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The voice of freedom. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1839-1848, December 21, 1839, Image 1

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E. A. ALLEN, Publisher.
Published under ihe sanction of the Vermont Anti- Slavery Society.
C. L. KNAPP, Editor.
M"iT, DECEMBER 21, I89.
S'iSilai Vnila CI?1 UIBlsS il HKDiii'o
From the Emancipator.
Correspondence at Horns.
New Vokk, December Cth, 1S9.
JArss G. Biuney, Esq. :
Ihj Dear Friend, As this is the anniversary
of the formation of the American Anti-Slavery
Society, my thoughts are naturally turned to the
proceedings of tho Convention lhat adopted the
Constitution, and sent forth the Declaration m
1S33 : and 1 have reflected more, at this time, on
those important documents, than heretofore, as
measures are in agitation which, in my humble
opinion, are diametrically opposed to their pruici
nles. Permit me, then, to state wherein 1 con
ceive the eltbrts of ihose brethren, who aro striv
ing to form an abolition political party, appear to
contravene the Constitution ol our feociely, and
the Declaration of tne Convention, and to request
that vou will, if you deem the matter of sufficient
importance, make sreb a reply as you think will
present Hie oilier, and 1 may say, your side of the
question. If wrong, 1 wish to be set right, and
doubt inn there are many persons desirous of be
ing established in tne truth on this subject, who,
with me, believe that you will give due weight to
the arguments of those who differ with you, and
reply in a nunner worthy of the importance of
the matter under consideration.
It has been proposed, as you know, by some
prominent abolitionists, lhat the -American Anti
Slavery Society should nominate candidates for
1 ho oflices of President and Vice President of the
United Slates, and since the Society declined doing
it at their recent meeting at Cleveland, Ohio, a
Convention of abolitionists, in this State, have
proceeded to nominate two persons for those high
offices, one of them being an officer of the parent
institution, and the other President of a Slate So
ciety. Several, members of the Socieiy, including
the editors of leading anti-slavery papers, are stren
uously advocating the formation of a distinct po
litical party, while others, who have rot yet un
furled the banner, have too hastily, I think, con
ceded that it is impossible to prevent the adoption
of such a measure. .
Some members of the Society are urgent that
it should organize a new political party, while
others, doubting the propriety of such a step, rec
ommend that abolitionists throughout the country
organize themselves into a distinct or third politi
cal party, not as members of Anti-Slavery Socie
ties, but as abolitionists or friends of human
rights. At least this may fairly be deduced from
the essavs and other acts that have been put forth
by the advocates of a distinct abolition political
party. I do no; see, I confess, any essential dif
ference in the principles of these modes of action,
as they both seem to ttnd to the same result, the
one appearing to be a palpable violation of the
Constitution oi the American Anti-Slavery Soci
ety, and the oilier an evasion of its virtual prohi
bitions. In this letter I will restrict myself to the
supposed direct violation of the Constitution, es
pecially as I have ventured recently to publish
some reasons against the direct infraction of lhat
instrument by tho course pursued by many mem
bers of our Society, and the inexpediency of form
ing a third political party.
It is not denied that political os well as moral
action was contemplated at the founaiion of the
American Anti-slavery Society, but I apprehend
that the whole political and moral action intend
ed, is comprehended in the following terms
warning, appeal, petition, remonstrance, argu
ment, prayer; and that all the measures in view
of the frame rs of the Constitution are included in
what has been, from the beginning of this benev
olent enterprise, termed MORAL SUASION. I
except, of course, the privilege of voting, a right
existing; prior to the formation of our Society.
