The voice of freedom. [volume], November 30, 1839, Image 2

About The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848

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made to render the constitutional provision effec
tual, and they Imvc been construed, even up to
the present moment, throughout the last five years'
agitation of the slavery qestion liberally rnd
beneficently by the Judicial Tribunals of that
State.
The existence of this right presents the case in
an aspect altogether different. The State may,
F .1 ,1' T1 .1 ..1
now, bo represented as aciuressing a,t mus : i
will continue in the place offeree I now occupy in
relation to the slaves unless you remove me from
it by assuming it yourself or, remove them fioni
the position in which they are, by exercising your
right to emancipate. If you elect the first, J am
removed ; if the last, the slaves nve removed."
Now, admitting that B. did nothing from the
period of A's. decease up to the moment of eman
cipation, to continue- the force by which ti:e slaves
were still held as slaves and that, indeed, so far
as he felt any concern in the matter, they might
nil have gone free at anv t:me they chose, it will
require, in order to prove him a slaveholder de
facto orde re.metaphysics ns tenuous as it would,
to prove that our minister at St. Jamse, Mr. Ste
venson, is a " freeman of London," and, therefore,
a transgressor of the laws of his own country, be
cause the Mayor and Aldermen of that city thought
proper, in due form, to tender him it3 " freedom ;"
or that an American editor, should the Grand
Sultan ofier hi.m as reward for services performed,
a score of the inmates of his harem, with the priv
ilege of either wiving thern, or setting them at
liberty, at his discretion, would be a polyga
mist by adopting the virtuous alternative.
To us it seems clear, that B. cannot, in any
sense, be considered as having made himself a
slaveholder. He has done nothing more than in
tervene between the State and its prey. He alone,
in the providence of God, could do it. By usiug
the law of Liberty, he has rescued a grateful peo
ple from the law of Slavery.
If the foregoing be the right view of the trans
ection, B's agreeing with M, that he (M.) should
take other property in lieu of the moiety of the
slaves to which ho was legally entitled, dors not
appear to us, in any way, to change its character.
B., claiming no property in any of the slaves, so
far as they were affected by-it and, in this ar
rangement with M., claiming it, only with the
view of acquiring the power to emancipate ; and
looking on all the slaves as standing in the same
relation to the State, he, to .free them, did no
more than to purchase of M. the right of rescuing
from them the whole number, instead of half. It
is true, the power of enslaving was acquired, as
that of rescuing but ns the ficst was never used,
and never intended to be used, we cannot sec in
what light B. made himself a slaveholder and de
parted from the principles of the Anti-Slavery oo
ciety. B.
Not. The letter B., in the above, ia intended for
Mr. Birneyj M., for his brother-in-law, Judge Marshall.
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Fair.
The Boston Managers of the Massachusetts
Anti-Slavery, Fair have one more most delightful
duly, connected with it, to perform; that of an
nouncing to the managers from other towns, who
were obliged to depart before the final close, as
well as to all who have been so lavish of exertion
in its behalf in all parts of the slate, that its suc
cess was brilliant and complete.
r The amount and beauty of the articles, the num
bers and liberality of the purchasers, the array of
friends from the country towns, the magnitude ol
the final receipts, alt exceeded the most sanguine
expectations. The sum received during the four
days' sale, amounted to upwards of $1500: a
sum altogether unexampled in 'he financial opera
tions of Massachusetts women for the cause, and
sufficiently large to lend a fresh impulse to ti.r
spirit of liberty, aside from thu incalrulable moral
power generated by the effort: a sum which
gives promise of increased success to the similar
State efforts, which we shall annually make in fu
ture. We are happy that we arc enabled, for the slave's
sake, to cast this donation into the treasury of the
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society; but it is the
moral power, springing from the exertion to raise
it; this increase of light, and energy, and skill and
perseverence, and Christian fellowship, and devo-
tedness to our holy enterprise, this spiritual
strength and comfort,-that wc value far more than
the largest sum. Money is only valuable when it is
the outward and visible sign of an inward and spir
itual grace. When it censes to be so, it is like the
manna gathered in the wilderness beyond the abil
ity of the people to consume a disgusting and
pestilential accumulation.
