves will not taste so
much as a drop? Will we ask chivalrous Vir
ginia to annihilate slayerv at.a single, blow
throughout the length and. breadth of the old do
minion, while we will not abolish it in our own
petty ten acre plantation ? My friend, Mr. Cor
nish, is very desirous of keeping the moral and re
ligious interests ot this cause above the political.
Well, Sir, let us say to him, that voting is a mor
al and religious act, as much as prayer.. "Wheth
er ye eat or drink or. whatsoever.ye do,. no aJL to
the glory of God;" saith the Scriptures. I know
he will subscribe to that doctrine, and I ask him,
if we discard morals when we elect the powers
that be, and which, through us, are ordained of
God ? He admonishes us to take 11 tings a they
are ; and how. are they ? Wiiy, sir, ev.ery aboli
tionist who is a voter, is a very honest, conseien
tousmiti during three hundred and sixty-two
days of the year, but,' during three certain days in
the month of November, he says, " pardon thy
servant in this thing, if I bow myself in the house
of Rimmon." (Loud laughter.) The only ques
tion is, shall we do our whole duty? Shall we
do our duty in praying? Shall we do our duty
in preaching ? Shall we do our.dutv in voting ?
If it is our duty to go to the polls,' as Mr. Cornish
alleges, then, we have not a right to discard bur
principles when there. But let not our brethren
tfho are so strong for moral suasion, forget, thai
while we perform our political duty, we intend noi
tb neglect the use of moral suasion, properly so
called, I have already said that'our car will soon
upset if it runs on one rail but keep the wheel?
err ady on moral action on the one side, and polit
ical action on the other, and we shall Boon reach
the depot of emancipation. Cover every inch of
political duty, and there is yet a broad field; for
the operation of exclusive moral action.
My friend supposed a case, where there were
two candidates, the one' a very bad man, and the
other a "considerable" bad man, (as we say in
New England,) and he asks if he may not vote for
the man, who. though considerably biid is not
quite so bad as the other? Ah ! SJr, that is the
rock on which we split. I -trust in heaven, no ab
olitionist will v on sent, on this principle, to swal
low a slaveholder like Henry Clay. If he does,
let him remember that he swallows at the same
time sixlv slaves, whips, chains, iron collars and
all,, He' takes Henry Clay with his retinue.
Those half-way good men ; tlrese not so-bad as-ihey-jniirht-be
men, are the very men we are to a-voiil-
But, the reverend brother asks usjf one candi
date is very bad, and. the other not so bad, may he
not vote fee the not-so-bad-man, in order to avoid
the very bud ? and thus take.lhe least of two e
vils. s
I answer, no. Of two moral evils, take neith
er; ad why ? Ijecause, one wiser than we
one whose omniscient eye scans the whole circle
of eternity, and surveys all possible contingencies
and circumstances, has said, thou.shalt not do e
vil that good, may come. But, if we are to gov
ern ourselves by, expediency, even then, I would
prefer the worst of the two. Of two. pro slavery
men the worst is lliebost. Give me the man, if
we must have a slayeite, who .will use the longest
whip, and bind the heaviest, chains, on the free
North: one who wilL crush, not only blacks, but
whites, and you hasten tlie hour of .emancipation :
for, I maintain, that the black man has no hope
from us till ve are bound with him, and the
chains rust into our very bones. Such a man will
soon lash the reluctant North to its duty. Give
me the man who is for burying the right of peti
tion and dancing on its grave, and not the man
who will first contend for the right, and then
strangle that for which you petition the man who
will shake hands like a friend, while he stabs you
under the fifth rib. Let me rather have a bad
man, with his utmost vengeance, (for he will a
larm the nation) -ban one of these half-way good
men, with his hypocritical cant about free discuss
ion, and his Siren song of to-morrow. By yield
ing him your confidence, you enable him to. stab
you the more fatally. But, let others take the
responsibility of electing such men I'll none of
it.
Our friend, Dr. Gibbons, stated, as the difficul
ty of his casa, that it was npt possible to find a
man in Delaware, who.could.be run as an aboli
tion candidate. Sir, I. think i can find one, I think
there is one sitting at the table (pointing to Dr.
Gibbons) a laugh. Let him do as. I would do
were 1 in. a State where I was the only honest
man. L would vote for myself,, and think I ought
to be elected. Lo;ul laughter and applause.