Abolitionists did not disfranchise themselves by
associating to overthrow slavery by moral means,
although they virtually agreed, in meir consiuu
tion, to act as a moral and not a political associa
tion. All the right that exists to use political ac
tion, as a society, is derived from their constitu
tion. Under the prior right, therefore, and the
provisions of their constitution, a large portion of
the members ot the Anii-oiavery oocieiy, in au
dition to other measures, have petitioned Congress,
and State Legislatures, anc many ot mem nave
been favorable to voting irrespective of party, and
onlv for those who are in favor of the great pnn
rinle of immediate emancipation. Abolitionists,
generally, have expressed a desire to do "all that
is lawfuly" in their power, to use the language of
the constitution, not inconsistent Willi the above
terms, or the recognized principles of the charter
of our association. But the political action orig
inally contemplated by the abolitionists, in their
associated capacity, or authorized by the constitu
tion, does not, in my view, include or allow a dis
tinct political organization, as I will now attempt
to prove.
In the preamble to the constitution is the follow
ing clause : "and whereas we believe that it is
practicable, by appeals to the conscience, hearts, and
tntcrests of the people, to awaken a public senti
ment throughout the nation," and in the con
stitution itself is this passage " it shall aim to
convince all our fellow-citizens by arguments ad
dressed to their understandings and consciencesi
&c." In the Declaration put forth by the Con
'vention that adopted the constitution, the inten
tions of the founders thereof, are expressed in the
following language " We shall organize Anti-
1'JI Slavery Societies we shall send forth agents to
lilt up me voice oi remonstrance, oi warning,
of entreaty, and rebuke we shall circulate anti-
slavery1 tracts and periodicals we shall enlist
the pulpit and the press we shall aim at the pu
rification of the churches we shall encourage
the labor of freemen we shall spare no exer
tions nor means to bring the whole nation to
speedy repentance." And it was solemnly and
emphatically added "our trust for victory is
solely in God."
It would seem that the principles of the Con
stitution, and the modus operandi, were clearly
and fully expressed in these quotations, and that
any action, not obviously and fairly conprehen
ded in the instrument, is unconstitutional. But
it is said by some that by the constitution the
members of the Society are obligated to do "all
i ,mt is 'awfully" in their power for the nboliiion
01 slavery, as n, instead oi using the measures
Hi the Lonstitution una Declaration
the extent permitted by the laws of the country,
they were authorized bv ihosu insirumeuts to do
every act. for the attainment of the oti nets of the
Isrtrieltf. nnt int-liirlrlpn hv thp Invve m llip l:in.l
A teamed ecclesiastical uoeior, who proiesses to
be an abolitionist, reasoning in a similar way, sta
ted, just before the last meeting of the General
Assembly, (N. S.) that that body had cognizance
of nil ecclesiastical matters not expressly forbid
den by the Presbyterian book of discipline. The
old doctrine was, that all powers not expressly
delegated were reserved, and it is apprehended
tlint a benevolent or religious society, having
written constitution, cannot, any more than a civ
goveanment, transcend ihe power granted. If
however, any ambiguity exists, as to the inteipreta
tion of a written constitution, the common way of
ascertaining the meaning, and tho views and in
tendons of the frainers, is to inqure into their con
temporaneous and subsequent acts. In this way
tho right interpretations ol clauses in the Consti
tution of the United States have been determin
ed. The Conf titulion of the American Anti
slavery society, thcrelore, may be interpreted
without difficulty, by the light thrown upon it by
the Declaration, which was almost simultaneously
adopted ; by the resolutions and reports adopted
at various annual and other meetings, disclaim
ing separate political organization ; and by the
undisputed import ot the Constitution as under
stood, till recently, by the great body of our fellow
It has been said that the resolution adopted last
August, at the JNational Convention at Albany
in which we both concurred, by which the sub
,oct of political action was left to abolitionists in
their different localities, contemplated political or
gamzation, should circumstances render it expe
dicnt. Rather, I would say, did that resolution
cave the matter instantu quo, societies and in
dividual to take such order, with regard to un
disputed political action, as to them might seem
best. Ihe resolution asserted no aew principle
but, waiving the recommendation of any specihc
course on the subject, left the matter to the judg
ment of abolitionists to act, according the exigen
cies that might arise, butagreably to the acknowl
edged principles ol the Constitution.