. The tasteful and festive decorations of the hall,
for which, (as in every thing else connected with
the Fair,) we are greatly indebted to our husbands
and brothers,, elicited exclamations of pleasure
ami surprise- from the visiters. We heard but one
voice among them " This is the most beautiful
and elegantly arranged exhibition of the kind that
we ever attended." That our friends found pleas
ure in the arrangement, was more than a recom
pense for the eflbrt.
The beauty of the general effect absorbed atten
tion at firsthand prevented it from being fixed on
particulars;, but on making the circuit of the hall,
the tables presented attractions which tho most
careless eye could not overlook. ' The fine and
beautiful straw work of Wrenilmni and Foxboro',
k .:n. . rw.-,. rtn,rnrA ill.,
bonnets of Taunton, the completely finished
children's clothing of Brookline and Abington.
the glass work of Stoneham, the needle-book:
and various indescribable peices of skilfully even
ted housewifery of Concord and Leicester, the
lace and linen'of Andover, the embroidered mus
lin of Plymouth, Worcester, Dnxlmry nnd Fall
River, the wcoden ware oflliugham, (at which
table were also various specimens of beet sugar,
from the manufactory of David Lee Child,)' the
wrought broadcloth of Weymouth, the shells of
Nantucket, the plants of Dedham, were equal
ly beautiful and productive. A bed-quilt the
squares of which were covered with drawing:' and
inscription? in indelible ink, illustrating the cause,
done by the women of Boylslon, was purchased
by subcriptions for William Lloyd Garrison, all
being desirous to nave a small snare in me gin.
A silk Teoticulo.sparkling with cut stee! head-work.
an expensive article, was purchased in the satric
manner, to bo presented, ns a token ol aiiectionnte
and grateful respect, te Elizabeth rcase, ol Dar
lington, Eng., to whose frequent and valuable do
nations our Fairs havo risen so greatly indebted.
iter gift of anti-slavery china found a rapid sale at
high prices. An elegant inkstand was purchased
by subscription for Maria W. Chapman. Acuri-
. u.in lnKnllnl Oiib nf Tr. PiprnnintV
,wu: igAui-oiiup HiLi. 11.,' i , ' - - - - j v.
f rimes," and inscribed with an cxpressivo verse,
was presented by the Stoneham managers to Mr.
Garrison. Liberator.
Pro-Slavery Piety ! The Rev. E. O. Hull,
an agent of the American A. S. Society in Illinois,
gives the following account of the opposition which
he received from the Methodist steward. Hu
manity -huddcrs at such fiendish malignity.
At Noil's Creek, where we have a good society,
I lectured fortwo days to very attentive audiences,
and I think to good effect. One circumstance
which occurred here made a deep impression on
mv mind. I will relate it, not with a view to
disgrace the church, but lo show how deeply nnd
fatally self-deceived members of the church may
be, and how necessary il is for a pei oOti to test the
correctness of his views and feelings, by the words
and principles of the New Testament. An ex
judjje of Jennings county, when he heard thai 1
was coming into tho place lo lecture, said that
the abolitionists would not behave themselves, or
would not be put down, ' till we serve them in In
diana as the people do in Louisana. They shoot
them down there as they do wild beasts, without
ceremony, niid that is the way we have got to do
here, and have got as gacd a rifle as ami man
ever drew to his face, and if the abolitionists come
about me I will use it.' He was present the 'first
day 1 lectured, and when 1 quoted the text, ' J hou
shall love thy neighbor as thyself,' arose, and in a
hoarse, and passionate manner said, the nigger
aint my neighbor! He staled also, that 'he would
not stav any longer, nnd iic hoped others would
not.' This man is steward of of the Methodist
E. Church-
Intemperance in Vermont.