But the truth is, Mr. President, that we have marie
ourselves such serfs of party, thotpnity leaders
think they own us; and" more than this, we talk
and act as if they had a sort of claim to us. They
hold as a thing conceded, that there ought to, be
but two parlies, and that we should belong to the
one or the other of them, and that we must vote
for whomsoever they shall chppse tcsetup. But,
I for one, contest their right to set up a candidate
for me. True, I will use my common sense and
vote for the man most likely to be elected if I ap
prove his principles, (and, o course, I should se
lect a nominee of one of the parties if he were a
fit man,) but lam not bpund.to vote for him be
cause he is " set up," Set. up ? Ia this free
country, every man is up, andjhat-man.is the. tall
est, according to my- measurement, who reaches
highest upon the sjale of moral principle. Sir,
it is time that we twisted this party collar off from
our necks ; that we shook off these shackles from
our heels.
A single remark before I sit down, as to the
duty of voting at all. In my judgment, this con
vention should proclaim it to every, abolitionist in
the land, lhai it is his duty lo vote. There is no
motive so powerful in its influence over human
conscience, as the motive or moral obligation.
Don't think to slop a man from doing evil by tel
ling him it is inconsistent with his professions. It
is not God's plan. I will tell him it is wrong ; 1
will'Hraw him by the irresistable cord of duty, and
not drive, him by the hi.ssof inconsistency. I am
for the stern proclamation of truth in this case.
And, sir, don't expect to deter, me in my course,
by the craven cry, that I am trampling on con
s;ience. Tlealol t in conflict, from the beginning
lill now, has been an assault on conscience, if the
tnan who refuses lo goto the polls has a cood con
science, nothing that I can say nothing thai this
convention can say, will injure him. A good con
science is a shield that smiles at arrows. If the
man, after.duj? reflection firnily, beljey.es. himself
to be right, no paper pellets , Unit., can be thrown
from ill is platform will daunt or wound him. The
difficulty lo be surmounted is not merely to pur-
suade men to vote right when at the polls, but to
get up the thousands upon thousands w ho never
vote at all; and ihen.to, induce both classes lo vole
for the slave. To accomplish this, the argument
of inconsistency, as used by a class of abolitionists,
and which they would fain have .this convention
employ, is but a rope of sand. It is defective in
principle, and lalls lo pieces, at the touch. Il we
would draw reluctant men into the field of action,
we must use the iron-linked chr.in of moral obliga
tion right duty.
Mr. Cornish briefly rejoined, further urging the
views he had before stated. As lor a mnji's voting
for hirr.fclf.'it was a,soeinn.. farce, and would el'-,
feet nothing for. the abolition cause. Had the
brother from Delaware taken such, ad vice, wb,at
respect woqifd be have conciliated for himself or
his abolition friend,'? And ndmiuiusr, ns had been
said it mighl in-some cases... be best for the inter
ests of abolition, that the worst of nyo. candidates
be elected ; sHU abolition ts as Christians, could
not1 lawfully conduce to such a iveujt, when by
voting for a better man they might have. preystit-
d it. JNor was tins choosing the less of two mor
al evils ; because it was no moral evil, but sim
ply. doing their dmy as, citizens. They had ma?
ny examples in the Old-Testament, as rulers be
ing divinely appointed. who were far from pos
sessing a perlect character, as, for instance in the
case of Sau. And v.liile it would be no moral
evil to, vole for a man. although he did riot fully
come up to the right standard, it would be no mor
al evil. either to neglect voting, or what was prac
tically the same thing, to throw their votes away.
Those who voted the abolition ticket the last elec
tion 'night as wel have staid at home..
Mri C. S. Renshaw, of Ohio, in reply to this,
related the effect. produced upon, the eleeliona of
that State, by abolitionists sternly adhering tothe
course prescribed in the resolution. They had
been applied to to know whether they would vol
for certain, pro slavery men. This they utterly
refused.apd at first both parties disregarded them.
But the next year they were applied to again,
and having- given the same answer, they were
asked whether they could vote for a certain individual-
who was arf abolitionist. They answered
in theaffirmative, and thereupon that individual
was set up. by the Van Buren party and elected
The whigs were greatly enraged, but at a subse
quent election, they in their turn made similar np
plication to know for whom the abolitionists would
vote; and they also set up an abolition candidate
and carried him ; and this same course would soon
be pursued generally, if the friends of the good
cause would be but true to it and to themselves.
( I'o be oemtinued.)
THE VOICE OF F
MONTPFXIER, SATURDAY, AUGUST 31, 183?.
1C7" For the purpose of getting in the, doings of
ihe Convention, we have, delayed, the publication
of this number a little beyond the usual time.
C'eueral Convention.