it, my dear sir, 1 have been able to show, or
f it can be proved by some abler pen, that the
formation of a distinct abolition political party, by
the American Anti-Slavery Society, or any of its
auxiliaries, is contrary to our constitution, it seems
to follow, as a matter of course, that no organ of
the anli-slavery society should advocate such
measure, or any officer of the parent and other
societies allow himself to be m nomination for of
fice by such a party. While our present consti
tution exists unamended, it appears to me ourdu
ty to conform to its obvious provisions, to continue
to press upon the hearts and consciences of our
countrymen the sacred doctrines avowed in it, to
persist in voting irrespective of party for those
and those only, who are the friends of impartia
liberty, and immediate emancipation, leaving to
others, who think moral suasion less effective
than separate political action, the responsibility of
organizing and sustaining an abolition political
party. While they devote their energies to such
a measure, let the adherents of the American
Anti-Slavery Society maintain the spirit of the
Constitution, and not, disregarding its letter and
obvious meaning, act upon the doctrine of expedi
eney, so often and strenuously repudiated by the
friends of human rights. Confining ourselves to
the plain provisions of the Constitution, annual
reports, and resolutions, abolitionists need not be
under any apprehension of inaction in their ranks;
for new modes of action will be presented in the
progress of the cause that are indisputably incon
sistent with what has been, until recently, under
stood to be the principles of our association
When the Constitution requires amendment, i
constitutional number can at any time avail them'
selves of the provision made in the instrument it
self by adopting such amendments as the light
afforded by experience may suggest. But until
amendments are made, authorizing separate po
litical action, by which I mean the formation of a
distinct political abolition party, is it not better to
keep withi u pale of the Constitution? In this way
we may hope to commend the cause to the well
principled in our land, keep ourselves from the
contaminating influences of parlizan warfare, and
suspicious ol interested motives, while we conn
dently hope for the continued guidance and aid of
the Cod of the oppressed.
What success I may have in this letter of con
vincing you, my dear sir, of the unconstitutional
tendency of measures in agitation, or what easy
and convincing way you may have of refuting
rny reasoning, 1 will not venture to anticipate,
but so clearly does the obligation of "total absti
nence" from any abolition political party appear to
to my mind, as the duty of the American Anti
Slavery Society, and its Auxiliaries, smd their
members, lhat I feel constrained, at the risk of
having my argument refuted, to present this view
of the subject, in hope lhat it may lend to allav
the spirit so ardently engaged to form a distinct
political party, and thus, as I fear, bring about the
prostration of our association as a moral and re
ligious institution.
With regard and respect, your's Sec.
KEl'LV .
New York, Dec. 9, '39.
To Lewis Tappan, Esq.
Very Dear Sir, Your friendly letter was han
ded to me this morning. As it is to be published
in the Emancipator of this week, it is thought
advisable that ihe Answer should accompany it.
I shall, I fear, hare but little time for more than
briefly, and perhaps imperfectly examine your
principle position.