Samuel Chipman, Esq., in his Report lo our
Stnte Temperance Society, submitted in October,
makes the following interesting statements :
' I have seldom called for narnps to the pledge,
and have very little data from which to ascertain
how many have been induced, through my instru
mentality, to abandon the down hill path of the
drunkard; but I know that individuals in many
places have abandoned the traffic, nnd that pro
fessed Christians, in repeated instances, have been
compelled to hear and obey the monitions of con
science they have been ashamed to reiterate the
stale plea that, ' if Christians abandon the trafne
altogether, il will full into worse hands." The
churches nre beginning to act with decision and
efficiency in this matter.
Your select-men ,iid civil authority have, lain
persuaded, net approbated one half as many tav
ern-keepers and merchants, the present year, as
tne last.
One evil here, I cannot Lut name. Your se
lect-men and civil authority are required to meet
together, to hear and act upon petitions for appro
bation there have been instances, when after the
board had once met and heard and acted on every
petition, afterwards an individual had taken his
petition in his hand, and gone to the members of
the board separately and obtained their signatures,
and in some cases licenses have been granted
when the applicant has obtained only a minority
of the names of the board.
But there are, no doubt, three times as many
Temperance Houses in your state as there were
in and your society may reioioe, nnd the
friends of temperance may rejoice, and the friends
of temperance may congratulate themselves on the
fact, that, with hardly an exception they are de
cidedly the best houses in the vicinity."
"In the State of Vermont I have examined t
few jails, and am ns fully satisfied that as large,
a share of their tenants are the product of alcohol,
ns in iNew ork, nine tenths. Indeed, JuiAge
Collamer remarked at the temperance convention
at v oorlstcck last Jilarch, lh:t he had heard a
great many statements ns to tho proportion of
crime which might be attributed to intemperance,
but said De. with emphasis. "1 never saw
statement lare enough yet." A statement of
Rev. Mr. Walker, now of Bralilebnro,' made at
the same time and place, fully corroborates my
statistics of deaths from intemperance. He obser
ved, that " in the 6 years which lie sp?nt as the
minister of East Rutland, he kept a record of
deaths which occurred, and that in that time 39
men died that more than half of them were in
temperate, and tiiat not an intemperate man arri
ved at the age of 50.
You would find, :oo, that almost every homicide
which has blackened the calender of your courts
has been rennet ted with iirerrreini.ee. The two
cases, which took place on the same day last Octo
ber, the one at Rutland in which Daman killed
his own wife, and the other, that of B ites at Shafts
bury, who killed his brother's wife, were both
clearly the products of intemperance.
In rygnrii lo paupers, I have found that in Ver
mont, at least fee-sevenths have been brought to
that condition by intemperance."
Daniel Webster. The British Emancipator
of Oct. 2, says.
"On Saturday a deputation of ihe Committee
of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society,
waited on this distinguished American, with a
view to engage his influence for the cause of abo
lition." Thanks to our British brethren for this new
manifestation of their watchfulness and fidel'ty.
We hope soon to be made acquninted with the
result of the interview of their committee with
the ereat Expounder. What did he say, what
would he say, to such an application? Wc are
curious to know, and wo hope the committee will
not fail to make a full disclosure of all that occur
red during the interview. Liberator.
Henry i;iay in J930.
" I consider slavery as a- curse to the master, a
wrong, grievous wrong to the slave. In the ab
stract it is ALL wrong, and no possible contin
gency can mnko it right."
Henry C!ay in 1330.
" What the law declares to be property is prop
erty." THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
RUNAWAY Irom James Kendal:, in P,rt!ir-
bon County, Kentucky, to whom he was' hired
the present year, on Saturday night hist, (the 11th
inst.) a negro man, named SOMERSET,
about 23 years of age, 3 feet 7 or S inches high,
of a dark copper color, having a deep scar on his
right cheek, occasioned by a burn, stout ninde,
countenance bold and determined, and voice
coarsev His cloithing it is thought unnecessary
to descriqe, ns he may have already changed
them.