' The annual Convention of Congregational and
Presbyterian Ministers of Vermont was held, pur
suant to notice, at the Brick Church in Montpe
Her, on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, of
the present week. The Convention consists of
delegates from the several clerical associations
with a.limited number of lay delegates, and repre
sentutives from kindred bodies in other, states.
The number in attendance this year was unusu
ally small, not exceeding 45.
Rev. Dr. Bates, of Middlebury, was chosen
Moderator, Rev. Mr. Steele, of Castlcton, and
Rev. Mr. Hodges, of Chester, Scribes.
The meeting, was opeped with prayer by Rev
Dr. Tappan, of Maine. The introductory dis
course by Rev. Mt. Mitchell of Rutland. Text
Gal. 6, 14. " But God forbid that I should glory,
save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, by
whom the wxrld is crucified unto me, and I unto
the world-"'
After making choice of a committee of Over
tures, and transacting some other preliminary bu
siness, adjourned.
In the evening the anniversary of the Vermont
Sabbath School Union was celebrated. Address
es -were made by Rev. Messrs. Cook of Lebanon
Morgan of Vershire, and Sutherland of Bath, N. II
On the opening of Convention on Wednesday
morning, Mr. Hodges called up the Memorial of
the Black River Association, on the subject of sla
very. Mr. H. moved that the prayer of the me
morial be granted, and that acommitlee of three
members be chosen to prepare a circujar letter, to
be addressed by. the Conyention.to our Christian
brethren of the slaveholding tatcs.
Dr. Merrill called for the reading of the Black-
River Memorial, which being done, a spirited dis
cussion j eusued, on the. motion of Mr. Hodges
which continued until the adjournment. We can
only give an outline of the debate.
Hon. Charles Marsh of Woodstock said he was
not prepared to vote for the resolution. He urged
as reasons for his opposition, that the Convention
had no jurisdiction over the question that, ad
mining the question of jurisdiction, it was in hi:
view, inexpedient, to.take.tin.y action at this time
As a further objection, he said the question of ab
olition was a political matter. He was apprehen
sive thai the action of this body would.be regard
ed as in some sense identifying the Convention
with the abolilionists a thing which he was very
far from desiring.. He tock occasion to speak at
some length in favor of colonization and in oppo
sinon lo the movements of the abolilionists. He
characterised abolitionism as a device of the devil,
"hard language!" and concluded by moving
that the whole subject be indefinitely postponed.
Dr. Merrill rjoy moved ihnt members be restric
led. to te.n minutes in their remarks.
Mr. Goodhue of Shoreham expressed himsell
in strong terms against any hampering of debate
If brethren wanted harmony and union on this
subject, he counselled them not to attempt to stifle
debate. Discussion was what we needed and
must have before the churches would be quieted.
So far from fearing the most ample discussion of
this question, in or out of the Convention, he would
say, let the mountain rock. Alluding to Mr.
Marsh, he regre tted that any one should have
thought it necessary to open the door for other
topics than the one before the Convention.
Mr. Marsh wjthd rew his motion for indefinite
postponement, and the question recurring on the
adoption of the resolution,
Mr. Anderson of Manchester addressed the Con
vention in a good spirit, in the aflirnialjve.
.- Mr., Pai mc-Iee of Williston followed on the. same
side, and was listened lo with much interest; He
said he was glad to speak on tbis,subject before
this body, if jt vu3.,oniy ten minutes. Il ought
by this time to bo understood that the people who
dwelt among these hills and vales were the last
to be restrained of their liberty to talk. We were
a thinking ond talking people. Any attempt a
inong us to choke free discussion on this or any
other subject, wo"iild bo like holding steam on the
valve. When let off for it must have vent first
or last the explosion would be so much the loud
er for our confining the steam. In the fears which
some had expressed, of our getting the credit of
managing civil affairs, ho did not participate. He
referred to the promptness with which ecclesiasli-
ca! bodies had come up to the help of the temper-
ince cause, and intimated that in the latter cause,
the ministry had expressedmo concern that they
were thereby about to be turned;into civilians and
statesmen. What was to be feared, frorri an ex
pression o opinion on the part of this body, as
Chri slian.men?
Mr. Goodhue of Shoreham again addressed the
convention in a bold strain of impassioned elo
quence, especially repudiating the idea that the
clergy are bound to keep themselves aloof from the
cause of the slave, because the institution is up
held by the bloody hands of tjie legislator. Be
cause iniquity had been " framed by a law" was
no reason why we should hold our peace and
". suffer sin upon. our brother.' Whatever might
be said on the score of expediency, oc of time and
manner, our silence would be interpreted in favor
of-the iniquitous system. We shall still-be set
down as treating the ministry and laity of the
south as though they were not guilty.