I do not remember, in any thing I have seen
heretofore in reference to forming a, third political
party, that its unconstitutionality has been hinted
at, or insisted on. The measure has been oppos
ed as inexpedient as showing our instability
as highly injurious to us in the estimation of our
fellow-citizens generally, and as tending greatly
to retard, if not to defeat our object. No one but
you, I think, has gone back of this. But the You cite from the Preamble and the Constitu
ihet, that you stand alone, cannot in the slightest tion the following pass-ige : "We believe,-that
manner, abate the respect that I owe to an opin- it is practicable, by appeals to the consciences,
ion, which, after due examination, you entertain, hearts and interests of the people, to awaken a
nii'i tliiui; wormy to be published,
Your position is that abolitionists, in forming
t distinct political party, with a view to eltect or
ciiange the Government in relation to a peculiar
subject, violate the constitution of the American
bociety. 1 ou concede, that action, in unison
with ouu or both of the po'itical parties existing at
the time of the organization ol the Society and
since, no matter how Protean the shapes they
have assumed from time to time, was contempla
ted by the Constitution; that to vote with them
and assist them to elect such of their partisans as
are lavorable to our views is allowable. ieiiher
is there, in your mind, any question, that, accor
ding to the Albany resolutions, we ought to vote
for no candidates for certain offices who are not
fully with us on the subject of immediate cmanci
nation. If the foregoing is what you grant, the
whole question, so far as it is a practical one, and
worthy of consideration, is narrowed down lo this
May abolitionists themselves, select for their
suffrages such of their fellow citizens as they
know to be true to the cause of human freedom
men who consider the abolition of slavery as
the most important political question now pressing
on this nation, and hold them up, separate and
apart, as the representatives of their principles ;
or are they bound by the constitution to vote only
lor sucn abolitionists as the nominating caucuses
of the Whig and Democratic party may resncc-
lively select for them men who regard every
subject coming before them in the course of legis-
Jation with an eye, first to the consolidation of
their party next, to the" furtherance of emanci-
pation. this is the true question. You may
perhaps reply, that we are not bound lo vote for
such but that every voter may if he choose, vote
lor any other abolitionist whom he may preler lo
the one m nomination. But if this be so, we
may, instead of two parties have three or a hun
dred. Each man or if he draw to him five or
ten or twenty more, who shall thus vote, is in ef
fect, a par'y.
I wish that the loose expression "moral and po
itical action" had not been inserted in the "Dec
laration since political action is out a species
of moral action. As they now stand, they seem
to some persons to mean different and almost op
posite things. II moral action had alone been
spoken of, all confusion of ideas would have
been avoided. By moral action was intended
peaceful action such action as can be put forth
in consistence with the constitution and laws of the
country and such as is, therefore, peaceful.
It was opposed to forcible; and any one will be
convinced of this who, in reading the Declaration.
will notice how carefully the projected anti-slave-
ry movement is contrasted with the forcible part
of the American Revolution. If I am Tight in
giving this comprehensive meaning to the word
moral, al! our action was intended to be of lhat
character, whether we acted on the politics or
the religion or the commerce or the mechani-
cal, or laboring interests ol the country. It was
all moral, because persuasive and peaceful. It
was to all intents and purposes what you call a
system of moral suasion, to be followed up, as 1
believe, by a corresponding course of action
l ou say, lhat the constituent
of the "moral
fWTfjnw nl tho I nnclitnlinn nya
"teaming, an-
peal, petition, remonstrance, argument, prayer,
I3ut abolitionists have voted "irrespective of par
ty and only for those who are in favor of the
great principle ofemancipation." Now, I am un
able to see how, in virtue alone ofuny one of
these constituents, or of any number of them com
bined, an abolitionist can claim to vote at ail ; or
if it be conceded that he can vote, where is the
ground of h 13 obligation to vote for candidates
presented by two parties both, as such, hostile to
him any more than to vote lor such ns he may
himself select without any reference to these par
ties, but simply with a view to principles. ! Il
may be replied, the right to vole is a right prior
to the institution of the Society. But is any
thing gained by this? For- it may also be said
that the right to form a third party, or to vote for
a thud party if lormed by others, is iust as old
and as undeniable as the right to vote. Persons
acquire no additional political rights neither do
they lose any by joining the Society. All that
the bociety asks ol its members is to use the
rights already possessed in such a way as will
best promote the peacelul emancipation ot .Qtutiovalitiio such a measure obiccted to or even
slaves, whether it be, by influencing the existing
parties, or any other which may spring up
in the country and be more effective for that ob-
Suppose, there had been in existence at the
time of the formation of the American Society,
three, instead of two political parties in thecountry,
would the Constitution bind us to vote for any
wool them to the exclusion of the third f Or,
suppose, lhat, persons not members ol the Anti-
Slavery Society, and, therefore, not bound bv
what you believe to ba its rules in this matter,
were now to nominate as their candidates, none
but men of good moral character and of the most
pproved anti-slavery sentiments ? Where would
my excellent friend Lewis Tappan be found on the
day of the election ? I doubt not, in his proper
place, supporting the right men.