ALSO,
From E. Muir, of the samo county, on tho
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM
same night, (and supposed to have gone in com
pany,) a negro man, named BOB, about 23
years old, near 6 feet high, weighing about ISO
or 90, of a dark copper color, of a pleasant coun
tenance, uncommonly smooth face, and a remark
able small hand for a negro of his size. He can
spell and read a little, "is clothing was a green
ish jeans coat and black cloili pantaloons.
We will give the above reward for u.e delivery
of said negroes to the undersigned, or iheir con
finement in jail, so that we can get them, or $150
for either of them, if taken out of the State, or
$100 for ihem, or 5f50 for either, if talcen out of
the County and in le State.
HENRY CLAY, Senior.
E. MUIR.
Bourbon County, Ky., Sept. 17, 183P."
Startling Facts! The late three years' War
with England, the most powerful nation in the
world, cost the United Stales nbout $90,000,000.
The three years' war in Florida, with a rem
nant tribe of Seminole Indians, and n few runa
way negroes, has cost us $10,000,000, or nearly
half the expense of our last three years' War
with England ! ! !
In the War with England, our Navy nnd Ar
my, after covering themselves with glory, achiev
ed an honorable Peace.
The War against the miserable Indians and
Negroes, was wickedly commenced, nas been in
gloriously conducted,- and threatens to be inter
minable !
There is not, in the history of the Wars among
civilized nations, a parallel for the wantonness,
imbecility and corruption which distinguishes
this dishonorable, infamous crusade. Albany
Lve Jour.
THANKSGIVING.
By a bad heart ar.y thing, though good in it
self, may be perverted to an evil issue. Ihe an
nual observance of Thanksgiving we seriously re
gard as of beneficial tendency in the community
as well as n duty to Him who giveth us all things
good. 11 it has been made the occasion of evil
by associating with it sinful pleasures, they who
thus pervert it have the greater sin and are held
responsible for the evii ; but it would bo poor log
ic, which would urge the abandonment of the ob
servance of it, because those who have no delight
in sacred pleasures, seek sinful ones as a subsli
lute, on that day whose origin was in the snncti
fied affections and pious and rational convictions
of godly men. I iia:;ksgiving was originally in
tended by no means as a season of revelry and sen
sual indulgence, but as a reasonable tribute to
Him who "crowns the year with his goodness,"
and makes our "paths drop with fatness." We
are aware that the appointment of the day has
special relation to temporal good; but as all our
virtuous enjoyment is a fruit of Redeeming Grace,
our thankfulness for the common gifts of Divine
Providence should stand associated with gratitude
" for ihe unspeakable gift," of the Son of God,
through whose mediation we have hope of future,
everlasting blessings. In all our gladness on this
joyous occasion, let us not, therefore, forget that
all these blessings were procured bv suffering-
by the suffering even unto death of Him who gave
himself for us.
The abundant harvest of the past season has
been gathered in, and our store-houses are filled
wilh plenty. If we have reason to complain, it
is of our own follies; if to mourn, it is over our
own sins; if tomurrnur.it is nnninst ourselves.
If the world is unhappy, it is on account of its
rebellion against that government which is "holy,
just and good."
The present embarrassments in business are to
be set down to that disregard of God which pre
vails to a fearful extent in our ungrateful country.
Those pure and just nnd elevated principles on
which He would have man deal with man, are
trampled down to make room for those of covet
ousness nnd injustice. Intemperance and Licen
tiousness are the "wasting nnd mildew" of this
favored land ; end bLA VERY, that foulest, mean
est, crudest sin the earth knows, holds in jeonar
dy the liberties of tho nation. These ore sins
not be forgotten in our highest rejoicings. Let a
solemn remembrance of these and other sins mod
crate and suitably temper our mirth, and let deep
repentance for them before God evince that we
are not guilty of that fanaticism which blinds the
mind from a duo regard lo tljo rights of others,
the righteousness of God and the true nnd proper
dignity of our nature.