: Mr. Wright of Woodstock nddressed the Con
vention in opposition to the motion, taking sub
stantially the same ground with Mr, Marsh.
Mr. Converse of Burlington was not pleased
with the mapner in which it was proposed to ap
proach the subject. He informed the Convention
that he was greatly opposed to slavery. His opin
ion respecting the system had. been formed from
an actual residence in one of the slaveholding
states. He alluded-to the exasperated slate of the
southern mind as going to show that the present
movement, was ill adapted to produce the desired
resut. Like the man who besought the Indian
for his bow-and-arrovv, the more he wanted the
bow-and-arrow, the more the Indian wouldnt let
it go,
Mr. Morgaa of Vershire refreshed the minds of
the convention with a parallel historical incident.
A man by the name of Mpses, who was an abo
litionist, wept to Pharaoh, and preached the doc
trine of immediate emancipation " Let my peo
ple go, that they may serve me." but the more
Moses preached abolition, the more Pharaoh
wovld'nt let the people go.
Rev. Dr. Tappan of Maine, next, addressed
the convention. We regret that it is not in our
power to give his entire speech. His matter and
manner were alike delightful. He gave, in the
first place, a succint view of the action of the
Maine Convention in reference to the slavery
question. The Congregationalists of Maine had
not gone so far as to. address admonitory letters
to the professing Christians of the South. They
sent letters to the southern presbyteries, making
inquiries in. the first place, as to the statistics of
slivery in the churches, the means cf instruction
enjoyedr the prevailing views of enlightened
Christians in the South, as to the sinfulness of
the slaveholding relation, &c. Among the re
plies, to. these letter? vyas. one stating that it would
be perilous to lay the subject before the presbytery.
Another took the broad ground of the McDuffie
school, that slayery is a gospel institution. Dr.
Tappan iptimatfid that it was the intention in
Maine to keep up this epistolary intercourse with
the south, in the hope that good results might fol
low. He alluded to some objections which
brethren had urged againct any action for the pres
ent, urging first of all, the duty of ministers to
" remember them that are in bonds as bound
with, them."- In answer, to -the objection thai
slavery was a political institution, he. said, that
idolatry, too, w.as a, political institution, but Paul
and Ins Uhvjstiao brethren did not, on that ac
count, feel themselves absolved. from tbq tiuty of
bearing testimony against " the peculiar, inslitu
tion" of idolatry. Whatever, relation the ques
lion bears to politics, we must obey, the laws of
our Uivine Master. In reierence tp. doubts
which some indulged, as to the probable effect
of Christian admonition, he was constrained
to think that they implied too much distrust of
the power of truth. He continued for some time
to unre upon the body the duty of remembering
our brethren in bonds.
Mr. Richardson, of Concord; was, rather pleased
with the proposal to address our southern brethren.
For some time past he had felt himself in a diffi
cult position. When inquired of as to his views
on this question, he had avowed opposition to sla-
ery ; but in reply to the question, ' What are you
doing ?' he had been obliged to confess, very little.
Now if ihe convention would pass upon this sub
ject and address an affectionate epistle to the south
ern churches, he would then have it in his. power
to refer; to the action of ijiis body as iomething
which had been done, apd in which he had borne
part.
Prof. Hough, of Middlebury, expressed himself
with some w.arinth in favor of entire silence. He
repudiated-slavery ns abhorrent to every feeling of
his Heart. His views on this subject had lone
since been publicly avowed, and were in pri'.it,
But he insisted thut the people of the south were
sufficiently apprized of the views of the churches
at the North. Again, he urged that in the present
state of feeling at the south, our admonilipns would
be unheeded, The rel igious papers would not in
sert any communication which might be sent. He
repeated h,!? abhorrence of slavery, and said "Ifil
were in. my power to emancipate the slaves, it
should be done to-morrow,"
Another member, whoso name we did not learn,
followed in, brief remarks on the same sidp.
Mr. Walker of Brattloboro' was of opinion that
the measure would be useless, but if it would tend
trn a In thn men ulmn II il,v,n a t .nt mhnl
; v i i .i i i.t a
" " J
hairi t U. - a! - - Jl ' 1 . ! J . i .' i '.a I
, ; j '
iin.o wiu uuiivHiiLinn ntsr. n nnv (lnniuv wm
. . . . v J
color to an Men that hi'mlf
sump dnno-or rf Un V, .... w, ,1 .1 - 1 I...
the abolition papers, it might be the paper in this
neighborhood. We nre glad-to see our good
friends so an.xioi-s to be reckoned on the right
side. By the way, when men nre snunrllv mn.
verted, it is expected that they will join some
iuuiv.ii, i3 ji nut i ui;, up our sianu-aiooi oretnren
repudiate the notion of, havirig any. thing to dc
in " Cmsar's household ?"