And if such a party were to rise up, setting out
with never so few honest men. who had become
disgusted at the practices of ihe two parties with
which they had heretofore ac'ed, would you be
the first lo address them on this wise? "You
had better return and vote with your old parties
they are very corrupt, it is true ; and, as parties,
tterly opposed to your views, but just as sure ns
you vote by yourselves, and set up candidates
ho truly represent your principles, and try by a
rigid adherence to them, and bv the renublican
honostv of vour lives, in win n'nr.ntlipr in .irlnni
them, you will become corrupt and go '.ho way
of all narties who have rone hpTm-p vnn. As
you vaiU3 your purity, and peace, and respectn-
hllitxr. nnri fpnr 1 1 U ncc-
ciales. fk- In,!- tn thnm nn,l nvnr mnr .ImmI.- nt
separation." You, my dear sir, would be among
the last to give such counsel and among the
from voting with such a party.
public sentiment throughout the nation "it (the
association) shall aim to convince all our fellow-
citizens, by arguments addressed to their under-
standings and consciences," dec. "we owe it to
the oppressed," &c. "to do nil that is lawfully
within our power to bring about the extinction of
slavery,' and you seem to think that every
thing that can be done, in virtue of them is inclu
ded in the following specifications found in the
Declaration." We shall organize Anti-Slave
ry Societies send forth agents lo lift up the voire
of remonstrance, of learning, of entreaty and re
buke circulate tracts and periodicals enlist the
pulpit and the press aim at the purification of
the churches, and encourage thu labor of free
Now, if the specifications include all that abo
luionists in their isocialed capacity can constitu
tionallv do, where is our authority for sending
out "financial agents, and raising money
printing other books than tracts and periodicals
for sending two gentlemen to the West Indies
explore the state of things there for sending
delegation to attend the Convention to be held in
London next June or for appealing to the "in
lerests,' the pecuniary interests of the slaveho
ders and those connected with them ? The sped
fications contained nothing of this sort. But
you reply, these things are undeniably, if not
palpably necessary to the furtherance of the cause
I grant vou, they are. But how can you adopt
them s 1 hey are not included m the specifica
lions and the specifications contain, according
to your view, a full enumeration of all the power
exercised under the constitution.
Now, I say, that the specifications, as fur as
they go, are consistent with the constitution, but
that they never were intended as a full enumera
tion of constitutional powers They are but mere
examples. 11 they were riot, where was the ne
ccssuy oi adding lo inem, that, "we shall spare
no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation
to speedy repentance !" This is not surplusage
it is intended lor some object. Uoubtless, to
cover sucn action as was not then forseen lo be
necessary to the cause, nnd-which, of course
could not bo provided lor but which might in
the vicissitudes of our national affairs become al
essential to its success. Under the
pledge contained in the constitution that we w
do "all that is lawfully within our power," ccc
we have done many things n.t incompatible
grant) with what is specified. Thcso thing
have been done, because they were cxpedien!, for
the advancement of the cause. Now, the fcrma
tion of a third party may also become expedient
for the i.ame object and if it is not forbidden bv
the laws of the country, 'and not at variance with
any provision of the constitution, or with any of
the specifications of the Declaration, (should you
choose to consider that document obligatory,)
where is the sufficient reason for not adopting the
third parly mode ol political action if it really be
more ctlective than the two party-system winch
has already so often failed us ? If lhat should be
thought the best mode of action for the extinction
of slavery, we stand pledged lo adopt it, because
it is "lawfully in our power there being noth
ing in the laws of the country or of the Society
lorbiclding it.
II your constitution be right, abolilionists can
not, in any future lime, vote for the candidate of a
lurd party without a change in the constitution
Liet us take a case then, to show how this woul
lie right in the way opposing the extinction of
slavery. We will suppose there are 39,001 votes
in this city and county that IJ.UUU ol them are
whigs 13,000 democrats and 13.000 of a thin
or anti-slavery party.