Penitence and thankfulness ought never to by
separated in the heart of a sinner who has been
redeemed by love Irom the agonies of "the sec
ond death," to which his sins had doomed him.
Christian Reflector.
A cas3 rort the Chronicle. As soon ns Mr.
Tracy gets through with Mr. Birney's case, we
propose that he undertake a critical, excgeticnl
and philosophical analysis of the following. It's
a rare chance for hair-splitting.
STEALING MILK.
Mr. Thomas Whitmarsh has noticed for some
time past, that almost every morning, his cow had
been stripped, during the night of the principal
part of her milk. Monday night his boys kept
watch in the barn. Sometime in the iiight, some
body came and commenced milking. The boys
saw n man milking, and n small boy by his side ;
but before they could discover who is was, the
culprit tonkjalarm and fled.
What must be thought ol the man who will not
only commit such n crime, but also leach his son
to steal. Hampshire Gazette.
And what must be thought of professed teachers
of religion, who teach that it is not sinful for the
son to steal, because the father stole before him?
And if it be thus disgraceful for a poor man to stcnl
milk, to keep himself and children from starving,
what shall wc think of the meam css of ihe rich
man who makes it his business to steal and sell
the children of the poor, in order to increase his
wealth, and live in style and splendor? Suppose
it should be discovered that the poor man who
stole the milk vas a church member, would any
of our ecclesiastics complain that the ponce of the
church was disturbed, and that religion was as
sailed because it should be said that the thief ought
to be excluded from church fellowship? Great
pains have been taken to prove that there may be
cases of innocent slaveholding, or man stealing.
Why not institute an inquiry whether there may
not be cases of innocent milk stealing? Perhaps
the milk stealer had no other way to avoid starva
tion. And then a " gradual" abandonment of
milk stealing might be very convenient for the
culprit. Or he might be persuaded lo abandon
the practice for a suitable " compensation." Or
the crime might be prevented, in future, if the
cows and iheir owner could be colonized ! What
should we think of the law maker who could not
make up his mind whether there ought to be a law
against milk stealing? And "what must be
thought ol the man who would vole lor such n
law maker, and yet pretend to be an honest man
and a Christian ? Wo unto you, ye blind guides,
who strain ni a drop ol milk, and swallow a plan
tation ! Who call a milk thief " a culprit," and
think it "denunciatory & unchristian" to apply the
samo epithet to him that steals human beings !
How much better is a man than a pail of milk i
MONTPELIER SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 30, 1S39.
Petitions to Congress.
It is said in n very ancient book, that a widow
came unto a judge saying, avenge me of mine ad
versary. And he would not for a while; hit af
terward he said within himself , Though I fear not
God, nor regard man, yet because this widow
troubleth me, I will avenge her, lest by her contin
ual coming she weary me. The widow by her
importunity obtained from the judge her request,
though he neither feared God, nor regarded man.
And may not our rulers bo induced to hearken to
our petitions for ihe slaves, if we follow up our
suit from year to year, even supposing that they
are the lawful descendants of the judge, and have
no better motives? Tho example of the widow
is worthy our imitation. Let all the friends of jus
tice, humanity, and mercy rouse to action, then,
fill up their petitions to Congress, and say again
to that body, " Break every yoke and let the op
pressed go free." They may indeed for the pres
ent disregard our petitions. But should they do
so, this should not discourage us. Could we know
that the GAG LAW would again be inforced,
still there would be important reasons, why our
petitions should again be pressed to Congress in
greater numbers, and more solemn appeals.
1. Our own chartered rights have been deniedi
and the Constitution violated by the rejection and
stifling of petitions year after year in Congress.