' Mr. , the delegate. from Massachusetts, re
marked that he had always felt a sympathy for
abolitionists, thnucrh not n inpml-ini- nf cm, crmlot,-
, . . .,j, .j, .
tr : j .1 : . . . . .
iiuiu inert! was an increasing interest on tne,
subject in his state. The clergy were in a good
measure .sound.
Mr. Kellogg. c Montpelier avowed himself
strongly in favor of the resolution. The measure,
he conceived, was loudly called for in the present
state of the anti-slavery discussion. The south
ern churches, had in some instances taken the
ground that slavery was a bible institution. Our
relation to-them as churches, our duty to. them as
Christians, alike demanded at our hands a faith-,
ful, yet kind admonition, or himself he claim
ed: to be a thorough-going abolitionist if it pleas
ed others, he was willing to take rank as an ultra
among altraisls on this question. Slavery was
an unspeakable iniquity a sin under all circum-,
stances. Viewing it in this light, who could
plead for any plan for its overthrow, which did
not look to. immediate repentance as a primary
duty ? And if our brethren in fellowship are
guilty in this thing, let us tell, them so in a kind
and Christian spirit. He repeated, in conclusion
his firm confidence of God's blessing on the cause
of the slave and his lively hope of its speedy
triumph..
Mr, Woodward of Westford addressed the,
convention wilh some earnestness in opposition lo
the resolution, bringing forward sundry objections
against action on the subject.which have long since
gone out of use among well-informed opponents
of the anti-slavery cause.
Mr. Hodges of Chester, having made the mo
lion now pending, was of course in the affirma
.tive. He should vote for the resolution, not for
the purpose of quieting this body; not as a matter
of policy, but of solemn duty. This question
was of such a nature that it would of necessity,
claim attention in. and out of ihe churches, till it
was fully comprehended, in all its bearings and re
lation. He exhorted all bis brethren in the min
istry to ;takc hold of this great cause.. In reply
to suggestions from some brother that the acita-.
tion of this matter had; effected' little good, he al-.
luded to the difficulties with which il had been
environed ; but in spile of these, the cause had;
advanced with signal rapidity. He adverted to,
individuals slaveholders of great moral worth and
influence who had, by their own confession, been
converted by the truth and arguments proclaimed
by abolitionists. He was surprised to hear objec
tions of this character, because they were ill
founded as to fact and inconsistent on the score,
of principle. If a minister of the gospel preached
without any marked results, for years, we were
not apt to be in haste to pronounce his preaching
or' his faith vain.. He repealed that this. was. aj
question of right and wrong which must be met.
For himself, he couldr not standby, and see his
brother in sin, without lifting up his voice. He
believed that slaveholders like other men had a
conscience, and that the truth if spoken in love,
would produce conviction. He should vote for
the resolution.-
Mr. Wheelpck of Barre claimed tp be. an. op-
ponent of slavery of long standing, though he had
been charged with pro-slaveryism. He had re
sided at the south as an inmate of the family of
Dr. Nelson. He had been treated with some
severity while at the south in consequence of his
known opposition to the system. He was howev
er, opposed to the resolution, believing a letter.
woud dp no good. He thought that in the pres-
ent case, reconciliation should precede admoni
tion. " First be reconciled to thy brother," Sec.
We looked upon the southern churches, as on
wrong ground'; thpy, op the. other hand, viewed;
us as perhaps, equally yrong. The. 'synod, cf.
South Carolina, might remonstrate with us for
interference with the institutions of the south,
&c. He adverted in disparaging terms tQ abolU
lion in its political nspect,
Dr. Men-ill of .middlebury remorked that though
'.he sentiments of the brethren werp not so harmo-'
mous as might be wished,, yet he was happy to
see that a good spirit pervaded the Convention.
The faeling was manifestly better than had been'
developed on any former meeting of the body.
The brethren seemed to have taken two grounds.
Admonition was urged by same, as a duty, whilst'
others predicated their course upon the probable ef
fect of a letter addressed to the southern churches.
As to, the duty of admonition, it clearly depended;
on circumstances. As a general fact, we are not
benefitted by those who address us unless we think
that they arc moved by a good spirit. Such was
the state of things, he feared that the south would
not concede to us a good spirit. ' There wn doubt-