Thus they vote and are ti
the last and deciding vote
ed, whilst you have
Suppose yon were to vote for one of the two old
parties, or refuse to vote at all and should be
asked for the rea.'on of your course. Where
in the Constitution or ihe Declaration can von
find any thing forbidding you to vote for a third
party whilst you might he told, it was as "law
fully in Jour power" to vote for third party a
for the first or second.
It' strikes mc that the proceedings at Albany, in
relation to this subject, militate strongly
your constitution.
In none ot the arguments there used against
the formation of a distinct party, was the consti
hinted at. Mr. Loring, whose views deservedly
had great influence with the Convention, whilst
earnestly deprecating the formation of a third
party, did not once allude 10 it but warmly en
treated, whatever might be clone m this matter, at
a future lime, that it might be delayed for the
present. It is hardly to be supposed, if the in
stitution of a third party is so plainly unconsti
tutional a3 it now seems to you, that so nnpor-
tant a point would have been overlooked, on that
occasion, by the suillul and discriminating men
(yourself among them) who were and are still civ
posed to the measure; and lhat the lollowing
preamble and resolution would have passed with
out any serious opposition
" Whereas, the subject of nominating distinct
Anti - Slavery candidates for oflices in the gift of
me people nas ueen presented 10 mis Vyonveniion
" Resolved, That it be recommended to Aboli-
tionists to adopt such course in their respective
sections ol the country, as will, in their judgment
best subserve the cause ol immediate emancipa
To this compromise, for it was strictly such.
between the advocates and opponents of a third
party, the whole question is treated as one ot rx-
pediency. In some sections ol the country, nom-
mating distinct anli-slnverv candidates might best
suhscirvp the cause of emancipation, in others,
not. If, in the judgment of abolitionists residing
in nnrticulnr sections, il would, they were reconv
mended to nominate. . If it would not, they were
rnrnmmpnderl not to nominate. I0 INCIDENTAL
decision of a question could more nearly approach .
a direct one than this. l ins conclusion can w
ovoided only on the supposition that the question
did not occur to the convention. But this cannot
be seriously insisted upon, if the questisn is so
plainly and palpably unconstitutional as you con
sider it lo be.
Abolitionists ought to do whatever the laws of
the land, (presumed not to be inconsistent with
the divme law) permit, for tho extinction of sla
very. To this they stand pledged " to the op
pressed, lo their fellow citizens who hold slaves
to the whole country, to posterity and to God."
Because they associate together to effect a partic
ular object, they arc not on that account to be
set down as acting with delecJAtkh powers, and
therefore to be subjected lo rules of strict construc
tion as lo the extent of them. There is no dele
gation in the matter. Abolitionists associate to
gether with the view of uniting powers that have
not been delegated such as are reserved to
them as the people to accomplish a lawful end.
It could not have occurred to the Rev. penile-
man, who thought that the General Assembly of
the Presbyterian Church had cognizance of all
ecclesiasticarmattcrs not expressly forbidden in
the Book of Discipline, that the Assembly acts
not with original, but delegated powers and
that, therefore, the exercise of these powers
ought to be subjected to strict construction. AU
powers lhat the Presbyterians, as a body, have
not conferred on the General Assembly, they
have reserved, either lo subordinate tribunals, or
to themselves. The Amer ican Anti-Slavery So
ciety is a primary assembly its powers are
original, not derivative they are reserved pow
ers ; such ns belong to the members, as citizens
of the country. They can delegate powers to
others as they have to the Executive Commit
tee. I have, now, my dear sir, presented you such
views as I entertain on what you are pleased to
call my side of the question. Tfear, what I have
written is diffuse and unconnected. The only
npology Ican offer is, that I have not had time to
condense my arguments and throw them into
more logical form.