The Constitution says, Congress shall make no law
abridging the right of the people peaceably to as
semble, and lo petition the Government for a re
dress of grievances. With this clause of the Con
stitution before their eyes, and their oaths to sup
port it warm upon their tongues, the majority in
Congress, have once and again, refused to havo our
petitions rsad, or acted upon. Could such men
fear God, or respect their fellow men ? Let their
consciences and posterity answer. Clear it is, that
they have trampled under foct ihe provision of the
Constitution and the rights of the petitioners.
And should we submit to such base measures,
give up the contest, and refuse to assert our rights
by again sending on our petitions, ihey would be
strengthened in their wickedness, and wc should
appear by our conduct to acquiesce in their meas
ures, and to admit that they may at pleasure tram
ple on our rights and violate tho sacred provisions
of ihe Constitution.
2. Duty to ourselves, to our suffering brethren
and to the cause of liberty, requires us to do it.
We do know, that nearly three milli.is of our
fellow beings, the creatures of God, a'.id candidates
for eternity, are held in cruel slavery, worked and
beat like beasts of burden, denied every personal
civil, and religious privilege, robbed of their dear
esl rights, degraded, insulted, abused, deprived of
the means of instruction and the vord of God, liv
ing and dying liko heathen. In them all the in
alienable rights of man are trampled upon, all the
self-evident truths of our Bill of Rights denied,
all ihe claims of humanity and religion disregar
ded, all ihe blessings of liberty treated with con.
tempt, ond the undying soul left to perish in all its
guilt, in this land of bibles. Shall we then alto
gether hold our peace, and not even present ape
tition on their behalf? How, then, ca;: we clear
our skirts of their blood ? Is this obeying Chriat,
this the way our love to our brethren operates,
this the way wc support the rights of man, the
claims of humanity, and tho blessings of liberty?
If we move not a finger to help the oppressed, but
place the oppressor on the bench of of justice, and
invite him into our pulpits, how can we sympa.
thize with the slave, bear our testimony against
the slaveholder, or avoid being a partaker in all
his crimes ? actions speak louder than words, and
they will bu regarded by men, and by our fina
Judge. If we stop our c.rs at the cry of the op
pressed, and will not show them any mercy our
selves, or petition others, must we not read with
nwful forebodings the divine declaration, "lie
shall have judgment without mercy, who hath
showed no mercy ?" And must not every man and
woman, who fears God, has any compassion, hu
manity or mercy, every friend of human rights, of
civil liberty, of the undying soul, every one, who
believes that God will judge the wo;.'d in right
eousness, air! render to every one according to his
works, come forward heartily, give his name and
influence, and say to our rulers, we beseech you,
Break every yoke and let the oppressed go free.
3. By presenting our petitions, the attention of
the public is turned to the great principles of hu
man rights, and discussion is excited. Since our
fathers have fallen asleep, nnd we have been left
to enjoy the fruits of their toils and sufferings, the
principles, for which they bled, have in a great
measure receded from view, lost their value, or
been made the subject of ridicule. The spirit of
slavery has cast a mist around her, stalked thro'
the land, and bound many of our Sampsons in
her chains. Agitation has a tendency to awaken
attention to the wrongs of slavery, to the inalien.
able rights of man, to our civil duties, and the
fundamental principles of nil righteous legislation
and rational government. Presenting our peti
tions to Congress for the abolition of slavery,
wakes up the attention of men to their rights, and
lays open the dark nnd bloody abominations of
slavery. Hence petitions should be poured into
the ear of Congress.
4. Our enemies are put in the wrong by our
petitions. The advocates of slavery know, thnt
"lie right of petition is secured by ihe Constitution,
and is an inalienble right. They also know, that
ihey violate the Constitution and their oaths, when
they deny us this right. Their consciences con
demn them. They feel like culprits conscious
that posterity will condemn them. And all im
partial men in our own land and in every land1,
musl see their duplicity, and condemn their wrong
conduct. Now, it is always desirable to put our
adversary in the wroitg, and as this is effectually
done by presenting our petitions, we should perse
vere in doinr it.that they may be ashamad, or stand
out before the world in their true character, tho
abhorrence of unborn generations, liberty on their
tongues, fetters in their hands, oppression in their
hearts, and the Constitution under their feet, with
Alherton and Gag-law inscribed upon every fore
head. 5. The signs of the limes are encouraging.
True, the opposition of the pro-slavery party the
cold calculating indifference of the fence party, and
the diversity of opinions among the friends of the
slave, are painful considerations ; but they will
lead to discussion, and this, if carried on with a
right spirit, will help us to find out the way in
which we should go, and should not discourage
exertion. Look on the other hand. The Eman
cipation in the West Indies works well, and the
blacks give good evidence that they are men.
France is moving on with a firm itep, and wilt
soon abolish slavery in her colonies. The con
vention of ihe world will be a grand spectacle, and
will not be held in vain. The appeal of Donna
Maria to the governments, of Europe may induce
ihem lo come lo a conclusion, audio fix tht time
when slavery shall case. Various States have ac
ted favorably on the slave question. Our own has
done nobly our sentiments are gaining influence
at the South and the convulsions in the church
es show that the spirit of life still lingers among
them. Who, then, can be faint-hearted, when
heaven and earth are all in motion, coining to their
help ? Let the shout be onward ! Push the en
emy to the wall ! Petition Congress to arraign,
try, condemn and execute him. Remember the
the importunate widow, follow her example, and
push forward your ptitions to Congress. And
while we petition our rulers, let us not be slnck
in presenting our supplications to Him, who can
turn their hearts as the rivers of water, and dispose
them to hear the cry of the oppressed.
The Townshend Resolutions.
In giving publicity to the resolutions of the
Townshend Convention, we feel bound to enter
our emphatic dissent to the fourth, which speaks
approvingly of colonization, "as a missionary en
terprise." It is marvellous, that such a resolution
should have passed an anti-slavery meeting. We
will, in charity, presume that it was carried in
the absence of Judge Phelps, Judge Shafter, Mr.
Graves, and others, whose names appear in the
minutes. Before God we believe that Liberia
may rather be regarded as the devil's recruiting
rendezvous. Let the whole history of coloniza
tion be thoroughly scanned, from its inception in
slaveholding Virginia, in 1800, down to the present
period, and we dare say that the business of com
mending colonisation " as a missionary enterprise"
will be left entirely to its slaveholding, heathen
making adherents in the slaveholding states, with
now and then a responsive echo from our pro-
slavery Chronicle at home. How strange, that
among the 400,000 colored free people of our land,
the instance is yet to be found of a public meet
ing of that class giving in their adhesion to colo
nization, even as a missionary enterprise. lime
would fail us to recount their burning protests
ngainst the entire scheme. Scarcely less emphat
ic is the testimony of American missionaries in
Africa, whose observation has given them the
nmplest opportunity to judge of the influence of
the colonies on the cause of missions. We beg.
our Windham county brethren to review their
opinions with care. We would especially refer
them to the repeated testimonies of Mr. Wilson,
as given in the Missionary Herald, down to Juno
last. Meanwhilcy we submit the following, in
support of the proposition, that the influence of
the colonies Jtpon religion is highly injurious :
It is stated in the Missionary
Herald, Juno 1S34, thnt Messrs. Wilson and
Wynkoon, in selection: a site for the mission set
tlement at Cape Palmas, chose to bo half a mi!o
listant from the colony, and say it was irom
apprehension that the colony might emh-irrass our
future efforts for the improvement of the natives,"
and " we took all ihe pains we could to impress
the mind of the king and his people wilh the fact.
that the mission is to bo entirely distinct from tho
colony, and will be identified with the interests of
the natives.
Joseph Horace Kimball, while on a mission
from the American Anti-Slavery Society to tho
West Indies, wrote Irom Antigua that he had a
long conversation with Rev. William Satchell,