As your letter calls on me only for such opin
ions as I may entertain on the constitvtionality
of the third party movement, I could not, perhaps,
even if time were allowed me, to enter here on
the discussion of the expediency of that measure.
I pin unwilling, however, wholly lo dismiss the
subject without saying, that instead or feeling ap
prehensive of disaster to our cruise, from the ea
gerness now showing itself among abolitionists
to unite in political action, it is tome a cheering
sign of encouragement.
Our political movement, heretofore, may be com
pared to the wake of a vessel at sea never in
creasing in length no matter how many thousands
of miles she may sail. But the present movement
shows that we have discovered our mistake that
there is enough of life and spirit among us to at
tempt its correction that we are willing to act
as well as talk to overshadu , with this great
question, minor ones that have for a longtime dis
tracted portions of our friends and alienated them
from each other and that instead of resting satis
fied with still longer committing our sacred cause
to the hands of its enemies, or of mere partizans
who, almost uniformly thus far, have either bnflled
or befooled, or betrayed us, we have confidence
enough in it and in ourselves to take the political,
as we have the other parts of it, into our own keep
ing and under our own management. I look on
the independent party movement as proof, not on
ly of the greater force and energy of the anti-slavery
cause but of its greater expansion ; & lam not
more surprised at it, than I would be, at seeing the
young of a noble bird, grown too large for the nest,
and feeling its strength and courage equal to the
attempt, committing itself to the bosom-of the air,
and training its powers in the region of thunders
and lightnings and storms.
Very truly, your friend,
James G. Birney.
Arnold Burruiu. Our brother BufTbm wn
at Cincinnati at the last advices. A meeting was
advertised in the Cincinnati Gazette, on the 29th.
.1 i. .. .i i ii ' '
tuAumiAiuit'ii ny me following commendatory no
tice from a Kentucky paper of high standing.
The good report is doubtless iust. the insimmlinns
about delusion will pass for what they are worth
From the Louisville Journal, eilited by Geo. D. Prentice.
The American Anti-SIaverv Societv has iIpIp
gated ten lecturers lo the different portions of the
uniteu otates. ' . xtiey have sent Mr. Arnold Buf
fum to Indiana1 We used to know Mr. Buffum
very intimately; we lived within a few vnrds of
him nearly ten years. He is a fine old'Oimker
gentleman, talented, energetic, eloquent, and pos
sessed of as benevolent a heart as ever throbbed
m a human bosom. However denlorable mar ho
his delusion upon the subiect of nboliiion.
now him to be honest in it ; and we sincerplir
hope, that, during his pilgrimage in the West, a
way from the interesting and high-souled daugh
ters that bless his domestic fire-side, he will be
treated with no personal unkindncss.
Richard Rohert Madden, M. D. This gen
emen sailed from this rort in the shin Roscins.
on Monday, 25th ult., leaving his deposition with
respcel lo his knowledge of facts relative to the
Africans of the Amistad, in the District Court nf
Connecticut, and with' respect lo the same, and
lis knowledge of Ruiz, in the Court of Common
Picas in this city. The substance of his deposition
has found its way into the newspapers, and the
facts disclosed will astound the people of thiscouu-
Jt will be found in nnother column. Doc
tor Madden has visited Washington, and laid be
fore the President of the United Slates and the
British Minister, important testimony with re
gard to the captured Africans, and the iniquitous
proceedings in the Island of Cuba. This zeolous
philanthropist, during his short visit to this coun
try, has performed an important service to tha
caiL-e of humanity.
B. F. Butler," Esq., U. S. Attorney for this
District, nssisied by Mr. Purroy, the Spanish At
torney, in.taking the J.'s deposition to use in the
suits against Ruiz and ?,louiez here. About four
hours was consumed in taking it. Dr. II. after-
warns remarked that, every t"mg in the testing
ny that could in any wise appear favorable to the
cause of the negroes, wns objected toby the Uni-
ijd SfitPS Attonipy
Both here and at Hartford,
lit onH ti, r,i,.. tt c
the whole legal wei

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